Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-tf8b9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-28T14:05:27.239Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Iron in Anatolia and the Nature of the Hittite Iron Industry

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

J. D. Muhly ,
R. Maddin ,
T. Stech  and
E. Özgen
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The development of the skills necessary for working in iron, making possible the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age, has long been regarded as one of the major break-throughs in man's technological history. For Lewis Henry Morgan, writing in 1877, the smelting of iron ore was a development on a par with the domestication of animals (Morgan 1877:39):

“The most advanced portion of the human race were halted, so to express it, at certain stages of progress, until some great invention or discovery, such as the domestication of animals or the smelting of iron ore, gave a new and powerful impulse forward.”

The importance of the appearance of iron as a practical, utilitarian metal has usually been seen in terms of a military context. With iron it was possible to produce weapons not only superior to those of bronze but also much cheaper. These improvements made it possible to arm a large peasant infantry in order to challenge the military superiority of the chariot forces of the Late Bronze Age aristocracy, armed with bronze weapons.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 35 , December 1985 , pp. 67 - 84
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1985

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Albandakis, N., 181. “The nickel-bearing iron-ores in Greece.” In An international symposium on metallogeny of mafic and ultramafic complexes: the eastern Mediterranean—western Asia areas, and its comparison with similar metallogenic environments in the world, Vol. I, ed. Augustithis, S. S.. Athens (National Technical University): 194–213.Google Scholar
Bachmann, H.-G., 1967. “Untersuchung einer vermutlich hethitischen Eisenschlacke aus Şırzı (Malatya), Türkei.” Archiv für das Eisenhüttenwesen 38: 809–12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bachmann, H.-G., 1970. “Eisenschlacken aus Eski Kâhta (Vil. Adiyaman), Südost-Türkei.” Archiv für das Eisenhüttenwesen 41: 731–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bayard, D., 1984. “Agriculture, Metallurgy and State Formation in Mainland Southeast Asia.” Current Anthropology, 25: 103–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Boehmer, R. M., 1972. Die Kleinfunde von Boğazköy aus den Grabungskampagnen 1952–69. Boğazköy-Hattuša VII. Berlin (Gebr. Mann Verlag).Google Scholar
Boehmer, R. M., 1979. Die Kleinfunde aus der Unterstadt von Boğazköy. Boğazköy-Hattuša X. Berlin (Gebr. Mann Verlag).Google Scholar
Champion, T. C., 1980. “The early development of iron-working.” Nature 284/5756: 513–14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Davis, D., Maddin, R., Muhly, J. D. and Stech., T., 185. “A steel pick from Mount Adir in the northern Galilee.” JNES 44: 41–51.Google Scholar
Dörner, F. K. et al. 1965. “Arsameia am Nymphaios. Bericht über die 1963 und 1964 ausgeführten Ausgrabungen.” AA 1965: 188–235.Google Scholar
Drews, R., 1976. “The earliest Greek settlements on the Black Sea.” JHS 96: 18–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Easton, D., 1984. “Schliemann's mendacity—a false trail?” Antiquity 58: 197–204.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gottwald, N. K., 1979. The Tribes of Yahweh. A Sociology of the Religion of Liberated Israel, 1250–1050 B.C.E. Maryknoll, N.Y. (Orbis Books).Google Scholar
Hallo, W. W., 1980. “Lugalbanda excavated.” JAOS 103: 165–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Healy, J. F., 1978. Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World. London (Thames & Hudson).Google Scholar
Helvaci, C., 1984. “Apatite-rich iron deposits of the Avnik (Bingöl) region, southeastern Turkey.” Economic Geology 70: 354–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kellerman, G., 1980. Recherche sur les rituels de fondation hittites. Paris (Thèse présentée à l'Université de Paris-1).Google Scholar
Kilian, K., 1983. “Ausgrabungen in Tiryns 1981.” AA 277–328.Google Scholar
Knox, R., 1963. “Detection of iron carbide structure in the oxide remains of ancient steel.” Archaeometry 5: 44–5.Google Scholar
Košak, S., 1982. Hittite Inventory Texts (CTH 241–50). Heidelberg (Carl Winter Verlag: TdH, 10).Google Scholar
Košak, S., 1985. “The gospel of iron.” In Kaniššuwar: A Tribute to H. G. Güterbock on his 75th Birthday. Chicago (Univ. of Chicago Press).Google Scholar
Koşay, H. Z. und Akok., M., 1966. Ausgrabungen von Alaca Hüyük—Vorbericht über die Forschungen und Entdeckungen von 1940–48. Ankara.Google Scholar
Laroche, E., 1973. “Contacts linguistiques et culturels entre la Grèce et l'Asie Mineure au deuxième millénaire.” REG 86: XVII–XIX.Google Scholar
Laroche, E., 1976–1977. Glossaire de la langue hourrite (RHA XXXIV–XXXV). Paris.Google Scholar
Lattimore, R. (translator)., 1959. Hesiod, the Works and Days, Theogony and the Shield of Herakles. Ann Arbor (Univ. of Michigan Press).Google Scholar
Limet, H., 184. “Documents relatifs au fer à Mari.” M.A.R.I. 3: 191–6.Google Scholar
Maddin, R., 1982. “Early iron technology in Cyprus.” In Early Metallurgy in Cyprus, eds. Muhly, J. D., Maddin, R. and Karageorghis, V.. Nicosia (Pierides Foundation): 303–12.Google Scholar
Maddin, R., Muhly, J. D. and Waldbaum, J., 1983. “Metallurgical analysis of an early Iron Age laminated iron tool.” In Waldbaum, J. et al. Metalwork from Sardis: The Finds Through 1974. Cambridge, Mass. (Harvard U.P.): 178–80.Google Scholar
Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R., 1972. “The metals amūtu and aši'u in the Kültepe texts.” AS 22: 159–62.Google Scholar
Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R., 1974. “Assyrian Sources of Iron.” Iraq 36: 139–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R., 1980. “A Note on the Jewellery Listed in the Inventory of Manninni (CTH 504).” AS 30: 85–90.Google Scholar
McClellan, J. A., 1975. The Iron Objects from Gordion, a typological and functional analysis. Unpubl. Ph.d. Dissertation, Univ. of Pennsylvania.Google Scholar
McNeill, W. H., 1982. The Pursuit of Power. Technology, Armed Force, and Society since A.D. 1000. Chicago (Univ. of Chicago Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Melchert, H. C., 1983. “Pudenda Hethitica.” JCS 35: 137–45.Google Scholar
Mellink, M. J., 1984. “Archaeology in Asia Minor.” AJA 88: 441–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Meriggi, P., 1975. Manuale di eteo geroglifico, II/2–3. Roma (Edizioni dell'Ateneo: Incunabula Graeca, XV*).Google Scholar
Morgan, L. H., 1877. Ancient Society. New York (Holt).Google Scholar
Mposkos, E., 1981. “The Ni–Fe laterite ores of Almopia zone.” In An international symposium on metallogeny of mafic and ultramafic complexes: the eastern Mediterranean—western Asia areas, and its comparison with similar metallogenic environments in the world, Vol. I, ed. Augustithis, S. S.. Athens (National Technical University): 317–37.Google Scholar
Muhly, J. D., 1982. “How iron technology changed the ancient world and gave the Philistines a military edge.” Biblical Archaeology Review VIII/6: 40–54.Google Scholar
Muhly, J. D., 1983. “On the Philistines.” Review of Dothan, T., The Philistines and their Material Culture. In The Quarterly Review of Archaeology 4/4: 5–6.Google Scholar
Needham, J., 1958. The Development of Iron and Steel Technology in China. London (Newcomen Society). Reprinted in 1964 (Heffer, Cambridge) and 1975 (Cambridge U.P.).Google Scholar
Neu, E., 1974. Der Anitta-Text. Wiesbaden (Otto Harrassowitz: Studien zu den Boğazköy-Texten, 18).Google Scholar
Nishiwaki, C., 1970. “Iron ore deposits of the Middle East, Asia and the Far East.” In Survey of World Iron Ore Resources, Occurrence and Appraisal. Report of a Panel of Experts appointed by the Secretary-General. New York (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs): 102–206.Google Scholar
Phillips, G. B., 1924. “The claims of india for the early production of iron.” American Anthropologist 26: 350–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Piaskowski, J., 1982. “A study of the origin of the ancient high-nickel iron generally regarded as meteoritic.” In Early Technology, eds. Wertime, T. A. and Wertime, S. F.. Washington, D. C. (Smithsonian Institution): 237–43.Google Scholar
Pigott, V. C., McGovern, P. E. and Notis, M. R.., 1982. “The earliest steel from Transjordan.” MASCA Journal 2: 35–9.Google Scholar
Planhol, X. de., 1963. “Geographica Pontica, I–II.” JA 251: 293–309.Google Scholar
Postgate, J. N., 1973. “Assyrian texts and fragments.” Iraq 35: 13–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Richardson, H. C., 1943. “A Mitannian battle axe from Ras Shamra.” Berytus 8: 72.Google Scholar
Roesch, K., 1975. “Kommagene das Land ubi ferrum nascitur.” Antike Welt 6 (Sondernummer): 15–17.Google Scholar
Schaaber, O., Müller, H. und Lehnert., I., 1977. “Metallkundliche Untersuchungen zur Frühgeschichte der Metallurgie.” Archäologie und Naturwissenschaft 1: 221–68.Google Scholar
Schaeffer, C. F. A., 1939. “Une hache d'armes mitannienne de Ras Shamra.” In Ugaritica I. Paris (Institut Français d'archéologie de Beyrouth, Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 31, Mission de Ras Shamra 3): 107–25.Google Scholar
Schliemann, H., 1881. Ilios: The City and Country of the Trojans. London (John Murray).Google Scholar
Schmidt, H., 1902. Heinrich Schliemanns Sammlung trojanischer Altertümer. Berlin (Georg Reiner).Google Scholar
Sillitoe, P., 1979. “Stone versus steel.” Mankind 12: 151–61.Google Scholar
Smith, R. H., Maddin, R., Muhly, J. D. and Stech., T., 1984. “Bronze Age steel from Pella.” Current Anthropology 25: 234–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stech-Wheeler, T., Muhly, J. D., Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R. and Maddin, R., 1981. “Iron at Taanach and early iron metallurgy in the Eastern Mediterranean.” AJA 85: 245–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stronach, D. B., 1957. “The development and diffusion of metal types in Early Bronze Age Anatolia.” AS 7: 89–125.Google Scholar
Tylecote, R. F., 1981. “Iron sands from the Black Sea.” AS 31: 137–39.Google Scholar
Vaiman, A. A., 1972. “A comparative study of the Proto-Elamite and Proto-Sumerian scripts.” Vestnik Drevnej Istorii 1972–1973: 124–32 (in Russian, with English summary, p. 133).Google Scholar
Vaiman, A. A., 1982. “Eisen in Sumer.” In Vorträge gehalten auf der 28. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Wien (6–10 Juli 1981). Horn, Austria (Archiv für Orientforschung, Beiheft 19): 35–8.Google Scholar
Van Loon, M., 1978. Korucutepe. Vol. 2. Amsterdam (Allard Pierson Foundation, Studies in Ancient Civilization).Google Scholar
Varoufakis, G., 1981. “Investigation of some Minoan and Mycenaean Iron Objects.” In Frühes Eisen in Europa, ed. Haefner, H.. Schaffhausen (Verlag Peter Meili): 25–32.Google Scholar
Varoufakis, G., 1982. “The origin of Mycenaean and Geometric iron on the Greek mainland and in the Aegean islands.” In Early Metallurgy in Cyprus, eds. Muhly, J. D., Maddin, R. and Karageorghis, V.. Nicosia (Pierides Foundation): 315–22.Google Scholar
Wäfler, M., 1980–1981. “Zum assyrisch-urartäischen Westkonflikt.” Acta praehistorica et archaeologica 11/12: 79–98.Google Scholar
Waldbaum, J. C., 1978. From Bronze to Iron. Göteborg (Paul Åströms Förlag: Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, 54).Google Scholar
Waldbaum, J. C., 1980. “The first archaeological appearance of iron and the transition to the Iron Age.” In The Coming of the Age of Iron, eds. Wertime, T. A. and Muhly, J. D.. New Haven (Yale U.P.): 69–98.Google Scholar
Wason, C. R., 1978. “Iron and steel.” Acta Antiqua 26 (1978): 269–74.Google Scholar
Weidner, E. F., 1935–1936. “Aus den Tagen eines assyrischen Schattenkönigs.” AfO 10: 1–52.Google Scholar
White, J. C., 1982. Discovery of a Lost Bronze Age. Ban Chiang. Philadelphia (University of Pennsylvania, University Museum).Google Scholar