1. Roca, Erasmo, Por la clase indígena (Lima: Compañía de Impresiones y Publicidad, 1935), 189, 247Google Scholar; Steven Pent, “Bridging the Rural-Urban Divide: Mobilization and Citizenship of a Peruvian Peasant Organization” (MA thesis: University of California-Santa Barbara, 2007), 82.

2. Gamonales is a term used throughout the Andes to describe large landowners and district authorities who exploited indigenous populations.

3. Roca, Por la clase indígena, 205. Around 1924 or 1925, the Aymara Adventist leaders left the church because of a deteriorating relationship with the missionaries. See Gallegos, Luis, Manuel Z. Camacho: biografía de un Aymara (Puno: Editorial Universitaria, 1984), 59Google Scholar. There is also mention of Juan Huanca leaving the church around the same time. See Queja de Juan Huanca y Pedro, indígenas originarios del aillo Pallalla, 1922, Archivo Regional de Puno [hereafter AGN], Prefectura, caja 266.

4. On the professionalization of the Peruvian military and the reforms to the military implemented under Piérola, see Masterson, Daniel, Militarism and Politics in Latin America: Peru from Sánchez Cerro to Sendero Luminoso (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), 27Google Scholar; and Nunn, Frederick, “Professional Militarism in Twentieth-Century Peru: Historical and Theoretical Background to the Golpe de Estado of 1968,” Hispanic American Historical Review 59:3 (August 1979): 399–405CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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6. Among the scholars who have addressed various aspects of military demobilization and reintegration in Latin America, see Ibarra, Patricio, “Veteranos y prensa satírica: desmovilizados e inválidos en los periódicos chilenos de caricaturas durante la Guerra del Pacífico (1879–1884),” Universum 28:2 (2013): 59–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rath, Thomas, Myths of Demilitarization in Postrevolutionary Mexico, 1920–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Méndez, Carlos, Desierto de esperanzas. De la gloria al abandono. Los veteranos chilenos y peruanos de la Guerra del 79 (Santiago de Chile: Centro de Estudios Bicentenario, 2009)Google Scholar.

7. See for example Van Ells, Mark D., To Hear Only Thunder Again: America's World War II Veterans Come Home (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2001)Google Scholar; and McEnaney, Laura, “Nightmares on Elm Street: Demobilizing in Chicago, 1945–1953,” Journal of American History 92:4 (March 2006): 1265–1291CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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9. Matthews, James, “Clock Towers for the Colonized: Demobilization of the Nigerian Military and the Readjustment of Its Veterans to Civilian Life, 1918–1925,” International Journal of African Studies 14:2 (January 1981): 254–271Google Scholar.

10. Scholars have offered various estimates of the military's size at different points throughout the nineteenth century. For example, the estimate of enlisted soldiers during the War of the Pacific ranges from 4500 to 9000, and the highest number of soldiers allowed by the Peruvian congress was 30,000, during the Chinca Island War (1864–66). See Sater, William F., Andean Tragedy: Fighting the War of the Pacific, 1879–1884 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007), 47CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hunefeldt, Christine, Power Constellations in Peru: Military Recruitment Around the War of the Pacific in Puno,” in Power, Culture and Violence in the Andes, Hunefeldt, Christine and Kokotovic, Misha, eds. (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2009), 53Google Scholar.

11. Valcárcel, Luis, Ruta cultural del Perú (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1945), 101Google Scholar.

12. Roca, Por la clase indígena, 207. Converts’ military service was also mentioned in the press. See “Distrito de Chucuito,” La Unión, March 17, 1913, Archivo Pedro Zulen [hereafter APZ] Documentación Administrativa de La Asociación Pro Indígena, Subseries Queja, 1914–1916, código 2000027183.

13. See Klaiber, Jeffrey L., The Catholic Church in Peru, 1821–1985: A Social History (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and Asín, Fernando Armas, comp., La construcción de la iglesia en los Andes (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1999)Google Scholar.

14. Queja de Vicente Leutipa y Mariano Achocalla, 1909, ARP, Prefectura, caja 225.

15. There are various, and often contradicting, biographies for Manuel Camacho. He left his community as a boy and spent a few years with relatives on the coast before joining Piérola's army. David Chambi, “Sección Pedagógica: la labor cultural y educativa del Amauta moderno indígena,” Platería: (1961): 5; Gallegos, Manuel Z. Camacho, 18–19.

16. In the Andes the term ‘estancia’ is used to refer to a small landholding, usually owned by Indians. ‘Hacienda’ refers to a large estate owned by mestizos.

17. Gallegos, Manuel Z. Camacho, 36.

18. For a short description of the difficulties embedded in inheritance for adopted children, illegal children, or landless families living in the estancias belonging to richer peasants, see Hans and Buechler, Judith Maria, The Bolivian Aymara (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971), 41–42Google Scholar.

19. On the wool trade and the way in which wool entered the market, see Orlove, Benjamin, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men: The Wool Export Economy and Regional Society in Southern Peru (New York: Academic Press, 1977), 45–50Google Scholar.

20. See Spalding, Karen, “Class Structures in the Southern Peruvian Highlands, 1750–1920,” Radical Left History (Fall/Winter 1975): 5–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gonzales, Michael J., “Neo-Colonialism and Indian Unrest in Southern Peru, 1867–1898,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 6:1 (January 1987): 1–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Blanchard, Peter, “Indian Unrest in the Peruvian Sierra in the Late Nineteenth Century,” The Americas 38:4 (April 1982): 449–462CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21. On forced military recruitment in the Andes, see Manrique, Nelson, Campesinado y nación. Las guerrillas indígenas en la Guerra con Chile (Lima: Centro de Investigación y Capacitación, 1981), 56–60Google Scholar.

22. Velásquez Silva, David Víctor, “Indios, soldados sin patria: la conscripción militar en el Perú durante el siglo XIX,” Historia 1:2 (2018): 56–72Google Scholar.

23. On the power struggles between Lima and regional elites, see Riaza, Ascensión Martínez, “Política regional y gobierno de la Amazonia peruana. Loreto (1883–1914),” Histórica 23:2 (1999): 393–462Google Scholar; and Nugent, David, “Building the State, Making the Nation: The Bases and Limits of State Centralization in ‘Modern’ Peru,” American Anthropologist 96:2 (June 1994): 333–369CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24. On the Bolivian case, see Shesko, Elizabeth, “Mobilizing Manpower for War: Toward a New History of Bolivia's Chaco Conflict 1932–1935,” Hispanic American Historical Review 95:2 (May 2015): 319CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25. Masterson, Militarism and Politics in Latin America, 18.

26. Christine Hunefeldt, “Power Constellations in Peru,” 70. Although this topic is in need of further research, one could argue that the power of regional elites in military conscription actually grew as a result of the military reform and the political stability of the first decades of the twentieth century. The fact is that only a small percentage of men were drafted into the regular army (Ejército Regular). In 1904, for example, the authorities in Puno were requested to fill a quota of 101 men to de drafted into the army. Clearly, the number of Puneño men who met the criteria for military service was much larger than this, and it appears that the men who ended up serving were chosen rather arbitrarily and according to personal relationships. Moreover, new recruits were usually sent to the provincial capital and from there were transferred either to the closest battalion in need of men, or to Lima, where most of the military units were concentrated. Thus, we should also consider the possibility that some men were able to use patronage networks to secure service near, or relatively near, their home areas. See David Víctor Velásquez Silva, “La reforma military y el gobierno de Nicolás de Piérola: el ejército moderno y la construcción del estado peruano” (MA thesis: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2013), 342, 491.

27. Hunefeldt, “Power Constellations in Peru,” 76.

28. Similarly, Thomas Rath argues that local authorities in Mexico used conscription and military instruction to intimidate members of labor unions and cope with labor unrest. See Rath, Thomas, “‘Que el cielo un soldado en cada hijo te dio … ’: Conscription, Recalcitrance, and Resistance in Mexico in the 1940s,” Journal of Latin American Studies 37 (August 2005): 515CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One could also try to use social networks to avoid conscription. In fact, Christine Hunefeldt demonstrates that Indian communal authorities advocated against the conscription of certain members of their communities. See Hunefeldt, “Power Constellations in Peru,” 61, 63.

29. Méndez, Cecilia, “Militares populistas: ejército, etnicidad y ciudadanía en el Perú,” in Repensando la subalternidad: miradas críticas desde/sobre América Latina, Sandoval, Pablo, ed. (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2009), 575–577Google Scholar. Elizabeth Shesko also points to the various strategies used to recruit Indians into the Bolivian army and discusses the limitation of written sources in this regard. See Shesko, “Mobilizing Manpower for War,” 314.

30. Méndez, “Militares populistas,” 576; Mallon, Florencia, The Defense of Community in Peru's Central Highlands: Peasant Struggle and Capitalist Transition, 1860–1940 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 103CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Foote, Nicola, “Experiences of Military Struggle in Liberal Ecuador, 1895–1930,” in Military Struggle and Identity Formation in Latin America: Race, Nation, and Community during the Liberal Period, Foote, Nicola et al. , eds. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2010), 86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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32. Queja de Pedro Pauro, Juan Huanca y otros, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 254.

33. Jacobsen, Nils, Mirages in Transition: The Peruvian Altiplano, 1780–1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 244CrossRefGoogle Scholar. According to Ted Lewellen, the changes in inheritance began in 1825, at a time when population was still small and there was enough land to go around. See Lewellen, Ted, Peasants in Transition: The Changing Economy of the Peruvian Aymara. A General Systems Approach (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1978), 38Google Scholar.

34. Jacobsen, Mirages in Transition, 267.

35. Quarrels over inheritance were also prevalent among mestizos. See Harry Tschopik, The Aymara of Chucuito, Peru: [Part 1] Magic,” Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 44:2 (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1951), 161.

36. Annalyda Álvarez-Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains, Deserts, and Ocean: The Quest for Indian Citizenship, Puno (1900–1930)” (PhD diss.: Stony Brook University, 2009), 15.

37. It is not known exactly how Candelaria Mamani and Lucas Mamani were related. However, we know that they had the same surname, that they lived in the same ayllu, and that their estancias were close to one another. Thus, at the very least, they were part of the same extended family.

38. Queja de Simón León y Lucas Mamani, indígenas del Distrito de Chucuito, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238.

39. Mallon, The Defense of Community, 77–78. On the relationship between hacienda Indians and the larger Indian community, see Guerrero, Andrés, La semántica de la dominación (Quito: Ediciones Libri Mundi, 1991)Google Scholar.

40. Jacobsen, Mirages in Transition, 234–235

41. Obviously, this was not the experience of all veterans, and some were rather successful in establishing or maintaining relationships with local mestizos. Justo Condori, an Indian army veteran forged alliances with local mestizos and hacienda owners and assited them agains the Indian rebels in Wancho. José Luis Ayala, Yo fui canillita de José Carlos Mariátegui: (auto) biografía de Mariano Larico Yurja (Kollao: Editorial Periodística S. C. R., 1990), 85.

42. Mallon, The Defense of Community, 85–90.

43. Queja de Pedro Pauro, indígena de Chucuito,1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238. An additional source includes Adventists’ complaints against the cargo system (although it is unknown if the plaintiffs were veterans): Queja de Maximo Nacca, Manuel Yupanqui, Eugenio Flores … indígenas del Distrito de Chucuito, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238.

44. Isbell, Billie Jean, To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritual in an Andean Village (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978)Google Scholar.

45. Isbell, To Defend Ourselves, 117.

46. There is much dispute among scholars over the nature of trial marriage in the Andes, See Bolin, Inge, Rituals of Respect: The Secret of Survival in the High Peruvian Andes (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002), 112Google Scholar.

47. Radcliffe, Sarah and Westwood, Sallie, Remaking the Nation: Identity and Politics in Latin America (London: Routledge, 1996), 111Google Scholar.

48. Harris, Olivia and Larson, Brooke, eds., Ethnicity, Market, and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of Anthropology and History (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

49. Ayala, Yo fui canillita, 186. The Peruvian scholar José Luis Ayala interviewed Mariano Larico in the 1980s about his life and his work with his cousin Carlos Condorena, one of the main leaders of the Huancané rebellion (1924).

50. de la Cadena, Marisol, Indigenous Mestizos: The Politics of Race and Culture in Cuzco, Peru, 1919–1991 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weismantal, Mary, Cholas and Pishtacos: Stories of Race and Sex in the Andes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Poole, Deborah, Vision, Race, and Modernity: A Visual Economy of the Andean Image World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

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52. Orlove, Benjamin, “Down to Earth: Race and Substance in the Andes,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 17:2 (May 1998): 214CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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54. Nunn, “Professional Militarism,” 400.

55. Gregorio Condori Mamani was born in an Indian community in the district of Acopía, Cusco, probably circa 1910. According to his testimony, he was an orphan and was raised by his godmother until she decided to send him to earn his own keep. He then spent years wandering between communities, often returning to his native home just to leave again. He was recruited during one of his sojourns in Acopía, and following his discharge settled in the shantytowns of Cusco. See Fernández, Ricardo Valderrama and Gutiérrez, Carmen Escalante, Andean Lives: Gregorio Condori Mamani and Asunta Quispe Huamán (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998), 21–28Google Scholar, 47, 52.

56. In many Latin American nations, violence against conscripts during this period seems to have been widespread and to have targeted rookies, especially those from the popular classes. See Ablard, Jonathan, “‘The Barracks Receives Spoiled Children and Returns Men’: Debating Military Service, Masculinity and Nation-Building in Argentina, 1901–1930,” The Americas 74:3 (July 2017): 317CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Beattie, Peter, The Tribute of Blood: Army, Honor, Race and Nation in Brazil, 1864–1945 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57. De la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos, 6.

58. De la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos, 6.

59. Gutiérrez, Gregorio Mamani, 54.

60. ‘Misti’ is a variant of the word ‘mestizo’ meaning “powerful other.” See Weismantel, Cholas and Pishtacos, xxxvii.

61. Indians remained “equal” before the law until the mid 1920s, at which time a new penal code was enacted, reintroducing “Indian” as a legal category, and addressing Indians’ special social circumstances. See Lior Ben David, “Indians and Indigenistas in the Field of Criminal Law: The Cases of Mexico and Peru, 1910s–1960s” (PhD diss.: Tel Aviv University, 2011). On colonial racial hierarchies and their implications, see Jackson, Robert, Race, Caste, and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), 118–120Google Scholar.

62. Clothing serves as an important role in fiestas in both Mesoamerica and the Andes, and it is common for people to wear costumes or to dress in their best clothes on these occasions. See Barlett, Peggy, “Reciprocity and the San Juan Fiesta,” Journal of Anthropological Research 36:1 (April 1980): 116–130CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kandt, Vera, “Fiesta in Cuetzalan,” Artes de México 115 (January 1972): 104–107Google Scholar; and Meisch, Lynn, “We are Sons of Atahualpa and We Will Win: Traditional Dress in Otavalo and Saraguro, Ecuador,” in Textile Traditions of Mesoamerica and the Andes: An Anthropology, Achevill, Margot Blum et al. , eds. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

63. Laura Gotkowitz, for example, demonstrates how attempts to cross racial boundaries provoked strong, insulting reactions. See Gotkowitz, Laura, “Trading Insults: Honor, Violence, and the Gendered Culture of Commerce in Cochabamba, Bolivia, 1870s–1950s,” Hispanic American Historical Review 83:1 (February 2003): 83–118CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64. Weismantel, Cholas and Pishtacos, 45.

65. Jackson, Robert, Race, Caste and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), 118–120Google Scholar.

66. Davis, Thomas, “Indian Integration in Peru, 1820–1948: An Overview,” The Americas 30:2 (October 1973): 184–186CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67. Scholars have demonstrated that Indians had attempted to “pass” as mestizos to avoid paying taxes. In certain cases mestizos also tried to present themselves as Indians to escape the Inquisition. Jackson, Race, Caste and Status, 5–6; Alberro Solange, La actividad del Santo Oficio de la inquisición en Nueva España, 1571–1700 (México: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1981).

68. Queja de Santos Valdéz y Mariano Chahuaris, indígenas del Distrito de Chucuito, March 1913), APZ, Correspondencias. Cartas Recibidas.

69. See for example Camacho's self-reference in Queja de Santos Valdéz y Mariano Chahuaris; Queja de los indígenas de Chucuito, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238; and Queja de Máximo Naca, Manuel Yupanqui y otros, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238.

70. It is important to note that the veterans who made up the indigenous leadership of the Adventist Church were literate. Manuel Camacho and Juan Huanca wrote their own petitions and did not depend on notaries to choose their words for them.

71. On the importance of legal forms of writing, see Burns, Kathryn, Into the Archive: Writing and Power in Colonial Peru (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

72. In fact, during the colonial period whiteness could be purchased. See Ann Twinam, Purchasing Whiteness: Pardos, Mulattos, and the Quest for Social Mobility in the Spanish Indies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015).

73. See for example Laura Gotkowitz, “Trading Insults,” 83–118, esp. N6, N11, and N20.

74. Another exception was the “Negro mission,” which formed a part of the Southern Union Conference and was probably an outcome of US segregation laws.

75. See for example the lists of missions, conferences, and unions in the Seventh-Day Adventist yearbooks for 1908, 1915, and 1919, published by the Review & Herald Publishing Association, Takoma Park, MD, http://documents.adventistarchives.org/Yearbooks/Forms/AllItems.aspx, accessed January 24, 2020.

76. On the different, and sometimes contradicting, versions of Camacho's conversion, see Héctor Elías Núñez, “Presencia Protestante en el Altiplano peruano, Puno 1898–1915: el caso de los Adventistas del Séptimo Día,” (Licenciado thesis: Universidad Nacional de Mayor de San Marcos, 2008).

77. Chambi, “Sección Pedagógica,” 6. Comparing the names Chambi mentions in these pages with other sources has led to the confirmation of five students as veterans. Considering the difficulty in finding such information, it is likely that more were veterans.

78. According to one letter, local authorities had been harassing Camacho before the missionaries arrived. See Manuel Camacho al Presidente de la República, “Impetran protección oficial para sus escuelas particulares,” in Wilfredo Kapsoli, El pensamiento de la Asociación Pro Indígena (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1980), 138.

79. Initially, the Adventists were unsuccessful in Bolivia, and their missionary efforts yielded few converts. The situation changed in the 1920s when local Aymara leaders, among them Santos Marka T'ula and Gregorio Titiriku, contacted the church and asked for its help in establishing rural schools for Indian children. See Taller de Historia Oral Andina (THOA), “The Indian Santos Marka T'ula, Chief of the ayllus of Qallapa and General Representative of the Indian Communities of Bolivia,” History Workshop Journal 34 (October 1992): 116; and Waskar Ari-Chachaki, “Between Indian Law and Qullasuyu Nationalism: Gregorio Titiriku and the Making of AMP Indigenous Activists, 1921–1964,” Bolivian Studies Journal 15–17 (2008–2010): 100.

80. “Criminal Sumario: denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes por el delito de sedición y otros”, 1914, ARP, Expedientes criminales, Folio 98, Libro 14 n. 671.

Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 1.

81. Juan Fonseca Ariza, Misioneros y civilizadores. Protestantismo y modernización en el Perú (1915–1930), (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2002), 42. Monica Orozco has noted a similar tendency among Mexican liberal elites who “retained nominal allegiance to Catholicism” and “were actually most enthusiastic about the ideas of … Auguste Comte.” See Orozco, Monica, “‘Not to be Called Christian’: Protestant Perceptions of Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Latin America,” in Religion and Society in Latin America: Interpretive Essays from Conquest to Present, Penyak, Lee et al. , eds. (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2009), 182Google Scholar.

82. Asín, Fernando Armas, Liberales, protestantes y masones: modernidad y tolerancia religiosa, Perú siglo XIX (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1998)Google Scholar.

83. “No es ya prisión arbitraria,” La Unión, March 10, 1913, APZ, La Unión-1913, Recortes Encuadernado; “¡Los detenidos siguen presos! Es inaudito lo que pasa. Una prueba de que acá las autoridades son peligro y nunca una garantía … ¿Habrá justicia?” El Día, March 10, 1913, APZ, El Día-1913, Recortes Encuadernado.

84. Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 1.

85. Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 2–3.

86. Abercrombie, Thomas A., Pathways of Memory and Power: Ethnography and History among an Andean People (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1998), 355Google Scholar; Saignes, Thierry, “‘Estar en otra cabeza’: tomar en los Andes,” in Borrachera y memoria: la experiencia de lo sagrado en los Andes, Saignes, Thierry, ed. (Lima: Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, 1993), 17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

87. Allen, Catherine, The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity in an Andean Community (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 2002), 22Google Scholar.

88. Also in question were practices involving food and drink. See Weismantel, Mary, “Maize Beer and Andean Social Transformation: Drunken Indians, Bread Babies and Chosen Women,” Modern Language Notes 106:4 (September 1991): 861–879Google Scholar.

89. Engs, Ruth C., Clean Living Movements: American Cycle of Health Reform (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2000), 30Google Scholar.

90. Stahl, Ferdinand A., Land of the Incas (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Publishing Association, 1920), 128, 131Google Scholar.

91. For missionaries’ comments, see Stahl, Land of the Incas, 86; F. A. Stahl to W. A. Spicer, January 20, 1914, GCA, Incoming Letters, location 3277, RG 21; and Wilcox, E. H., In Perils Oft (Nashville: Southern Publishing Association, 1961), 40, 105Google Scholar. For reports on Indians’ comments, see Stahl, Land of the Incas,140.

92. Westphalw, J. W., “The Message among the Aymara Indians of Peru,” Advent Review and Herald 88:32 (August 10, 1911): 12Google Scholar.

93. In his study of the Franciscan mission among the Chiriguano in southeastern Bolivia, Erick Langer notes that missionaries dressed neophytes in clothing that was associated with working- class cholos in small towns in Bolivia and Peru, indicating the future they envisioned for the neophytes. Langer, Erick, “The Franciscan Missionary Enterprise in Nineteenth-Century Latin America,” The Americas 68:2 (October 2011), 173–174CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Klaus Fiedler pointed out that converts in Zambia were encouraged to wear Western clothing. Fiedler, Klaus, Christianity and African Culture: Conservative German Protestant Missionaries in Tanzania, 1900–1940 (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 8Google Scholar. In another case, African mission employees of the Anglican Church in Kenya were forbidden to wear Western clothes. See Reed, Colin, Pastors, Partners and Paternalists: African Church Leaders and Western Missionaries in the Anglican Church in Kenya, 1850–1900 (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 143CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Comaroff, John and Comaroff, Jean, “Fashioning the Colonial Subject,” in The Dialects of Modernity on a South African Frontier, Comaroff, John and Comaroff, Jean, eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 218–273Google Scholar.

94. See for example the description in Wilcox, In Perils Oft, 147.

95. E. L. Maxwell to W. A. Spicer, November 13, 1917, GCA, General Files 21, 1917-Maxwell, location 3295, RG 21; Achenbach, C. V., “Experiences at the Lake Titicaca Mission,” Advent Review and Herald 93:11 (March 2, 1916): 10Google Scholar.

96. It is very difficult to find sources on indigenous women converts, especially for the very early years of the mission. The most obvious reason for this has to do with literacy. When Manuel Camacho opened his school about 1900, all of his students were men. This situation appears to have lasted until around 1915, four years after Ferdinand Stahl officially established the mission, when Ana Stahl began to pay attention to women. Second, patriarchal conceptions often prevented even literate women from making official statements and signing documents. Dealing with authorities, including Adventist Church authorities, was considered a male domain. Thus, for example, only a few women signed the 1920 petition to the Adventist Church headquarters requesting that Ferdinand Stahl remain in Titicaca. It appears that these women were widows or not yet married. Third, missionaries took relatively little interest in native women, and their wives, who are often an important source for scholars studying these topics, published relatively little on the topic in Adventist newspapers and magazines.

97. Field-Colburn, Gussie, “Aymara Indian Girls,” Youth Instructor 70:12 (March 21 1922): 4Google Scholar. Gussie Field-Colburn arrived with her husband H. M Colburn in Puno around 1920. There, they served as missionaries among the Aymara for several years.

98. On the relationship between female missionaries and the native women they met in the field, see Patessio, Mara, “Western Women Missionaries and their Japanese Female Charges, 1870–1890,” Women's History Review 16:1 (2007): 59–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grimshaw, Patricia, Paths of Duty: American Missionary Wives in Nineteenth-Century Hawaii (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989)Google Scholar; and Rowbotham, Judith, “‘Hear an Indian Sister's Plea’: Reporting the Work of Nineteenth-Century British Female Missionaries,” Women's Studies International Forum 21:3 (May 1998): 247–261CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

99. de la Cadena, Marisol, “‘Women are More Indian’: Ethnicity and Gender in a Community near Cuzco,” in Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes, Larson, and Harris, , eds. (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), 332–333Google Scholar. To put it in another light, the ideological justifications of patriarchy were embedded in women's racial inferiority. The opposite is also true, as the subordination of Indians and rural communities was often justified through their feminine qualities.

100. De la Cadena, “Women are More Indian,” 343.

101. Field-Colburn, “Aymara Indian Girls,” 4. Colburn also briefly mentions the issue of women's literacy here: Field-Colburn, Gussie, “Indian Courting,” Youth Instructor 72:5 (January 29 1924): 10Google Scholar.

102. Elder and Mrs. Achenbach, “New Central Mission Station,” Field Tiding 8:34 (November 1 1916): 2.

103. Orlove, Benjamin, “Down to Earth: Race and Substance in the Andes,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 17:2 (May 1998): 207–222CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

104. Manuel Camacho to Presidente de la República, “Impetran protección oficial para sus escuelas particulares,” 138; Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 3; Chambi, “Sección Pedagógica,” 3.

105. Fiorenza, Francis, “Redemption,” New Dictionary of Theology, Komonchak, Joseph, et al. , eds. (Goldenbridge [Dublin]: Gill and Macmillan, 1987), 836–851Google Scholar; Quentin Quesnell, “Grace,” New Dictionary of Theology, 437–450; Carl J. Peter, “Justification,” New Dictionary of Theology, 553–555, and “Regeneration,” New Dictionary of Theology, 851. On the meanings and social functions of regeneration in the United States, see Slotkin, Richard, The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Foubert, John, et al. , “Explaining the Wind: How Self-Identified Born-Again Christians Define What Born Again Means to Them,” Journal of Psychology and Christianity 31:3 (2012): 215–222Google Scholar.

106. Carta de Manuel Camacho, 138; Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 3.

107. Queja de Pedro, Santiago y Juan de Dios Quispe y otros al Obispo de Puno,” 3 de abril 1920, Archivo Obispado de Puno, 3.

108. Galindo, Alberto Flores, In Search of an Inca: Identity and Utopia in the Andes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 5Google Scholar. Burga's notion of an Andean utopia differs from Galindo's, particularly in its perspective: While Galindo focuses mostly on elites, Burga concentrates on popular versions of the Andean utopia. Manuel Burga, Nacimiento de una utopía. Muerte y resurrección de los incas, Prefacio, 16, http://sisbib.unmsm.edu.pe/bibvirtual/libros/2006/nacimien_utop/contenido.htm, accessed January 25, 2020.

109. Queja de Pedro, Santiago y Juan de Dios Quispe y otros al Obispo de Puno.

110. Álvarez-Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains.”

111. Ferdinand Stahl was not the only Adventist missionary to live in an Indian home, Clinton Achenbach would do the same in latter years when he was sent to open a new mission station in the peninsula. See Elder and Mrs. Achenbach, C. V., “New Central Mission Station Opened in Lake Titicaca Region,” Field Tiding 8:34 (November 1, 1916): 2Google Scholar.

112. E. L. Maxwell to W. A. Spicer, June 15, 1916, GCA, Incoming Letters-Maxwell, location 3286, RG 21.

113. See for example E. H. Wilcox to J. L. Shaw, August 31 1920, GCA, Incoming Letters, location 3330, RG 21; and Wilcox, In Perils Oft, 61–63.

114. On the institution of compadrazgo in the Andes, see Ossio, Juan, “Cultural Continuity, Structure and Context: Some Peculiarities of the Andean Compadrazgo,” Kinship Ideology and Practice in Latin America, Smith, Raymond, ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984)Google Scholar; and Gascón, Jorge, “Compadrazgo y cambio en el Altiplano peruano,” Revista Española de Antropología Americana 35 (June 2005): 191–206Google Scholar.

115. Platería, 12. Luciano Chambi joined Manuel Camacho and Ferdinand Stahl as a young boy. He received a relatively extensive education for an Aymara Indian at the time. His sons went on to study in institutions of higher education and became prominent members of the Peruvian Adventist community. It should be noted that Chambi was called to serve in the military, but it is not known if he was in fact recruited.

116. See for example Gotkowitz, Laura, A Revolution for Our Rights: Indigenous Struggle for Land and Justice in Bolivia, 1880–1952 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), 49–51Google Scholar.

117. Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains,” 136.

118. Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains,” 114.

119. Juan Huanca, Mateo Urbina, and Luciano Chambi are examples of local Aymara-speaking Indians who ascended the Seventh-day Adventist hierarchy. The Chambi family, in particular, became prominent Adventists, filling positions in the Puno church and then using the church's transnational networks to immigrate to the United States.

120. De la Cadena has developed the idea of the “Indigenous mestizo” in her book Indigenous Mestizos: The Politics of Race and Culture in Cuzco, Peru, 1919–1991.