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Lampron—Castle of Armenian Cilicia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

F. C. R. Robinson  and
P. C. Hughes
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Extract

In this article the historical importance of Lampron, and the architecture of the castle as it stands at present, are described. The work was done during the summer vacation of 1966.

For simplification of description in the text the longer axis of the castle is assumed to run north–south. The scale that appears in some photographs is marked in ½ metre divisions, with an additional short length at the top.

“… tous les seigneurs de ce château se révoltent parce qu'ils le savent imprenable.”

(Leo the Great of Cilician Armenia)

The fief was the source of medieval military authority. The castle at the centre of the fief was its focal point. From it the baron derived all his power. It was, in a disturbed world, his insurance of safety. Much depended on its strength.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 19 , December 1969 , pp. 183 - 207
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1969

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References

1 Alishan, L. M., Léon le Magnifique premier roi de Sissouan ou de l'Arménocilicie traduit par Byan, Le P. Georges. p. 246Google Scholar. Quoted by Alishan but he does not give the reference in the chronicle.

2 Lampron: the name employed by the Armenian Chroniclers. In a French map of the thirteenth century it is designated “Les Embruns”, the Arabs gave it the name “Namroun”, which the town that grew up around it assumed, while recently the Turkish Government in their language purification programme have renamed the area “Cumliyaila..”.

3 SirRunciman, S., History of the Crusades (Peregrine edition, 1965) Vol. I p. 196Google Scholar; also the opinion of Guiragos the Royal Historian as quoted in Alishan L. M. op. cit. p. 264.

4 Alishan, L. M., Armeno—Veneto: Compendio Storico e Documenti delle Relazione degli Armeni coi Veneziani (Venice, 1893), pp. 13–14Google Scholar importance of Aias, and pp. 41–65 development of Venetian relations with the court of Sis.

5 For further discussion and the sources see Der Nersessian, S. “Cilician Armenia” in Setton, K. M., The History of the Crusades (1962–1965) Vol. II (1965), p. 633Google Scholar.

6 Tournebize, F., Histoire politique et religeuse de l'Arménie (Paris 1910) p. 169Google Scholar.

7 “Sebastos” is the equivalent of the Roman title “Augustus”. Gregory the Priest mentions that Vasil was “Sebastos”, Dulaurier's footnote informs that this dignity was also bestowed on Oshin, and Roupen, . Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, publ. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (Paris 1841–1906Google Scholar), Documents Arméniens ed. Dulaurier, (1869–1906), Vol. I, p. 165Google Scholar. (Henceforth RHC. Arm.).

8 RHC. Arm., I, p. 33 fn. 2Google Scholar, and Runciman, Sir S., op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 53–4.

9 Matthew of Edessa, see Laurent, J., “Les Arméniens de Cilicie”, in Mélanges Schlumberger (Paris 1924), Vol. I, pp. 159–168Google Scholar.

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12 Laurent, J., op. cit.

13 The Constable Sempad, , Chronicle of the Kingdom of Little Armenia, in RHC. Arm., I, p. 619Google Scholar.

14 Runciman, Sir S., op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 211–12, 412–14.

15 The Constable Sempad, loc. cit.

16 ibid. p. 624.

17 Vahram of Edessa, Rhyming Chronicle of the Kings of Little Armenia, RHC. Arm., I, pp. 509–10Google Scholar.

18 It is not exactly clear from the sources why Bohemond treated Roupen thus. Vahram of Edessa says that he acted as an ally of Hethoum and captured Roupen treacherously at a banquet, Vahram of Edessa ibid., p. 509–10. The Constable Sempad claims that it was because of Roupen's debauchery, Chronicle of the Kingdom of Little Armenia, quoted in Tournebize, F., op. cit., p. 183. The Chronicle of Michael the Syrian makes no mention of the siege of Lampron or of Roupen's supposed debauchery and says only that Bohemond laid an ambush for Roupen and imprisoned him: Chronique de Michel le Grand, traduite par Langlois, Victor (Venice, 1868), p. 349Google Scholar.

19 Vahram of Edessa, op. cit., p. 509–10.

20 Alishan, L. M., Léon le Magnifique … p. 263Google Scholar.

21 Leo II, 1186–1219, first Armenian king in Cilicia, crowned with the approval of Innocent III and Frederick Barbarossa at Tarsus in 1198. Reigned in Cilician Armenia in its period of greatest prosperity. Did much towards orientating his lands westwards; cast the old Armenian feudal system in a mould copied from the Franks; latinised the Court, and established the authority of the Latin Assizes of Antioch. Eulogised by Michael the Syrian, Chronique de Michel le Grand, op. cit., pp. 359–60.

22 Alishan's own view. Alishan, L. M., ibid. p. 263.

23 This story is told by Tournebize. Unfortunately he gives no sources. Tournebize, F., op. cit., p. 206.

24 See note 1.

25 Hethoum reigned 1226–1268. First of the Hethoumid family to become king. Patron of letters and the arts. His contemporary Michael the Syrian claimed “il acquiert de plus en plus la sagesse et la prudence” (Chronique de Michel le Grand, op. cit., p. 360–1Google Scholar.) With that of Leo his reign marks the apogee of Armenian fortunes in Cilicia although difficulties became more and more pressing towards the end.

26 Runciman, Sir S., op. cit., Vol. III, pp. 171–3.

27 RHC. Arm., I, Introduction, pp. cxviii–cxixGoogle Scholar.

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29 Born 1208, died 1276. Author of the Chronicle of the kingdom of Little Armenia, Constable of Barbaron, a castle close to Lampron. Foremost of the lay scholars of Cilicia, military commander, historian, ambassador (1247 sent on an embassy to the Court of the Great Khan), translator of the Assizes of Antioch and patron of the arts (1275 he commissioned copyists and miniaturists to produce a very beautiful illustrated gospel—see Dournovo, L. A., Armenian Miniatures, Paris, 1961, pp. 94–9Google Scholar).

30 Tournebize, op. cit., p. 209.

31 18 January, 1237, Gregory IX to the Baron Constantine (letters of Gregory IX, I. x., letters 318, 320—Raynaldi, 1237, No. 86) and 18 January, 1237 Gregory IX to Hethoum (Bibl. Imp.M.S.L. Duth., R. L. 56, 57.) Quoted in Langlois, V., Essai historique et critique …, pp. 6–7Google Scholar.

32 Tournebize, F., op. cit., p. 209.

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34 Runciman, Sir S., op. cit., Vol. III, p. 449.

35 For a list of these see Alishan, L. M., op. cit., Appendix C.

36 See “Réflexions sur les institutions de l'église et explication de la messe”, and “Lettre adressée au roi Léon II”, in RHC. Arm., I, pp. 569 ff. and 579 ffGoogle Scholar.

37 For a list of those who followed Nerses, Alishan, L. M., op. cit., pp. 342–3.

38 Dournovo, L. A., Armenian Miniatures (Paris, 1961), p. 78Google Scholar.

39 Langlois, V., Voyage dans la Cilicie et dans les montagnes du Taurus (Paris, 1861Google Scholar).

40 Lucas, P., Voyage en Asie Mineure (Paris, 1712), Vol. I., pp. 353–6Google Scholar.

41 Cf. Gough, M., “Anazarbus”, AS. II (1952), 122–3Google Scholar.

42 Cf. Youngs, G. R., “Three Cilician Castles”, AS. XV, 115Google Scholar (Tumlu), 119 (Gökvelioğlu), 127 (Yilan), and Dunbar, J. G., “The Castle of Vahga”, AS. XIV, 177Google Scholar.

43 Gough, M., AS. II, 121Google Scholar.

page 205 note 1 Langlois, V., Voyage dans la Cilicie … op. cit.

page 207 note 1 Youngs, G. R., “Three Cilician Castles,” AS. XV, pp. 118, 125, 133Google Scholar. Further details in his unpublished report of 1962.

page 207 note 2 Langlois, V., Essai historique et critique …, p. 81Google Scholar.