The author would like to thank the many colleagues who helped facilitate research for this project, particularly the staff of the Musco Histórico de las Ciencias Carlos J. Fİnlay in Havana, as well as the many colleagues who provided advice and suggestions along the way, including Aline Helg, Jorge Ibarra, Steven Palmer, the anonymous reviewers for The Americas, and fellow panelists and participants at the 2005 meeting of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association, the 2006 congress of the Canadian Association of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, and the 2007–08 Justice Faculty Fellows Seminar on Latin America at Seattle University.

1. LcRoy y Cassá, Dr. Jorge “Sobre inmigración anti-sanitaria,” Anales He ¡a Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 60 (1923–24), 441–70,Google Scholar reprinted as Inmigración anti-sanitaria (Havana: Dorrbcckcr, 1929), see pp. 5#x2013;6, 32-33, and 36#x2013;37.

2. The son of native-born Cubans of French descent, Jorge LeRoy (or Lc-Roy) y Cassá (1867–1934) served as secretary of the Yellow Fever Commission from 1901 to 1902 during the first U.S. intervention, headed the statistics and demography section of the national health department from its founding in 1903 to 1934, acted as secretary of the Academy of Medical, Physical, and Natural Sciences of Havana from 1907 to 1934, and edited the Academy’s journal, Anales, from 1902 to 1934 (“Dr. Jorge Le-Roy y Cassá,” [1967], Archivo del Museo Histórico de Ciencias “Carlos Finlay” (hereafter AMHCCF), Havana, Cuba, Fondo Académicos 18, Le-Roy y Cassá 6; de Castro y Bachiller, Raimundo Centenario del nacimiento del Dr. Jorge Le-Roy y Cassá (Havana: Ministerio de Salud Pública, 1968), pp. 9–27;Google Scholar Le Roy y Gálvez, Luis Felipe Bio-bibliografìa del doctor Jorge LeRoy y Cassá (Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1976).Google Scholar Ibarra, Jorge Cuba: 1898–1921. Partidos políticos y clases sociales (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1992), p. 161,Google Scholar points out that LcRoy y Cassá’s study attacking Antillean immigration departed from his normally critical use of statistical data.

3. “Acta de la sesión pública ordinaria del 14 de diciembre de 1923,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 60 (1923–24), p. 418; José A. Presno, Presidente de la Academia de Ciencias, to Presidente de la República, Havana, 17 Dec. 1923, in Cassá, LeRoy y Inmigración anti-sanitaria, pp. 33–34.Google Scholar

4. Gainer to Curzon, Havana, 30 July 1923, Public Record Office, London, England, Foreign Office Papers (hereafter PRO, FO) 371/8450, A4866/2333/14; Diario He la Marina (Havana), 1 Aug. 1923, p. 1.

5. Hcraldo de Cuba (Havana), 2 Aug. 1923, p. 1.

6. Gainer to Curzon, Havana, 6 Aug. 1923, PRO, FO 371/8450, A5157/2333/14.

7. Armus, Diego “Disease in the Historiography of Modern Latin America,” in Annus, , ed., Disease in the History of Modem Latin America: From Malaria to AIDS (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003), pp. 1–24.Google Scholar Recent monographs within the field include Palmer, Steven From Popular Medicine to Medical Populism: Doctors, Healers, and Public Power in Costa Rica, 1800–1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003);Google Scholar Peard, Julyan G. Race, Place, and Medicine: The Idea of the Tropics in Nineteenth-Century Brazilian Medicine (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999);Google Scholar and Cueto, Marcos El regreso de las epidemias: salud y sociedad en el Perú del siglo XX (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1997).Google Scholar

8. Examples in which West Indian immigrants were associated with these various diseases include: Aurelio H evia, Secretano de Gobernación, to Gobernador de Oriente, telegram, Havana, 23 June 1913, Archivo Histórico Provincial de Santiago de Cuba, Fondo Gobierno Provincial (hereafter AHPSC, GP), leg. 553, cxp. 3; “Discurso del Dr. José A. Presno, Presidente del Quinto Congreso Médico Nacional, en la sesión de Apertura del Mismo,” Crónica Médico-Qiúrúrgica de la Habana 48:1 (Jan. 1922), p. 18; “Acta de la sesión científica del 23 de abril de 1926,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 62 (1925–26), p. 739; Peral, M. “Inmigración y tuberculosis,” (edit.) La Prensa Médica (Havana) 22:11 (30 Nov. 1931), pp. 1-3; "Informe del Dr. [Diego] Ta m ayo sobre medidas que pudieran establecerse en una campaña de Profilaxis Venérea," Boletín Oficial de la Secretaría de Sanidad y Beneficencia (hereafter Boletín Oficial de Sanidad) 31:1-6 (Jan.-June 1926), pp. 3–14;Google Scholar Jefe Local de Sanidad to Gobernador Provincial de Oriente, Sagua de Tánamo, 16 Nov. 1936, AHPSC, GP, leg. 2360, exp. 8; La Voz del Pueblo (Guantánamo), 17 June 1937, p. 1; and Ortega y Canet, Francisco E. Lucha contra la frambesia (Santiago de Cuba, 1945), pp. 15,45–46.Google Scholar The general belief that Afro-Caribbean immigrants were responsible for introducing epidemic diseases into Cuba has persisted up to more recent times. See, for instance, Diaz-Briquets, Sergio The Health Revolution in Cuba (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983), p. 75, and p. 207 n. 17,Google ScholarPubMed and Kiple, Kenneth F. “Disease Ecologies of the Caribbean,” in Kiple, , ed., The Cambridge World History of Human Disease (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 503.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Thomas, Hugh Cuba: The Pursuit of Freedom (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), p. 542,Google Scholar ambiguously claims, “These immigrant masses [from Haiti and Jamaica] created their own problems.”

9. As recent studies have ably demonstrated, health and disease are socially as well as biologically constructed categories, and the formulation and application of medical procedures have never been based on pure “scientific” considerations, especially during epidemic outbreaks ( Watts, Sheldon Epidemics and History: Disease, Power, and Imperialism [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997],Google Scholar esp. p. xv regarding “disease Constructs”; Rosenberg, Charles E. and Golden, Janet eds., Framing Disease: Studies in Cultural History [New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992]).Google ScholarPubMed For a perceptive analysis of more recent efforts to stigmatize Haitians as carriers of epidemic disease, see Farmer, Paul AIDS and Accusation: Haiti and the Geography of Blame (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).Google Scholar

10. See de la Riva, Juan Pérez “Cuba y la migración antillana, 1900–1931,” in de la Riva, Pérez et al., ed., La república neocolonial. Anuario de estudios cubanos, vol. 2 (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1979), pp. 56–60;Google Scholar Estévcz, Rolando Alvarez Azúcar e inmigración, 1900–1940 (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1988), pp. 177–183;Google Scholar and Ibarra, Cuba: 1898–1921, pp. 160–161.Google Scholar According to Estévez, Alvarez Azúcar e inmigración, p. 183,Google Scholar “the economic interests represented by the dominant classes, as with their agreements with North American monopolies, would make it so that the proposed sanitary measures were never carried out” and Antillean “immigration could continue free of obstacles.” One study which does examine the issue of quarantine, Brown, Alexandra ”Native and Foreign Laborers: Resistance and Control in Cuba’s Sugar Industry, 1913–1924” (M.A. thesis, University of Texas at Austin, 1989), pp. 96–129,Google Scholar adopts a Eoucauldian perspective in arguing that it represented the combined effort of sugar companies and state authorities to wield control over immigrant workers’ bodies from the moment they stepped ashore in Cuba. Such a line of analysis, while revealing the powerful impact that quarantine had on those subject to it, overlooks the fact that sugar companies generally opposed the quarantine measures and also ignores the immigrants’ own efforts to challenge the quarantine program.

11. On the interconnected debates over immigration, race, and national identity in early-republican Cuba, sec Alvarez-Estevez, Azúcar e inmigración; Orovio, Consuelo Naranjo and González, Armando García Medicina y racismo en Cuba. La ciencia ante la inmigración canaria en el siglo XX (La Laguna, Tenerife: Centro de la Cultura Popular Canaria, 1996);Google Scholar Chomsky, Aviva “‘Barbados or Canada?’: Race, Immigration, and Nation in Early-Twentieth-Ccntury Cuba,” Hispanic American Historical Review 80:3 (August 2000), pp. 415–462;Google Scholar McLeod, Marc C. “Undesirable Aliens: Haitian and British West Indian Immigrant Workers in Cuba, 1898 to 1940” (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at Austin, 2000),Google Scholar csp. Ch. 1; and Giovannetti, Jorge L. “Black British Subjects in Cuba: Race, Ethnicity, Nation, and Identity in the Migratory Experience, 1898–1938” (Ph.D. diss., University of North London, 2001), esp. Ch. 2.Google Scholar

12. Guitcras, J.E. de Sanidad, Director to Viliucndas, Florencio Jefe de la Comisión Especial, Havana, 6 Apr. 1916, published in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 15:4–6 (Apr.-June 1916), pp. 692–693.Google Scholar

13. “Casos de paludismo,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 15:4–6 (Apr.-June 1916), p. 728.

14. Villuendas, to Guantánamo, Guiteras 25 Apr. 1916, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 15:4–6 (Apr.-June 1916), pp. 713–715.Google Scholar

15. Villuendas, to de Sanidad, Director Havana, 17 May 1916, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 15:4–6 (Apr.-June 1916), pp. 729–737.Google Scholar

16. Forment, Carlos E. Crónicas de Santiago de Cuba, vol. 1, Era Republicana desde mayo de 1902 a diciembre de 1911 (Santiago de Cuba: Editorial Arroyo, 1953), p. 272.Google Scholar

17. Hevia, to de Oriente, Gobernador Havana, 23 June 1913, AHPSC, GP, leg. 553, exp. 3.Google Scholar

18. “Enfermos llegados a los puertos de la República de Cuba … 1915 a 1916,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 17:14 (Jan.-Apr. 1917), p. 179.

19. Cónsul de Haiti to Gobernador de la Provincia, Santiago de Cuba, 2 June 19l6y and Gobernador to Cónsul de Haití, Santiago de Cuba, 5 June 1916, AHPSC, GP, leg. 374, exp. 30.

20. Lcbredo, Mario G. Jefe de la Sección de Investigaciones, to Secretario de Sanidad y Beneficencia, Havana, 14 Dec. 1916, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 17:1–4 (Jan.-Apr. 1917), pp. 99–111.Google Scholar

21. Guiteras, Juan “El Schistosomum Mansoni en Venezuela,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 54 (May-June 1917), p. 106.Google Scholar

22. Capote, Fernando Méndez “Discurso de apertura del congreso,” Revista de Medicina y Cinigia de la Habana 23:1 (10 Jan. 1918), pp. 5–12.Google Scholar

23. y Cassá, Jorge LcRoy “Estudio demográfico del paludismo en Cuba,” Revista de Medicina y Cirugía de la Habana 24:16 (25 Aug. 1919), pp. 423–424.Google Scholar

24. Capote, Méndez to Villuendas, Havana, 16 Nov. 1917, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 19:1–2 (Jan.-Feb. 1918), pp. 73–74.Google Scholar

25. Villuendas, “Presupuesto de gastos mensuales de la campaña sanitaria contra paludismo en las provincias de Camagüey y Oriente,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 19:1–2 (Jan.-Feb. 1918), p. 75.Google Scholar

26. “Instrucciones generales a los jefes locales,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 19:1–2 (Jan.-Feb. 1918), pp. 93–99.

27. Gaceta Oficial de la República de Cuba, Edición Extraordinaria No. 24, 1 July 1918, p. 265.

28. [Florencio Villuendas], de Cuba, República de Sanidad y Beneficencia, Secretaría Paludismo (Havana, 1917),Google Scholar and Diario de Cuba (Santiago de Cuba), 15 Jan. 1918, p. 6.

29. “Anti-Malarial Campaign to English-speaking Laborers,” and “Campagne Antipaludique aux travailleurs de lenguc française,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 19:5–6 (May-June 1918), pp. 531–536.

30. y Cassá, Jorge LcRoy “Explicaciones estadísticas,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 30:1–6 (Jan.-June 1925), pp. 91–95.Google Scholar See also y Cassá, LeRoy “Memoria de las tareas realizadas por esta academia durante el año académico de 1922 a 1923,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 60 (1923–24), pp. 12–13,Google Scholar and “Acta de la sesión científica del 23 de abril de 1926,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 62 ( 1925–26), p. 739.

31. “Acta de la sesión pública ordinaria del 14 de diciembre de 1923,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 60 (1923–24), pp. 417–418.

32. “Acta de la sesión pública ordinaria del 9 de febrero de 1923,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 59 (1922–23), pp. 241–242.

33. “Acta de la sesión pública ordinaria del 14 de diciembre de 1923,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 60 (1923–24), pp. 411–418.

34. y Cassa, Jorge LeRoy Estudios sobre la mortalidad de la Habana durante el siglo XIX y los comienzos del actual (Havana: Imprenta Lloredo, 1913);Google Scholar Danielson, Ross Cuban Medicine (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1979), pp. 85–89;Google Scholar and Diaz-Briquets, Health Revolution in Cuba, pp. 25–33.Google ScholarPubMed Kiple, Kenneth F. Blacks in Colonial Cuba, 17741899 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1976), p. 54,Google Scholar provides the mortality figure for the 1833 cholera epidemic.

35. Kiple, Kenneth F. “A Survey of Recent Literature on the Biological Past of the Black,” in Kiple, , ed., The African Exchange: Toward a Biological History of Black People (Durham: Duke University Press, 1987), p. 8.Google Scholar

36. Johnson, Willis Fletcher The History of Cuba 5 vols. (New York: B.F. Buck & Company, Inc., 1920), 4:177.Google Scholar

37. The fifth clause of the amendment stated: “That the Government of Cuba will execute and as far as necessary extend, the plans already devised or other plans to be mutually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of the Island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as well as to the commerce of the southern ports of the United States and of the people residing therein” ( de Lcuchsenring, Emilio Roig Historia de la enmienda platt: una interpretación de la realidad cubana [Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro/Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1973 (1935)J, p. 23.Google Scholar English translation available in Chomsky, Aviva Carr, Barry and Smorkaloff, Pamela Maria eds., The Cuba Reader: History, Culture, Politics [Durham: Duke University Press, 2003], pp. 147–149).Google Scholar

38. Gorgas, William Crawford Sanitation in Panama (New York: Applcton, 1915), pp. 3–109;Google Scholar Finlay, Carlos E. Carlos Finlay and Yellow Fever (New York: Oxford University Press, 1940);Google Scholar Méndez, Sergio Amaro Alas amarillas: la historia de Carlos J. Finlay y su descubrimiento (Havana: Editorial Científico-Técnica, 1983);Google Scholar and Delaporte, François The History of Tellow Fever: An Essay on the Birth of Tropical Medicine, trans. Goldhammer, Arthur (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1991).Google Scholar

39. Guitcras, Juan “Nota preliminar sobre el anofeles en Cuba,” Revista de Medicina Tropical (Havana) 1:1 ( 1900), pp. 17–19.Google Scholar For evidence that the miasma theory of malaria still retained popular acceptance at the time, see Dod, Santiago “Malaria in Cuba,” The Louisiana Planter and Sugar Manufacturer 25:15 ( 13 Oct. 1900), pp. 236–237.Google Scholar

40. Packard, Randall M. The Making of a Tropical Disease: A Short History of Malaria (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007);Google Scholar Harrison, Gordon Mosquitoes, Malaria and Man: A History of the Hostilities Since 1880 (New York: Dutton, 1978), esp. pp. 1–156;Google Scholar and Dunn, Frederick L. “Malaria,” in Kiple, ed., The Cambridge World History of Human Disease, pp. 855–862.Google Scholar

41. Gorgas, Sanitation in Panama, pp. 61–62, 74.Google Scholar

42. See Carr, H.P. and Hill, R.B. “A Malarial Survey of Cuba,” The American Journal of Tropical Medicine 22:6 (Nov. 1942), pp. 587–607,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Carr, Henry P. et al., Reconocimiento del paludismo en Cuba (Havana: Compañía Editora de Libros y Folletos, 1943).Google Scholar

43. On the correlation between yellow fever outbreaks and the early cultivation, transport, and processing of sugar in the Americas, see Goodyear, J.D. “The Sugar Connection: A New Perspective on the History of Yellow Fever,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 52:1 (Spring 1978), pp. 5–21.Google Scholar

44. On the environmental impact of rapid expansion of the Cuban sugar industry in the early twentieth century, see Monzote, Reinaldo Funes From Rainforest to Cane Field in Cuba: An Environmental History since 1492 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008), pp. 217–262.Google Scholar For general coverage of the economic expansion of Oriente Province after 1898, see Hoernel, Robert B. “Sugar and Social Change in Oriente, Cuba, 1898–1946,” Journal of Latin American Studies 8 (Nov. 1976), pp. 215–249,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Pérez, Louis A. Jr Lords of the Mountain: Social Banditry and Peasant Protest in Cuba, 1878–1918 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989).Google Scholar

45. Lebredo, Mario G. Comisionado Especial, to Director de Sanidad, Havana, 7 Feb. 1917, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 17:1–4 (Jan.-Apr. 1917), p. 116.Google Scholar

46. Of 15,870 deaths attributed to malaria between 1900 and 1909, 5,477 (or 34.5 percent) occurred in Oriente Province alone ( y Cassá, LeRoy “Paludismo en Cuba. Estudio demográfico,” 10 March 1910,Google Scholar AMHCCF, Fondo Académicos, 18), which contained only 22.2 percent of the island’s total population in 1907 ( de los Estados Unidos, Oficina del censo Censo de la república de Cuba bajo la administración provisional de los Estados Unidos [Washington: Government Printing Office, 1908], p. 190).Google Scholar

47. Bruce-Chwatt, Leonard Jan and de Zulueta, Julian The Rise and Fall of Malaria in Europe: A Historico-Epi-dcmiological Study (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), pp. 126–128.Google Scholar

48. Capote, Dr. F. Méndez de Sanidad y Beneficencia, Secretario to de la Asociación de, Presidente [Centro Gallego, Centro Asturiano, Centro Balear, Centro Canario, Centro Castellano, and Asociación de Dependientes], Havana, 5 Dec. 1917, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 21:1–3 (Jan.-March 1919), pp. 165–166.Google Scholar

49. Col. Bailey K. Ashford, U.S. Army Medical Corps, to American Minister, Havana, 15 Dec. 1919, Records of the Department of State Relating to Internal Affairs of Cuba, 1910-1929 (Washington, D.C., 1963), microcopy M488, Record Group 59 (hereafter USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929), 837.124/23.

50. Cable, Philander L. Chargé, U.S. to Secretary of State, Havana, 9 Sept. 1921, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/49.Google Scholar

51. Col. Bailey K. Ashford, U.S. Army Medical Corps, to American Minister, Havana, 15 Dec. 1919, USDS-Cuba, 1910-1929, 837.124/23; Heraldo de Cuba, 23 Dec. 1922, p. 2.

52. For the travel time between Spain and Cuba, see Gonzalez, Alejandro Vazquez “De la vela al vapor. La modernización de los buques en la emigración a América, 1835–1939,” Estudios Migratorios Latinoamericanos 28 (Dec. 1994), pp. 590–591.Google Scholar

53. Patterson, K. David and Pyle, Gerald F. “The Geography and Mortality of the 1918 Influenza Pandemic,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 65:1 (Spring 1991), pp. 4–21.Google Scholar It is also possible that the deadly flu entered Cuba, as with much of the Caribbean, by way of the United States instead of or in addition to Spain ( Killingray, David “The Influenza Pandemic of 1918–1919 in the British Caribbean,” Social History of Medicine 7:1 [April 1994], pp. 59–87,CrossRefGoogle Scholar esp. pp. 62–63; Crosby, Alfred W. America’s Forgotten Pandemic: The Influenza of 1918 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989], p. 29).Google Scholar

54. Ibarra, Cuba: 1898–1921, p. 161.Google Scholar

55. López del Valle, José Antonio “Observaciones sanitarias y notas estadísticas en relación con la epidemia de Grippe o Influenza,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 55 (1918–19), pp. 703–713.Google Scholar

56. See José Antonio López del Valle, “La acruaJidad sanitaria. La epidemia de gripe o influenza. Desenvolvimiento y medidas adoptadas,” paper presented at the Academy of Sciences of Havana, 25 Oct. 1918, AMHCCF, Fondo Académicos, López det Valle 18. Estévez, Alvarez Azúcar e inmigración, p. 178,Google Scholar erroneously dates the influenza epidemic in 1916 and provides no evidence to support his assertion that “the defamation campaign [against Antillean immigrants] was left destroyed” after the Cuban government officially declared that Spanish immigrants had been responsible for transmitting the disease to Cuba.

57. Gaceta Oficial de la República de Cuba, 18 Oct. 1918, enclosed in William E. Gonzales to Secretary of State, Havana, 24 Oct. 1918, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.111/17.

58. Quevedo, Pedro M. de Camagüey, Supervisor de Sanidad to Villuendas, Comisionado Especial, Camagücy, 28 Feb. 1919, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 22:1–3 (July-Sept. 1919), pp. 128–131.Google Scholar

59. Ashhurst to Gray, Guantánamo, 13 Nov. 1918, Archives of the Episcopal Church, Episcopal Seminary of the Southwest, Austin, Texas, Cuba Series B, Ashhurst Papers.

60. Alcalde Municipal to Gobernador Provincial, Banes, 30 Dec. 1918, AHPSC, GP, leg. 553, cxp. 4.

61. Cónsul de Haití to Gobernador Provincial de Oriente, Santiago de Cuba, 30 Oct. 1918, AHPSC, GP, leg. 553, exp. 5.

62. Gonzales to Secretary of State, telegram, Havana, 15 Nov. 1918, Records of the Department of State Relating to Internal Affairs of Haiti, 1910-1929 (Washington, D.C., 1982), microcopy M-610, Record Group 59 (hereafter USDS-Haiti, 1910-1929), 838.5637/0; Consul de Haiti to Gobernador Provincial de Oriente, Santiago de Cuba, 25 Nov. 1918, AHPSC, GP, leg. 553, exp. 4; and Blanchard to Secretary of State, telegram, Port-au-Prince, 6 Jan. 1919, USDS-Haiti, 1910–1929, 838.5637/5.

63. Cassá, LeRoy y “Informe anual sanitario y demográfico de la República de Cuba correspondiente al año 1917,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 31:1–6 (Jan.-June 1926), pp. 126–130, table 8.Google Scholar

64. See, for example, “Resumen mensual de las enfermedades contagiosas y de declaración obligatoria ocurridas en las seis Provincias durante el mes de Julio de 1921,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 26:2 (Aug. 1921), table located between pp. 84–85; “Resumen mensual … Julio 1922,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 27:7–8 (July-Aug. 1922), table between pp. 402–403; and Cassá, LeRoy y “Informe anual sanitario y demográfico de la República de Cuba correspondiente al año 1929,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 38:1–4 (Jan.-Apr. 1935), pp. 3–85.Google Scholar

65. “Memorandum upon Sanitary Conditions in Cuba,” Havana, 27 July 1923, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/60, p. 54.

66. Ibid., pp. 57–58.

67. Villuendas, to Guantánamo, Guiteras 12 Apr. 1916, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 15:4–6 (Apr.-June 1916), pp. 696–697.Google Scholar

68. John L. Griffith, U.S. Vice Consul, to Francis White, U.S. Chargé, Santiago de Cuba, 20 July 1920, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/36. See also: Wolcott, U.S. Consul, to Secretary of State, Caimanera, 7 June 1917, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124; Wolcott to Secretary of State, Santiago de Cuba, 4 March 1918, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/1; and U.S. Consul to White, Nuevitas, 28 July 1920, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/36.

69. For analysis of opposition to the quarantine program, including by the large sugar companies that imported Antillean laborers into Cuba, as well as the methods of resistance employed by the immigrants themselves at the quarantine station in Cayo Duan, see McLeod, “Undesirable Aliens,” pp. 226–233.Google Scholar

70. See Helg, Aline Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886–1912 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995).Google Scholar

71. Merrill Griffith to Secretary of State, Santiago de Cuba, 1 June 1916, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.55/34.

72. Helg, Aline “Race in Argentina and Cuba, 1880–1930: Theory, Policies, and Popular Reaction,” in Tlic Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870–1940, ed. Graham, Richard (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), p. 54.Google Scholar

73. Capote, Fernando Méndez “Discurso de apertura del congreso,” Revista de Medicina y Cirugía de la Habana 23:1 (10 Jan. 1918), pp. 5–12,Google Scholar and “Discurso de apertura del IV Congreso Médico Nacional,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 19:3–4 (Mar.-Apr. 1918), pp. 254–258.

74. Actas de la primera conferencia panamericana de eugenesia y homicultura de las repúblicas americanas (Havana: República de Cuba, 1928).

75. El Pa«s (Havana), 1 June 1927, p. 5.

76. “Mensaje Presidencial: Sanidad y Beneficencia,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 33:7–9 (July-Scpt. 1928), pp. 333–355.

77. On Cuban eugenics, see Srepan, Nancy Leys “The Hour of Eugenics”: Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), esp. pp. 76–79, 174–177;Google Scholar González, Armando García and Peláez, Raquel Alvarez En busca de la raza perfecta: Eugenesia e higiene en Cuba (1898–1958) (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1991);Google Scholar and Bronfman, Alejandra Measures of Equality: Social Science, Citizenship, and Race in Cuba, 1902–1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), pp. 117–124.Google Scholar

78. On U.S.-Cuban relations, see the works of Pérez, Louis A. Jr especially On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality, and Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999).Google Scholar

79. Havana Post, 2 Jan. 1913, p. 2.

80. Republic of Cuba, Bureau of Information, Department of Agriculture, Commerce and Labor, Cuba: Its Claim to Recognition in the World of Today (Havana: Bureau of Information, 1920), enclosed in Harris, H.W. Consul General, U.S. to Foshay, P. Maxwell Inspector of Risks, The Mutual Life Insurance Company of New York, Havana, 21 June 1920, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929,837.12/5.Google Scholar

81. Diario de Cuba, 25 Nov. 1921, p. 2. See also Diario de Cuba, 11 March 1918, p. 2; 19 Jan. 1921, p. 2; 9 Feb. 1921, p. 2; 17 Feb. 1921, p. 3; and 9 Aug. 1921, p. 2.

82. On the prevalence and impact of corruption on the political system of early republican Cuba, see Chapman, Charles E. A History of the Cuban Republic: A Study in Hispanic American Politics (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1927);Google Scholar Pérez, Louis A. Jr Cuba Under the Piatt Amendment, 1902–1934 (Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh University Press, 1986), esp. pp. 125–128, 139–145, 198–211, and 225–229.Google Scholar On corruption in the public health system in particular, sec Danielson, Cuban Medicine, pp. 92–96.Google Scholar

83. Danielson, Cuban Medicine, p. 95.Google Scholar

84. Gustave Scholle, Chargé, to Secretary of State, Havana, 23 Apr. 1918, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/5. See also John L. Griffith, U.S. Vice Consul, to Francis White, U.S. Chargé, Santiago de Cuba, 20 July 1920, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/36; Enoch H. Crowder to Secretary of State, Havana, 14 Sept. 1921, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/50.

85. Col. Bailey Κ. Ashford to American Minister, Havana, 25 Dec. 1919, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/24.

86. Boaz Long to Secretary of State, Havana, 29 Nov. 1920, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/39, and 8 Dec. 1920, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/40.

87. Gainer to Foreign Office, Havana, 4 July 1924, PRO, FO 371/9535, A4555/13/14.

88. For a perceptive, comparative analysis of the religious dimensions of this process, see Román, Reinaldo Luis Governing Spirits: Religion, Miracles, and Spectacles in Cuba and Puerto Rico, 1898–1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press).CrossRefGoogle Scholar On popular medical practices in Cuba, see Cabrera, Lydia La medicina popular de Cuba: médicos de antaño, curanderos, santeros y paleros de hogaño (Miami: Ultra Graphics Corporation, 1984),Google Scholar and Gallo, José Seoane El folclor médico de Cuba: provincia de Camagüey (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1984).Google Scholar Palmer, From Popular Medicine to Medical Populism, offers a nuanced analysis that moves beyond the binary opposition between popular medicine and biomedical practices to show the emergence of “medical populism” in a less conflictivc light.

89. Recent works on the brujería scares in early-twentieth-century Cuba include Alvarez, Ernesto Chavez El crimen de la niña Cecilia: La brujería en Cuba como fenómeno social (1902–1925) (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1991);Google Scholar Helg, Our Rightful Share, esp. pp. 17–18, 107–116;Google Scholar Román, Governing Spirits, pp. 82–106;Google Scholar Bronfman, Measures of Equality, pp. 37–65;Google Scholar and Palmic, Stephan Wizards and Scientists: Explorations in Afro-Cuban Modernity and Tradition (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002).CrossRefGoogle Scholar On Haitian immigrants as particular targets of brujería accusations during the 1920s, see McLeod, “Undesirable Aliens,” pp. 166–199.Google Scholar

90. Capote, Méndez “Discurso de apertura del IV Congreso Medico Nacional,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 19:34 (March-Apr. 1918), p. 258.Google Scholar See also Director de Sanidad, Emilio Martínez “Sanidad y analfabetos,” (edit.) Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 26:4 (Oct. 1921), pp. 223–224.Google Scholar

91. de Pazos, José F. “Por que se ha trasmitido la malaria en los suburbios de la ciudad de la Habana,” Anales de la Academia de Ciencias de la Habana 57 (1920–1921), p. 584,Google Scholar and Revista de Medicina y Cirugía de la Habana 26:7 (April 10, 1921), p. 202.

92. “Informe del Dr. Tamayo sobre medidas que pudieran establecerse en una campaña de Profilaxis Venérea,” Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 31:1-6 (Jan.-June 1926), pp. 3–14.

93. DrRensali, F. Director de Sanidad, to Jefe Local de Sanidad, Circular No. 438, Havana, 19 July 1926, in Boletín Oficial de Sanidad 32:7–12 (July-Dec. 1927), pp. 627–628.Google Scholar See also, for example, “Sobre el ejercicio ilegal de la medicina negro-cubana y la libre venta de sus plantas medicamentosas,” (edit.) La Prensa Médica 23:12 (Dec. 1932), pp. 1–3; Echezarreta, Santiago “Ejercicio ilegal de la medicina,” Medicina de Hoy 1:7 (July 1936), pp. 334–337;Google Scholar and Cowley, Rafael “Charlatanismo y honradez médica,” Medicina de Hoy 2:8 (Aug. 1937), pp. 523–525.Google Scholar

94. La Prensa (Havana), 22 Dec 1922, translated in “Memorandum Upon Sanitary Conditions in Cuba,” Havana, 27 July 1923, USDS-Cuba, 1910–1929, 837.124/60. Román, Governing Spirits, pp. 82–106,Google Scholar highlights the role of the press İn the witchcraft scares of the early republican period.

95. Galarreta, Luis Adam to de Sanidad, Secretario Havana, 18 Dec. 1920, in Crónica Médico-Qtñrúrgica de la Habana 47 (March 1921), pp. 94–97.Google Scholar

96. On the competing visions of national identity in early republican Cuba, see Guerra, Lillian The Myth of José Martí: Conflicting Nationalisms in Early Twentieth-Century Cuba (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005).Google Scholar

97. Appelbaum, Nancy P. Macpherson, Anne S. and Rosemblatt, Karin Alejandra eds., Race and Nation in Modern Latin America (Chapel Hilt: University of North Carolina Press, 2003).Google Scholar On the contested role of race in the making of the Cuban nation, see in particular: Helg, Our Rightful Share; Moore, Robin D. Nationalizing Blackness: Afrocubanismo and Artistic Revolution in Havana, 1920–1940 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1997);Google Scholar Ferrer, Ada Insurgent Cuba: Race, Nation, and Revolution, 1868–1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999);Google Scholar de la Fuente, Alejandro A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001);Google Scholar and Bronfman, Measures of Equality.

98. Markel, Howard Quarantine! East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), quote on p. 4;Google Scholar Kraut, Alan M. Silent Travelers: Germs, Genes, and the “Immigrant Menace” (New York: Basic Books, 1995);Google Scholar Higham, John Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New York: Atheneum, 1963), esp. pp. 99–102.Google Scholar

99. “Instituto Homicultura de Oriente,” [Santiago de Cuba, n.d.], AHPSC, GP, leg. 2361, exp. 1.