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Byzantine Malagina and the Lower Sangarius

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Clive Foss
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Extract

Malagina was a place of considerable strategic importance in the Byzantine period, from the Dark Ages until the final collapse of imperial rule in Asia Minor. Frequent mentions in the sources indicate that it was a major base, a station on the route of imperial armies to the East, and the seat of the stables from which the expeditions were supplied. It had an administration of its own, and grew in importance as the Empire shrank. Although its general location, on the Sangarius river, has never been in doubt, the site has so far failed to be convincingly identified, in spite of serious attempts. Thanks to investigations in the field, it is now possible to provide Malagina with a precise location, and to identify and describe its fortress, whose remains add considerably to our knowledge of the site and its history. For the sake of completeness, these remains will be discussed in the context of what is known of the Byzantine and Ottoman history of the site.

The first appearance of Malagina is in a curious text, an apocalyptic prophecy attributed to St. Methodius, but actually dating from the late seventh century. Its chronology can be determined from its forecast that the Arabs would break into Constantinople. Although that never happened, the prophecy has reasonably been associated with the great siege of 674–8. In preparation for that attack, the Arabs would, it announces, divide their forces into three parts, of which one would winter in Ephesus, another in Pergamum, and the third in Malagina. Although this provides no specific information about the site, it shows that Malagina was then considered an important military base, a likely goal for an Arab attack. It may also indicate that the place was actually taken and occupied by the Arabs on that occasion. In any case, Malagina was in existence by the seventh century.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anatolian Studies , Volume 40 , December 1990 , pp. 161 - 183
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute at Ankara 1990

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References

1 See, most recently, the valuable study of Şahin, S., “Malagina/Melagina am Sangarios”, Epigraphica Anatolica 7 (1986) 153–166Google Scholar, with full citation of sources and discussion of earlier proposals. That my conclusions are different from his does not reduce my appreciations of Dr. Şahin's careful work.

2 I discovered the fort in question in 1982, and briefly described its remains in Foss, C. and Winfield, D., Byzantine Fortifications (Pretoria 1986) 140, 147–8Google Scholar.

3 Die Apokalypse des Ps. Methodios, ed. Lolos, A. (Meissenheim 1976) 120Google Scholar; the relevance of this text was noted by Şahin, S. in Katalog der antiken Inschriften des Museums von Iznik (Nikaia) II.3 (Bonn 1987) 150Google Scholar.

4 Theophanes, ed. C. de Boor (Leipzig 1883) 462.

5 Theophanes 473; for the expedition and identification of its leader, see Brooks, E. W., “Byzantines and Arabs in the Time of the Early Abbasids”, EHR 15 (1900) 14Google Scholar.

6 Theophanes 479.

7 La Vita retractata et les miracles posthumes de Saint Pierre d'Atroa, ed. Laurent, V. = Subsidia Hagiographica 31 (Bruxelles 1958) 163Google Scholar. For Mesonesos, see below.

8 Vita Eustratii in Papadopulos-Kerameus, A., Analekta Ierosolymitikēs Stachyologias (St. Petersburg 1898) IV.398Google Scholar.

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10 Genesius, ed. A. Lesmueller and I. Thurn (Berlin 1978) 81. The event apparently took place between 870 and 877; cf. Theoph. Cont. 284–6, Scylitzes 143.

11 Khordadbeh, Ibn, Kitāb al-Masālik w'al-Mamālik, ed. de Goeje, M. J. in Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum 6.102, 113Google Scholar.

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13 For what follows, see Porphyrogenitus, Constantine, de Ceremoniis, ed. Reiske, I. (Bonn 1829) 476, 486fGoogle Scholar. For the organization of the stables, see Oikonomides, N., Les listes de préséance byzantines (Paris 1972) 338f.Google Scholar

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16 Cinnamus 127f., inserted in the narrative of 1154, but plainly referring to an earlier event.

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18 Cinnamus 294.

19 Choniates 462.

20 Notitiae episcopatuum ecclesiae constantinopolitanae, ed. Darrouzès, J. (Paris 1981) not. 12.147 and p. 128Google Scholar; see also n. 24 below.

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22 Tafel, G. and Thomas, G., Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig (Vienna 1856) 478Google Scholar. This text raises problems which will be discussed, though not solved, below.

23 Xanthopoulos, Th., “Sceau de Manuel Lykaitès”, EO 5 (1901/1902) 161–4Google Scholar; republished by Laurent, V. in Les bulles métriques dans la sigillographie byzantine (Athens 1932)Google Scholar no. 407. For its significance, see Angold, M., A Byzantine Government in Exile (Oxford) 1975) 245Google Scholar.

24 Metropolitan: Notitiae (above, n. 20) 164, not. 15.189; archbishopric: ibid. 168–70, not. 15.182, 18.141; bishops: Miklosich, M. and Müller, J., Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi (Vienna 1860) I.109Google Scholar (1256); Pachymeres, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn 1835) I.102.

25 Pachymeres, ed. Bekker, II.413; for the circumstances, see Arnakis, G., Hoi Protoi Othomanoi (Athens 1947) 142–155Google Scholar.

26 Genoese: Belgrano, L. T., “Studi e documenti sulla Colonia genovese di Pera”, Atti della Societa ligure di storia patria 13 (1877) 149Google Scholar; my thanks to Dr. Stephen Reinert for this reference. Saint: cited by Şahin (above, n. 1) 159; since the text is not accessible to me, it is not possible to discuss the topographical problems it raises. “Melania”: Miklosich and Müller (above, n. 24) II.561; “Melaina”: Ducas, ed. V. Grecu (Bucharest 1958) 169.

27 See the careful discussion of Şahin (above n. 1) 164 ff.; some of his argument depends on the identification of Mesonesos, for which see below. Şahin summarizes earlier proposals 153 f.; cf. Laurent (above, n. 7) 66–70.

28 See above, n. 15.

29 This bridge spanned the middle course of the river, far to the east of Dorylaeum, perhaps south of Pessinus: see the most recent discussion in Belke, K., Galatien und Lykaonien (Tabula Imperii Byzantini 4, Vienna 1984) 246Google Scholar.

30 This narrative is based on the closely parallel accounts of Attaliates (ed. I. Bekker, Bonn 1853) 189–193, 198 and Nicephorus Bryennius (ed. P. Gautier, Bruxelles 1975) 173–5, 179.

31 See already Ramsay, W. M., The Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London 1890) 188Google Scholar.

32 See the excellent description of Colmar, Freiherr von der Goltz, in Anatolische Ausflüge (Berlin 1896) 118–121Google Scholar.

33 Şahin, (above n. 3) II. 1 (Bonn 1981) 23 already perspicaciously suggested that Malagina should be sought in this plain.

34 See French, D. H., Roman Roads and Milestones of Asia Minor: I. The Pilgrim's Road (BAR International Series 105, Oxford 1981)Google Scholar, with Map 3.

35 See above, n. 11.

36 This itinerary poses other problems, for which Şahin (above, n. 1) 160–164 offers a solution. His identification of Hisn al-Ghabra with Geyve is appealing but uncertain since the actual form of the name cannot be determined. To call the bridge of Justinian and a possible harbour near it al-Khalij (“The Gulf”, a name usually applied to the Bosporus) seems implausible. This subject needs further investigation, based on a critical edition of the text.

37 Von der Goltz (above, n. 32) 121, 403, with map, 400.

38 Şahin (above, n. 1) 164 f., though without mention of the fort.

39 See Robert, L.: “Un voyage d'Antiphilos de Byzance”, JSavants 1979. 257–294Google Scholar.

40 Theophanes 397.

41 See von Diest's, exemplary study, “Die Landschaft zwischen Nicaea und Nicomedia”, Asien 2 (1903) 149–153, 172–192 at 190Google Scholar, and for an appreciation of his work in general, Robert, L., A Travers l'Asie Mineure (Paris 1980) 28–30Google Scholar.

42 Von Diest (previous note) 191 f. His evidence is confirmed by the Turkish 1:200000 map, which is generally extremely accurate.

43 I chose the site for this exploration because it appeared on the map of Şahin (above, n. 3) and is briefly mentioned, p. 23 n. 12, with its altitude. Dr. Şahin apparently did not visit the site.

44 Further study should also be devoted to the spoils, present here in enormous quantity. Their abundance suggests the proximity of an important ancient site, no doubt that already posited by Şahin (above, n. 3) 23 as the origin of the spoils in the large necropolis of Bacıkoy, about 4 km. southwest of the castle.

45 For analysis of the building periods, in the context of parallel developments, see Foss and Winfield (above, n. 2) 140, 146–9, 162, 165 f.

46 Von Diest (above, n. 41) 192.

47 Aşikpaşazade, ed. Ali (Istanbul 1332AH), 23, 26; ed. Atsız, C. N. in Osmanlı Tarihleri (Istanbul 1947) 107, 109Google Scholar. I do not know a place in the region which corresponds to Kara Cebiş, but the remains called Çoban Kale on the left bank of the Sangarius in the gorge north of Geyve, though small and poorly preserved, are late Byzantine and may correspond. They would hardly justify the elaborate siege which the tradition records, but evidently represent a site of some importance, for von der Goltz (above, n. 32) 108–110 records piers of a bridge below the castle which was thus intended to guard a river crossing.

48 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, tr. Gibb, H. (Cambridge 1962) 454 f.Google Scholar

49 Choniates 197 f.

50 Angold (above, n. 23) 48 f.

51 Choniates 640.

52 The text which mentions these wars without giving any clear geographic details was discovered and analysed by Cahen, C. in “Questions d'histoire de la province de Kastamonu au XIIe siècle”, Selcuklu Araştırmaları Dergisi 3 (1971) 145–158Google Scholar.

53 Mesothynia: Pachymeres, ed. Failler 42; Tarsia: Acropolites 163.

54 Transfer of troops: Pachymeres, ed. Failler 402 (referring to the soldiers as Halizones, a term derived from Homer and used to refer to this region); losses: ibid. 405.

55 Pachymeres, ed. Failler 599 f., 633–7.

56 Theodore Metochites, Basilikoi logoi (unpublished), cited by Laiou, A., Constantinople and the Latins (Cambridge Mass. 1972) 76–79Google Scholar.

57 Pachymeres, ed. Bekker II. 188–92; for the circumstances, see Laiou (previous note) 79 f.; and for the Halizones, above, n. 54.

58 See below, p. 178.

59 Kabaia: Pachymeres, ed. Bekker I.419.

60 von Diest, W., Von Pergamon über den Dindymos zum Pontos (Petermanns Mitteilungen, Erg.-Heft 94, 1889) 92 fGoogle Scholar.

61 von Diest, W., Von Tilsitt nach Angora (Petermanns Mitteilungen, Erg.-Heft 125, 1898) 65Google Scholar.

62 Anna Comnena XIV.v.7 (ed. B. Leib, Paris 1945, III.168).

63 See Foss, C., Survey of Medieval Castles of Anatolia I: Kutahya (BAR International Series 261, Oxford 1985) 111 f.Google Scholar

64 Anna Comnena XV.i.5 (ed. Leib III.190); for Aer, see Ramsay (above, n. 31) 185.

65 This area was already suggested by Ramsay (above, n. 31) 208.

66 Ibn Khordadbeh (above, n. 11) 113. The names “Arandisy” and “Afarsus” have numerous possible alternative readings.

67 See above, n. 7.

68 Pachymeres, ed. Bekker, II.460; for the emir Ali, see Zachariadou, E., “Pachymeres on the ‘Amourioi’ of Kastamonu”, BMGS 3 (1977) 57–70Google Scholar.

69 Laurent (above, n. 7) 70–74.

70 Şahin (above, n. 1) 165 f.

71 Pachymeres II.330 f.

72 For the bridge and the changes of the river, see Whitby, M., “The Sangarius Bridge and Procopius”, JHS 105 (1985) 129–148CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with full references.

73 The text is unpublished, but the relevant phrase is cited by Janin, R., Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Paris 1975) 103Google Scholar n. 1.

74 See Eroz, M. and Alpan, S., Adapazarı Tarihçesi ve Sakarya Coğrafyası (Istanbul 1968) 7Google Scholar, with reference to a work inaccessible to me: Balcioğlu, T., Adapazarı Tarihi ve Coğrafyası (Istanbul 1952)Google Scholar.

75 The best descriptions are those of General von der Goltz (above, n. 32) 386–397, who travelled here in 1890, and of Captain, later Colonel, von Diest, who first visited the region in 1886: Von Pergamon über den Dindymos zum Pontos (above, n. 60) 92–95, and returned in 1895: Von Tilsitt nach Angora (above, n. 61) 65–72. Both were extremely acute observers of the landscape, antiquities and contemporary society; but their careful descriptions rarely receive the attention they deserve. Von Diest, in particular, was highly aware of topographical problems, and proposed the solution of many: see below.

76 See the discussion, with extracts from the travellers, in Robert (above, n. 41) 22 f.

77 For these monasteries, see Janin (above, n. 73) 93, 102 f.

78 Eroz and Alpan (above, n. 74) 8–10; see the whole of this work for local geographic conditions and crops.

79 See above, n. 22.

80 It is most recently discussed by Louis Robert (above, n. 41) 11–128 passim; for the Byzantine variant, Plousias, and sources of the period, see Janin (above, n. 73) 176 f.

81 Stephanus of Byzantium, ed. A. Meineke (Berlin 1849) s.v. Tarsos (= FGrH IIIC.699.2)Google Scholar.

82 Quoted in Geoponica, ed. Beckh, H. (Leipzig 1849) IV. 1.3Google Scholar.

83 See AASS Aug. I.325 fGoogle Scholar.

84 Eustathius: see Papadopulos-Kerameus (above, n. 8) IV.369. Tarsiatai; Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Thematibus (ed. Pertusi, A., Vatican 1952) 70Google Scholar.

85 Choniates 245, 423.

86 See above, n. 53.

87 Von Diest (above, n. 60) 92–95.

88 Von der Goltz (above, n. 32) 390.

89 Von Diest (above, n. 61) 65; for the plain, see 65–72.

90 See the discussion of this passage of the Partitio Romanie by Zakythenos, D., “Meletai peri tēs dioiketikēs diaireseōs en tō Byzantinō kratei”, EEBS 25 (1955) 132–4Google Scholar, and Janin (above, n. 73) 90. Classical scholars, on the other hand, have not been ignorant of the location: see the article of W. Ruge, “Tarsos 2” in RE; Kiepert, H., Formae orbis antiqui, ed. Kiepert, R. (Berlin 1894) VIII.2Google Scholar; and Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950) 1185Google Scholar.

91 See Zakythenos (previous note), referring to Choniates 16.

92 I have not been able, however, to locate an example of metabole used in this sense.