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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
The leaders of the independence movements in the several Ibero-American areas frequently turned their attention to the problems of the aborigine. Usually the liberators’ concern was restricted to the pious hope that the Indian would be incorporated into creole society. Detailed programs to this end were not presented. The chief exception was José Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva’s Apontamentos para a civilização dos índios bravos do Império do Brasil. Mostly a drawing upon the experience of the past with a blending of the new ideas of the Enlightenment, the Apontamentos present little new. They are today important because, along with José Bonifácio’s more celebrated treatise on the Negro slave, they show an interest in social problems to which few of his contemporaries gave more than a passing glance. In the present century, they have become the guidepost for Brazil’s Indian program. As such they have frequently been hailed by Brazilians when the Indian problem is discussed.
1 See David Stauffer, “The Origins and Establishment of Brazil’s Indian Service, 1889–1910,” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas, Austin, passim, and Cándido Rondon, “José Bonifácio e o problema indígena,” Mensario do Jornal do Comercio, Tomo VII, Vol. III (Setembro de 1939) (Rio de Janeiro, 1939), 867–879.
2 This and following references are from the Lisbon manuscript referred to later in the text of this article.
3 Although José Bonifácio praises the Jesuits in the Apontamentos, he calls their reduction system “huma theocracia absurda e interressada.” His preference for the Oratorians may stem from their popularity during and with the Pombal régime. For the activity of the leading Oratorians at that time, see da Silva Bastos, José Timòteo, História da censura intelectual em Portugal (Ensaio sobre a compressão do pensamento português) (Coimbra, 1926), pp. 124 ff.Google Scholar
4 de Sousa, Octávio Tarquínio, José Bonifácio, 1163–1838 (Rio de Janeiro, 1945), p. 112.Google Scholar
5 Printed in Moraes, A. J. Mello, História do Brasil-Reino e Brasil-Império [short title] (Rio de Janeiro, 1871), I, 85.Google Scholar
6 Idem.; Diario das Cortes Geraes, extraordinarias, e constituintes da nação portugueza, V, Sessão de 11 de Fevereiro [1822], 142, 145; V, Sessão de 7 de Março [1822], 395.
7 Ibid., V, 393.
8 Mello Moraes, op. cit., I, 85; Octavio Tarquínio de Sousa, A vida de D. Pedro I (2nd. ed.; Rio de Janeiro, 1954), I, 326.
9 Diário das Cortes Geraes, V, Sessão de 27 de Março [1822], 639.
10 Ibid., V, Sessão de 29 de Março [1822], 658, and Sessão de 1 de Abril [1822], 677.
11 As a member of the Committee, he signed a parecer on another Indian project. See Ibid., VII, Sessão de 26 de Agosto [1822], 239–242.
12 In the several projects presented to the Cortes on the Indian problem, José Bonif ácio’s plan does not seem to have been of influence. As early as 3 October, 1821, Francisco Moniz Tavares, deputy from Pernambuco, proposed that “meios suaves, e persuasivos” be used in dealing with the Indians. (Ibid., Ill, Sessão de 3 de Outubro [1821], 2489). Later he made another proposal to the same end. (Ibid., V, Sessão de 1 de Abril [1822], 683.) His second proposal was attached to one previously submitted by Domingos Borges de Barros, a deputy from Bahia. (Ibid., V, Sessão de 18 de Março [1822], 538–542.) Barros’ proposal is interesting in that instead of utilizing Catholic missionaries, he proposed that the Moravian Brethren be called in. He thus foreshadowed Diogo Feijó’s later celebrated program. Since Feijó, a fellow deputy, was present (Ibid., p. 528), it is not unlikely that he borrowed this idea from Barros.
In the one parecer e projecto do decreto presented by the Commissão de Ultramar on the Indian problem there is no influence of José Bonifácio’s thought. Indeed this project, based mainly on a plan submitted by Francisco Ricardo Zany for the Indians of Rio Negro, is often in direct opposition to José Bonifácio’s ideas. (Ibid., VII, Sessão de 26 de Agosto [1822], 239–242.)
The Constitution of 1822 mentions the Indians only once. According to Title VI, Chapter IV, “Concerning institutions of public instruction and charity,” the Cortes and the government were to be especially careful of those establishments, among others, designed for the civilization of the Indians.
13 As a member of the independent government, he twice issued orders on behalf of the Indians of Espírito Santo. See Caiuby, Arnando, O patriarca gênio da América (São Paulo, 1949), pp. 206–207.Google Scholar
14 Annaes do Parlamento Brazileiro Assembléa Constituinte 1823 (Rio de Janeiro, 1874), I, sessão em 12 de maio, 47.
15 Ibid., II, sessão em 18 de junho, 74. The divergence in the title as printed in the proceedings and as published may be attributed to Silveira Mendonça, but, more probably, judging from contemporary protests, to the official reporters.
16 This and the following version use the Positivist orthography.
17 It is possible that there have been other reprintings, perhaps in the press. If so, they have escaped the writer’s attention.
18 Following Comte’s lead concerning other more celebrated historical personages, the Brazilian Positivists regard José Bonifácio as a Positivist avant la lettre. The revered Positivist leader Teixeira Mendes spoke of him as “o tipo mais eminente da raça portugueza naquele tempo.” ( Mendes, Raimundo Teixeira, Benjamin Constant esboço de uma apreciação sintética da vida e da óbra do fundador da república brazileira (2nd. ed.; Rio de Janeiro, 1913), I, 10.Google Scholar) Concerning the Apontamentos, Teixeira Mendes wrote: “… ideou a incorporação do selvagem, chamando à civilização ocidental pelo aussílio diréto da siência, em vês de recorrer escluzivamente à catequéze teológica. Foi assim que Jozé Bonifácio patenteou ter sido o único estadista de nossa Pátria.” (Ibid., I, 11.) Finally the Positivist Apostle wrote of José Bonifácio that he “… esforçou-se por manter o sentimento da unidade humana, através de uma fragmentação inevitável. …” (Ibid., I, 504.) For other Positivist writings on José Bonifácio see Leal, Joaquim Bagueira, A José Bonifácio (Rio de Janeiro, 1923)Google Scholar and Boletim Pozitivista, I, No. 3 (Rio de Janeiro, 1938), passim. Rondon, the founder of Brazil’s present Indian policy, succintly describes his and the Positivist position on José Bonifácio in the work cited in note 1 and in the Rio 1910 edition, p. 8.
19 Both da Silva, Inocêncio, Diccionario bibliographico portugues (22 vols.; Lisbon, 1858–1914)Google Scholar, VIII, supplemento, 337, and Augusto Blake, V. A. Sacramento, Diccionario bibliographico brasileiro (7 vols.; Rio de Janeiro, 1883–1902), I, 352 give the date of publication as 1863.Google Scholar There is no indication of this in the copy I have examined. The preface is dated 1862.
20 Silva, op. cit., VIII, supplemento, 337.
21 Andrada to Drummond, Talance, 9 September, 1826 in “Cartas Andradinas,” Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, XIV (1886–1887) (Rio de Janeiro, 1890), 25.
22 Andrada to Drummond, Talance, 22 October, 1826, Ibid., p. 29. During his exile, José Bonifácio also seems to have sought French publication of the Apontamentos and his other works. See Orlando Damasceno, “José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva” [short title], Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de Sergipe, XV, No. 20 (1949–1951) (Aracaju, 1952 [?]), 210.
23 Rio 1823 text, p. 5 reads “nas Provincias”.
24 Rio 1823 text, p. 5 begins oihission here.