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Woodrow Wilson's Use of the Non-Recognition Policy in Costa Rica
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
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Of all Woodrow Wilson's foreign policies, none is more deserving of criticism than his non-recognition policy. This policy, initiated by the President within a week after his accession to office on March 4, 1913, in response to the news of violent revolutionary disturbances in Mexico and Nicaragua, was primarily predicated on Wilson's assumption that the best way to prevent the recurrence of revolutions in Caribbean nations would be to warn all would-be revolutionists that they could expect no political or financial support from the United States. Ultimately he hoped that he could end the threat of revolution and induce all Latin American nations to abide by constitutional and democratic forms of government.
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- Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1965
References
1 For a good collection of Wilson’s early policy statements, see Robinson, E.E. and West, V.J., The Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson (New York, 1918)Google Scholar; on his reaction to the revolutions, see Houston, David F., Eight Years with Wilson’s Cabinet (2 vols.; Garden City, N. Y., 1926), I, 44.Google Scholar
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4 Hale to Bryan, September 30, 1914, D. S. File 818.00/46. Dana Munro, a Latin American authority and later a member of the Latin American Division in Harding's administration, was then studying in Central America. Because he opposed Wilson’s Mexican policy and spoke freely on Costa Rican political affairs, Hale disapproved of him. Munro believed that Costa Rican political tranquillity rested upon the fact that land ownership was widespread and that the majority of whites were less susceptible to revolution. Hale to Bryan, October 30, 1914, D. S. File 818.00/47.
5 Costa Rican claims rested upon the Cañas Jérez Treaty of 1858 and the Grover Cleveland Award based upon that treaty. Wilson may have appeared to disregard Costa Rican claims, but in private he sincerely hoped to compensate it, once Nicaraguan affairs were settled. Wilson to Bryan, March 11, 1915, Bryan-Wilson Correspondence, National Archives.
6 Hale to Bryan, November 11, 1913; Samuel T. Lee (Consul at San José) to Bryan, November 22, 1913; Moore, John B. to Hale, , December 2, 1913, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States (hereafter cited as Foreign Relations) (Washington, 1920), pp. 865–866 Google Scholar; The New York Times, December 13, 1913, 2: 4.
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22 State Department Memorandum by Stabler, February 7, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/92.
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29 State Department Memorandum by Warren D. Robbins, March 7, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/108.
30 Entry of March 10, 1917, Anderson Diary.
31 Juan Kumpel, González’s personal adviser, was of German extraction and was allegedly persuading González to the German cause. William J. Price, March 14, 1917, D.S. File 818.00/116.
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41 Stewart Johnson to Lansing, April 20, 1917, D.S. File 818.00/136.
42 The company based its stand upon a Costa Rican law which forbade the use of private facilities for official communications and upon the fact that the district manager of the company was not available to decide upon the exceptional case. State Department Memorandum by Stabler, February 24, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/127; Keith to Rowe, April 13, 1917, and Rowe to Polk, April 26, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/156; Entry of May 3, 1917, Anderson Diary; William Penfield to Lansing, May 15, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/149.
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54 Lansing to Charles Parmelee of the Justice Department, August 10, 1917, Lansing Papers.
55 Dulles to Charles Warren of the Justice Department, August 27, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/234a.
56 Office of Naval Intelligence to State Department, August 23, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/231.
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60 Johnson to Lansing, October 27, 1917, D.S. File 818.00/243; State Department Memorandum by Glenn Stewart, December 4, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/360; Johnson to Lansing, December 14, 1917, D. S. File 818.00/270; Senate Document, No. 77, 66th congress, 1st session.
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65 Polk to Wilson, January 11, 1918, Woodrow Wilson Papers (hereafter cited as Wilson Papers), Library of Congress; Lansing to Wilson, May 15, 1918, D. S. File 818.00/ 492; Wilson to Lansing, May 20, 1918, D.S. File 818.00/493. It is important to add that the origin of the revolution has also been traced to the Costa Rica Oil Corporation which supported Tinoco because of González’ opposition to monopolistic concessions. State Department records did not allude to this corporation, nor did any American official mention it. de Cárdenas, Raúl y Echarte, , La Política de Los Estados Unidos en el Continente Americano (La Habana, 1921), p. 261 Google Scholar; and Alfaro, Monge, Historia de Costa Rica, pp. 255–256.Google Scholar
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