¹ de Mattos, Ilmar Rohloff, O tempo saquarema (São Paulo, 1987), p. 71.Google Scholar

² The general neglect of Indians as a topic relevant to broader issues in Brazilian history can be verified in two scholarly surveys: Bethell, Leslie, ed., The Cambridge History of Latin America, 6 vols, to date (Cambridge, 1984)Google Scholar (hereafter cited as CHLA); and de Holanda, Sérgio Buarque and Bausto, Boris, eds., História geral da civilização brasileira, 11 vols. (São Paulo, 1960–84)Google Scholar. Articles on Brazil between 1808 and 1930 in The Cambridge History contain only five brief references to Indians (3, pp. 679, 682, 745 n. 44, 752; and 5, p. 702). Similarly, the only chapters dealing specifically with Indians in the História Geral all concern the early colonial period. The same holds true for a university-level survey that summarizes the findings of research in recent decades: Linhares, Maria Yedda, ed., História Geral do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1990).Google Scholar

Among the few works dealing with Indians in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are Hemming’s, John Amazon Frontier: The Defeat of the Brazilian Indians (Cambridge, MA 1987),Google Scholar the sequel to his Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (Cambridge, MA 1978); and Ribeiro, Darcy, Os índios e a civilização: a integração das populações indígenas no Brasil moderno, 2d ed. (Petrópolis, 1977)Google Scholar, a now dated general survey. There are, however, signs of a growing interest in the topic, most notably the publication of a collection edited by da Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, História dos indios do Brasil (São Paulo, 1992)Google Scholar with an extensive bibliography that is perhaps the best guide to the historical literature on Indians in Brazil. Specifically for Bahia, see the relevant articles in Cultura (Salvador, BA), 1:1 (1988), some of which are cited in the notes below.

At the same time, new studies continue to revise older interpretations of Indian-settler relations in the early and mid-colonial period. See, for example, Dean, Warren, “Las poblaciones indígenas del litoral brasileño de São Paulo a Rio de Janeiro: Comercio, esclavitud, reducción y extinción” in Sánchez-Albornoz, Nicolás, ed., Población y mano de obra en América Latina, (Madrid, 1985), pp. 25–51 Google Scholar; Monteiro, John M., “From Indian to Slave: Forced Native Labor and Colonial Society in São Paulo during the Seventeenth Century,” Slavery and Abolition, 9:2 (September 1988), 105–127 Google Scholar; and Nazzari, Muriel, “Transition Toward Slavery: Changing Legal Practice Regarding Indians in Seventeenth-Century São Paulo,” The Americas, 49:5 (October, 1992), 131–156.Google Scholar

³ de Carvalho, Marcus Joaquim Maciel , “Hegemony and Rebellion in Pernambuco (Brazil), 1821–1835” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1989),Google Scholar chap. 6. At roughly the same time and under circumstances that remain poorly understood, the "settled" Indians in the township of Pedra Branca, Bahia, also rebelled. Reis, João José, “A elite baiana face aos movimentos sociais, Bahia: 1824–1840,” Revista de História (São Paulo), 54:108 (October-December 1976), p. 350Google Scholar. Forthcoming research by Judith Allen promises to clarify the circumstances surrounding this rebellion. In local censuses from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Luiz Mott has found a sizeable Indian population living in areas near the coast in the captaincy (later province) of Sergipe, located between Bahia and Alagoas. See Mott, Luiz, Sergipe del Rey: População, economia e sociedade (Aracaju, 1986), pp. 29–35 Google Scholar, 89–98.

⁴ Hemming, , Amazon Frontier, pp. 97–101 Google Scholar; Stein, Stanley J., Vassouras: A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850–1890: The Roles of Planter and Slave in a Changing Society [2d ed.] (New York, 1976), p. 120 Google Scholar; and (on Indians in the city of Rio de Janeiro) Karasch, Mary C., Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1850 (Princeton, 1987), p. 7.Google Scholar

⁵ Love, Joseph L., São Paulo in the Brazilian Federation, 1889–1937 (Stanford, 1980), p. 15 Google Scholar; Tidei Lima, João Francisco, “A ocupação da terra numa região do oeste do Estado de São Paulo” in Anais da Semana de Estudos de História Agrária, de 19 a 23 de maio de 1980 (Assis, 1982), 267–284 Google Scholar; Hemming, , Amazon Frontier, pp. 462–64Google Scholar. Quite typically, Emília Viotti da Costa does not deal with Indians in her discussions of the development and growth of the coffee economy in São Paulo in the nineteenth century in Da senzala à colônia, 2d ed. (São Paulo, 1982).

⁶ The term gentio in the expression “gentio bravo,” found frequently in the sources, might also be translated simply as “Indians” since the Aurélio registers “o indígena, o índio” as one possible meaning for the word. But gentio, which is used in the sources as a collective noun and which is etymologically related to the English word gentile, has as its first and primary meaning “aquele que professa o paganismo; idólatra.” Aurélio Buarque de Holanda Ferreira, comp., Novo Dicionário da Língua Portuguesa, 2d ed., rev. and enl. (Rio de Janeiro, 1986), s. v. “gentio.” It would seem clear that use of the term to refer to Indians originally came about because Indians were neither Christians nor infidels. As a translation for gentio, heathens has the advantage of conveying the implicit contrast between unconquered Indians and “Christians” found even in some early nineteenth-century sources. See, for example, [de Casal, Padre Manuel Aires], Corografia Brazilica, ou Relação H isterico-geografica do Reino do Brazil, 2 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, 1817; facs. reprint, Rio de Janeiro, 1947), 2, pp. 73–74.Google Scholar

⁷ Throughout this essay, the terms Portuguese, Portuguese-speaking settlers, and variants thereof are used more or less interchangeably to describe those free people, regardless of place of birth or race, who accepted Portuguese rule and neither saw themselves nor were seen by others as either “Indian“ or “African.” The terms therefore do not refer to black or mulatto slaves or to “Indians.” Cf. Socolow, Susan Migden, “Spanish Captives in Indian Societies: Cultural Contact Along the Argentine Frontier, 1600–1835,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 72:1 (February 1992), 75 Google Scholar n. 3, who, in dealing with the Argentine frontier both before and after 1810, employs Spanish in a similar way.

Using Portuguese to refer broadly to the free, non-“Indian” population is, of course, imprecise insofar as it does not allow for clear distinctions between the colonial power and local settlers. But, since this essay does not deal with disputes and differences between the Portuguese Crown and local settlers, the lack of precision should not be a source of problems. Moreover, assigning this broad meaning to Portuguese has advantages. On the one hand, it apparently corresponds to usage among some Indians in southern Bahia. Teófilo Ottoni, who in the 1840s and 1850s had repeated contacts with groups of unconquered Botocudos, noted that the Indians referred “to all Christians” as “Portuguese.” Ottoni, Theophilo Benedicto, “Noticia sobre os selvagens do Mucury,” Revista do Insituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro (hereafter cited as RIHGB), 21 (1854), 201 Google Scholar. Also see Idade d’Ouro, 63 (1811) in Nizza da Silva, Maria Beatriz, A primeira gazeta da Bahia: A Idade d’Ouro no Brasil (São Paulo and Brasília, 1978), pp. 55–57.Google Scholar On the other hand, free non-Indians in southern Bahia also seem to have assigned the same meaning to the term Portuguese in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. See, for example, the 1818 partial household census of the “Portuguese” militia district in the township of Santarém, located just north of Porto Seguro in the comarca of Ilhéus: “Lista da Companhia dos Portuguezes da Villa dos indios de Sãtarẽ e seu Termo do Terço das Ordenãnças do Capitão Mór da Villa do Camamû Antonio Jozé Mello” (1818), Arquivo Público do Estado da Bahia, Salvador, Seção Histórica (hereafter abbreviated as APEB, SH), 246. Santarém was at the time officially a vila de índios (Indian town) and had a population of somewhere around two hundred Indians. Mott, Luiz, “Os índios do sul da Bahia: População, economia e sociedade (1740–1854),” Cultura (Salvador, BA), 1:1 (1988)Google Scholar, 98, 100. The 1818 census includes among the “Portuguese” residents of Santarém individuals who are classified in the same census not only as “brancos (whites),” but also as “pardos (mulattos)” and “pretos (blacks).” Although some of the “whites” may have been Portuguese by birth, most of them had surely been born in Brazil. It is likewise highly improbable that many free or freed black and mulatto “Portuguese” inhabitants of Santarém had been born in Portugal. Slaves, in contrast with the “Portuguese” population, are not listed individually by name; the census, instead, simply provides the number of slaves owned by each household. At the same time, not a single individual in this household list is classified as an “Indian.” Clearly then, at least in this census of an “Indian town,” Brazilian-born whites as well as free or freed blacks and mulattos were all “Portuguese”; but Indians were not. For other instances where Banian sources use the term Portuguese, apparently without regard to place of birth, to draw a distinction between the free local population and “Indians,” see, for example, Silva Lisboa, Baltasar da, “Officio … para D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho” (20 March 1799), Anais da Biblioteca Nacional (hereafter cited as ABN), 36 (1914), 115 Google Scholar; “Informação de alguns moradores da villa do Prado … sobre Os índios” (16 October 1803); Domingos Ferreira Maciel, “Officio … para o Governador da Bahia … sobre Os índios” (16 October 1803); Luís Tomás Navarro de Campos, “Officio … para o Governador da Bahia em que o informa sobre o estado de civilisação em que se encontravam Os índios da Comarca” (23 January 1804), all in ABN, 37 (1915), 177–180.

⁸ The Tupinikin were one of the several groups of Indians who spoke languages belonging to the Tupi linguistic family and who inhabited large areas of coastal Northeastern and Southeastern Brazil at the time Portuguese settlement began. On Tupi-speaking Indians, see Métraux, Alfred, “The Tupinambá” in Steward, Julian H., ed., Handbook of South American Indians, 7 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1946–59), 3 Google Scholar, pp. 95–135; Fernandes, Florestan, “Antecedentes indígenas; Organização social das tribos tupis,” História Geral da Civilização Brasileira, tome 1, vol. 1, pp. 72–86 Google Scholar; Fausto, Carlos, “Fragmentos de história e cultura tupinambá: Da etnologia como instrumento crítico de conhecimento etno-histórico” in História dos índios, 381–96Google Scholar; and Ott, Carlos, Pré-história da Bahia (Salvador, 1958), pp. 11–33.Google Scholar

⁹ Although it focuses on the area around the the Bay of All Saints, near the city of Salvador, the best discussion of Indian labor and the early development of the sugar industry in Northeastern Brazil is Schwartz, Stuart B., Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550–1835 (Cambridge, 1985), chaps. 2–3.Google Scholar

¹⁰ de Almeida Prado, J.F., A Bahia e as capitanias do centro do Brasil (1530–1626): História da formação da sociedade brasileira, 3 vols., Brasiliana, 247–247-b (São Paulo, 1945–1950), 1, pp. 256–326 Google Scholar; Johnson, H.B, “The Portuguese settlement of Brazil, 1500–80,” CHLA, 1, 279–80Google Scholar; Marchant, Alexander, Do escambo à escravidão, trans. Lacerda, Carlos, 2d ed., Brasiliana, 225 (São Paulo; Brasília, 1980), pp. 42, 65Google Scholar; Filipe Nunes de Carvalho, "Do descobrimento à união ibérica," in Johnson, Harold and da Silva, Maria Beatriz Nizza, eds., O império luso-brasileiro, 1520–1620, (Lisbon, 1992), pp. 126–27.Google Scholar

¹¹ Hemming, , Red Gold, pp. 93–94 Google Scholar; Emmerich, Charlotte and Montserrat, Ruth “Sobre Aimorés, Krens e Botocudos: Notas lingüísticas,” Boletim do Museu do índio, 3 (October 1975), 5–6.Google Scholar Emerich and Montserrat also point out (pp. 6–7) that seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century sources more often use the term “Grens” or variants such as “Grem” or “Guerém” to describe the Aimorés. In the late eighteenth century, “Aimoré once again became common, but would soon give way to “Botocudo.”

¹² de Sousa, Gabriel Soares, Notícia do Brasil [1587], with commentaries by [Francisco Adolfo de] Varnhagen, Pirajá da Silva, and [Frederico G.] Edelweiss (São Paulo, 1957), pp. 30–31 Google Scholar (referring also to the destruction in Ilhéus).

¹³ Johnson, , “The Portuguese settlement,” pp. 280–79Google Scholar; Marchant, , Do escambo, pp. 112–13Google Scholar; Hemming, , Amazon Frontier, pp. 93–94.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Especially, from the late eighteenth century onward, there are scattered references to several engenhos in Porto Seguro, but these seem to have generally been small mills that produced sugar and sugar-cane brandy mainly for local consumption. The Royal Treasury Board and, after 1822, the provincial tax authorities in Salvador kept between 1807 and 1873 a register of all engenhos that sent sugar to warehouses in the city for export. The name of only one engenho located in Porto Seguro appears in the register. By contrast, the authorities registered at various dates forty-one engenhos located in townships in the former captaincy of Ilhéus. “Matrícula dos Engenhos da Capitania da Bahia pelos Dizimos Reais administrados pela Junta da Real Fazenda” (1807–1874), APEB, SH, 632.

¹⁵ On the Jesuit missions, see Serafim Leite, S.I., História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil, 10 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, Lisbon, 1938–45), 5, pp. 227–42Google Scholar. Unfortunately, Leite was unable to uncover information on the Jesuit missions in Porto Seguro that would allow for any detailed assessment of their social and cultural impact on the indigenous population. This makes it, in turn, difficult to gauge changes after the expulsion of the Jesuits.

¹⁶ Information on Porto Seguro in this period is scant. The limited growth and development of the region in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries can, however, be gauged from the detailed descriptions written in 1764 by Porto Seguro’s ouvidor (royal judge), Tomé Couceiro de Abreu: “Relação sobre as Villas e Rios da Capitania de Porto Seguro,” “Noticia sobre a Barra e Rio da Povoação de S. Matheus,” “Noticia sobre a Barra do Rio Mucury,” “Noticia sobre a Barra do Rio Peruipe,” “Noticia sobre as Barras do Rio da Villa de Santo Antonio das Caravellas,” “Noticia sobre a Barra do Rio Itanhem,“ “Noticia sobre a Barra do Rio Jucurucú,” “Noticia sobre a Barra do Porto Seguro,” “Noticia sobre a Bana do Rio da freguezia de Santa Cruz,” “Noticia sobre a Enseada da Coroa Vermelha,” “Noticia sobre a Barra do Rio Grande,” ail in ABN, 32 (1910), 38–42, 54–62.

Another indication of the region’s continuing poverty comes from a 1779 assessment for the donativo (a special tax established to fund the rebuilding of Lisbon after the earthquake of 1755). The total assessment for the Captaincy-General of Bahia (which, by 1779, already included Porto Seguro) was set at Rs.29:166$666. Toward that sum, Porto Seguro contributed only Rs.l20$000-that is, less than 0.5 percent of the total. “Mappa do estabelecimento do donativo e contribuição voluntr^a q. paga ann^alm^te … a Capit^a da Ba …” (1779), APEB, SH, material não classificado (1988).

¹⁷ Here I have accepted Dauril Alden’s judgment that, of the population counts carried out in the late eighteenth century, the census of 1780 is the most accurate. Alden, Dauril, “The Population of Brazil in the Late Eighteenth Century. A Preliminary Study,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 43:2 (May 1963), 186 Google Scholar. A summary of the results of this census can be found in “Mappa da enumeração da gente e povo desta Capitania da Bahia …” (1780), ABN, 32 (1910), 480.

¹⁸ The censuses on which table 1 is based classified residents of Porto Seguro in four “racial” categories: branco (white), pardo (literally, “brown”; but commonly used to refer to mulattos), preto (black), and índio (Indian). The fact that categories such as caboclo, mameluco, mestiço, curiboca, and cafuso for mixed descendants of Indians and Europeans or Indians and Africans do not appear in any of the censuses should not be taken as indicating the absence of miscegenation in Porto Seguro. There are, in fact, scattered references to miscegenation involving Indians in other sources. It is possible that mestiços, etc. may have been classified as pardos. Yet, it also seems that miscegenation involving Indians may have been less common in southern Bahia than elsewhere in Brazil. Working with ecclesiastical court records from 1813 for townships in the former captaincy of Ilhéus (just north of Porto Seguro), Luiz Mott found only one mameluco (person of mixed European and Indian ancestry) among the 383 persons (including eighty-five Indians) who filed accusations. Mott, “Os índios,” pp. 100, 109. Likewise, an 1837 census of the parish of Nossa Senhora da Pena in the township of Porto Seguro lists only eighty-seven mamelucos and curibocas, who accounted for less than four percent of the parish’s total population. “Mapa Popular da Freguesia de N.S.^a da Penna de Porto Seguro–1837…,” APEB, SH, 5212. In Trancoso in 1840, mamelucos represented a mere 2.2 percent of the population. “População da Freguesia de S. José Batista de Trancoso…” (1840), APEB, SH, 5228.

¹⁹ “Mappa dos Habitantes. Colonos Allemães que existem no Lugar denominado Leopoldina…1820” in “Mapas estatísticos da comarca de Porto Seguro,” Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Seção de Manuscritos (hereafter abbreviated as BN-s/m), I–31,19,15. On Freyreiss, see Augel, Moema Parente, Viajantes estrangeiros na Bahia oitocentista, with a preface by Américo Jacobina Lacombe (São Paulo and Brasília, 1980), pp. 44–47.Google Scholar

²⁰ da Silva Lisboa, José, “Carta muito interessante … para o Dr. Domingos Vandelli, Director do Real Jardim Botanico de Lisboa, em que lhe dá noticia desenvolvida sobre a Capitania da Bahia …” (1781), ABN, 32 (1910), 503 Google Scholar; Santos Vilhena, Luís dos, A Bahia no século XVIll,Google Scholar notes and commentaries by Braz do Amarai; presentation by Edison Carneiro, 2d ed. [1st ed. published with the title Recopilação de noticias soteropolitanas …, 1921], 3 vols. (Salvador, 1969); Lindley, Thomas, Narrative of a Voyage to Brazil; … With General Sketches of the Country, Its Natural Productions, Colonial Inhabitants, & c. and a Description of the City and Provinces of St. Salvadore and Porto Seguro … (London, 1805), pp. 228–29Google Scholar; de Campos, Luís Tomás Navarro, “Itinerario da viagem que fez por terra da Bahia ao Rio de Janeiro por ordem do principe regente, em 1808 …,” R1HGB, 47:28 (1846), 444–45, 449–50Google Scholar; Brown, Larissa Virginia, “Internal Commerce in a Colonial Economy: Rio de Janeiro and Its Hinterland, 1790–1822” (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1986), pp. 350–53Google Scholar; Antonio Rebello, Domingos José, “Corographia, ou abreviada historia geographica do Imperio do Brasil” (1829), Revista do Instituto Geográfico e Histórico da Bahia, 55 (1929), 190, 192–95.Google Scholar

²¹ de Sampaio Vianna, João Antonio, “Breve noticia da primeira planta de café que houve na Comarca de Caravellas ao Sul da Bahia,” RIHGB, 5 (1847), 77–79.Google Scholar

²² See the trade figures for various townships for various years between 1813 and 1820 in “Mapas estatísticos da comarca de Porto Seguro,” BN-s/m, 1–31,19,15.

²³ On the Pombaline reforms and Portuguese colonial policies after Pombal, see Calazans Falcon, Francisco José, A época pombalina (Política econômica e monarquía ilustrada) (São Paulo, 1983)Google Scholar; Alden, Dauril, “Late colonial Brazil, 1750–1808” in CHLA, 2, 612–27Google Scholar; Maxwell, Kenneth R., Conflicts and Conspiracies: Brazil and Portugal, 1750–1807 (Cambridge, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chaps. I-II, VIII; and Novais, Fernando A., Portugal e Brasil na crise do Amigo Sistema Colonial (1777–1808) (São Paulo, 1979).Google Scholar

²⁴ On these administrative changes, see Alden, Dauril, Royal Government in Colonial Brazil: With Special Reference to the Administration of the Marquis of Lavradio, 1769–1779 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968), pp. 39–40.Google Scholar Alden does not list Porto Seguro as a subordinated captaincy within the Captaincy-General of Bahia, which suggests that the area had not lost all autonomy. In fact, contemporaries still referred to Porto Seguro as a “captaincy” in the early nineteenth century. The exact relationship between Porto Seguro and the government of Bahia thus remains unclear. In his 1759 survey of the Captaincy of Bahia, José Caldas referred to Porto Seguro as both a “captaincy” and a “comarca desta cidade (comarca of this city [i.e., Salvador])” with a “lay ouvidor provided by this government [i.e., the government of the Captaincy of Bahia].” Caldas, Jozé, “Noticia Geral de toda esta Capitania da Bahía desde o seu descobrimento até o prezente anno de 1759,” Revista do Instituto Geográfico e Histórico da Bahia, 57 (1931), 31–32 Google Scholar. In turn, a summary of a 1775 census describes Porto Seguro as a “comarca” and notes that “the ecclesiastical government [of Porto Seguro] belongs to [the diocese] of Rio de Janeiro, but the civil and military government belongs to Bahia.” Vilhena, A Bahia, 2, “Mapa de tdas as freguesias,” between pp. 460 and 461.

²⁵ I have inferred the content of those instructions from references to them in reports filed by the ouvidores, most of which are cited in various notes below.

²⁶ Thus, the comarca of Porto Seguro encompassed areas that, after independence, would be incorporated into the province of Espírito Santo: viz., the territory lying between the Rio Mucuri (the current boundary between Bahia and Espírito Santo) and the Rio Doce, which included the township of São Mateus.

²⁷ On these Indian groups, see the following articles in vol. 1 of the Handbook of South American Indians: Métraux, Alfred, “The Botocudo,” pp. 531–40Google Scholar; Métraux, Alfred and Nimuendajú, Curt, “The Mashacalí, Patashó, and Maialí Linguistic Families,” pp. 541–45Google Scholar; and, by the same two authors, “The Camacan Linguistic Family,” pp. 547–52. Also see Paraíso, Maria Hilda B., “Os Botocudos e sua trajetória histórica” in História dos indios, pp. 423–28Google Scholar; idem, “Os Krenak do Rio Doce, a pacificação, o aldeamento e a luta pela terra,” Revista de Filosofia e das Ciencias Humanas (Salvador, BA), 2 (June 1991), 12–23; Omar, da Rocha Jr., “Persistência, mudança e perspectivas dos Pataxó meridionals,” Cultura (Salvador, BA), 1:1 (1988), 61–67 Google Scholar; Emerich, and Montserrat, , “Sobre Aimorés, Gren e Botocudo,” pp. 1–45 Google Scholar; and Urban, Greg, “A história da cultura brasileira segundo as línguas nativas” in História dos índios, 88 Google Scholar, 91 (for linguistic identification). It should, however, be noted that much of the available literature, projecting backward, tends to portray these groups of Indians as clearly distinct and fixed over time and disregards the possibility of shifts in ethnic identities and boundaries.

²⁸ The Botocudo, it seems, referred to themselves generically as the Kren, their word for “head,” a term which appears in Portuguese-language sources from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as Grens, Guerém, Grem, etc. But it is not at all clear that all Indians identified in the sources as “Grens” were Botocudos. The available sources from the second or third decade of the nineteenth century onward sometimes identify individual groups of Botocudos by specific the names such as Jiporok, Naknanuk, Krenak, etc., which the groups themselves apparently used and which weres were derived either from leaders’ names or from references to geographic features. Emerich and Montserrat, pp. 4–7; Paraíso, , “Os Krenak do Rio Doce,” p. 12.Google Scholar

It is worth noting that the Txukahamãe of Goiás and Pará also use lip and ear disks and that, like the Botocudo of southern Bahia, they belong linguistically to Gê language family. Mary Karasch, personal communication; Urban, “A história da cultura,” pp. 88, 90 (for linguistic identification).

²⁹ See, e.g., “Carta do Vigario geral da freguezia de Ν.S. da Conceição de Minas Novas … para o Arcebispo da Bahia” (24 February 1794), ABN, 34 (1912), 314; Campos, “Itinerario,” p. 467; João da Costa, Gonçalves, “Memoria summaria e compendiosa da Conquista do Rio Pardo” (1806–1807), ABN, 37 (1915), 456 Google Scholar; [Aires de Casal], Corografia, 2, p. 72 n.; Maximiliano (Príncipe de Wied-Neuwied) [i.e., Maximilian zu Wied-Neuwied], Viagem ao Brasil, trans. Edgard Süssekind de Mendonça and Flavio Poppe de Figueiredo, 2d ed., Brasiliana, 5a Série, 1 (São Paulo, 1958), p. 220.

Following late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century sources, some scholars are quick to identify the Botocudo with the Indians known as Aimorés in the sixteenth century. See, for example, Hemming, , Amazon Frontier, p. 85 Google Scholar; Métraux, , “The Botocudo,” p. 530 Google Scholar; and Paraíso, , “Os Botocudos,” pp. 413,Google Scholar 428. In “Sobre os Aimorés” (p. 10), Emmerich and Montserrat argue that linguistic data suggest “a genetic link … between the language of the ancient Aimorés or Grens and that of the Botocudos.” Although plausible, the argument is based on slim evidence, consisting of a single lexical item along with the toponym “Sincorá” and a phonetic alternation found both in Botocudo words and in recorded variations of the name “Gren.” That the Aimorés and the Botocudo may have spoken related languages does not, however, allow for an automatic or exclusive identification of one group with the other. Such an identification is at present open to question not only because ethnohistorical knowledge about both the Aimorés and the Botocudo remains quite limited, but also because the term “Aimoré” could be applied to any number of different groups of hostile non-Tupi Indians. See Ott, Carlos, “A distribuição tribal e geográfica dos índios baianos,” Cultura (Salvador, BA), 1:1 (1988), 127–28Google Scholar; ibid., Pré-História, p. 16; and da Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, “Política indigenista no século XIX” in História dos índios, pp.136–54Google Scholar. Also weighing against any automatic or exclusive identification of the Botocudo with the Aimorés is the fact that, in his description of the Aimorés, Gabriel Soares de Sousa (Notícia, pp. 30–31) makes no reference to the use of lip or ear discs that distinguished the Botocudo and that so impressed later observers.

³⁰ José Xavier Machado Monteiro, “Carta … ” (April 1773), ABN 32 (1910), 272; idem, “Carta … (para Martinho de Mello e Castro)” (1 January 1774), ABN 32 (1910), 277.

³¹ The available sources contain very little information on the ethnic identity of these Indians. A mid-eighteenth-century list of missions administered, until 1759, by the Jesuits classifies the inhabitants at Trancoso as “Tupinikins or Tabajaras mixed with Tupinan” and those at Vila Verde as “Tupinikins mixed with Pontuntuns.” Caldas, “Noticia Geral,” “Mapa geral de todas as Missoens …,” between pp. 30–31. The Tupinan and the Tabajara, like the Tupinikin, were Tupi-speakers. It is unclear what sort of Indians the Pontuntum (a group not mentioned elsewhere in the sources) were. Although it seems safe to assume that, elsewhere in the mid- and late eighteenth century, most settled Indians were descendants of the original Tupinikin, this was not always the case. Near the mouth of the Rio Jequitinhonha, in what would become the township of Belmonte, lived the Indians known as the Menhãs, a group of Camacãs, who had agreed to live under Portuguese rule in 1628. de Abreu, Tomé Couceiro, “Officio … (para o Ministro dos Negocios do Ultramar Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado)” (16 June 1764), ABN, 32 (1910), 52 Google Scholar; Maximiliano, , Viagem, p. 235.Google Scholar

³² José Xavier Machado Monteiro, “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (24 February 1769), ABN, 32 (1910), 207; idem, “Carta … (para Martinho de Mello e Castro)” (1 May 1774), ABN, 32 (1910), 277.

³³ Directorio, que se deve observar nas povoaçoens dos indios do Paró, e Maranhão … (Lisbon, 1758), facs. reprint in de Araújo Moreira Neto, Carlos, Índios da Amazônia, de maioria a minoria (1750–1850) (Petrópolis, 1988), pp. 165–203 Google Scholar; Hemming, , Amazon Frontier, chap. 3.Google Scholar

For a recent analysis of the Diretório in one area of the Amazon basin, see Farage, Nádia, As muralhas do sertão: Ospovos indígenas no rio Branco e a colonização (Rio de Janeiro, 1991)Google Scholar, chap. IV. Also see Karasch, Mary, “Catequese e cativeiro: Política indigenista em Goiás, 1780–1889” in História dos indios, pp. 397–412 Google Scholar (one of the very few studies of an area other than Amazônia that deals with the aldeia system and with local Indian policy in general).

In some ways, the Diretório merely secularized and expanded the system of supervised villages first introduced by the Jesuits. But, although the Jesuits attempted to impose wide-ranging cultural changes in the lives of converted Indians, they did not insist that Indians should become “Portuguese.” They were willing to tolerate the existence of christianized “Indians” as a culturally distinct group within colonial society. Their tolerance gave way from the late 1750s onward to a greater insistence in Portuguese Indian policy on cultural conformity. See Neto, Moreira, Índios, pp. 25–26 Google Scholar; Freire, José Bessa, “Da ‘fala boa’ ao português na Amazônia brasileira,” Amerindia: Revue d'ethnolinguistique amérindienne, 8 (1983), 59–62 Google Scholar; and Urban, Greg, “The Semiotics of State-Indian Linguistic Relationships; Peru, Paraguay, and Brazil” in Urban, Greg and Sherzer, Joel, eds., Nation-States and Indians in Latin America, (Austin, 1991), p. 323.Google Scholar On the earlier Jesuit mission villages and Jesuit Indian policies, see Hemming, Red Gold, chaps. 5,10, 13, 15, 18–21; Schwartz, , Sugar Plantations, pp. 35–43 Google Scholar; and Alden, Dauril, “Black Robes versus White Settlers: The Struggle for the ‘freedom of the Indians’ in Colonial Brazil” in Peckham, Howard and Gibson, Charles, eds., Attitudes of the Colonial Powers Toward American Indians, (Salt Lake City, Utah, 1969), pp. 19–45.Google Scholar

Despite differences in time and Polítical and cultural context, there are also a number of parallels between, on the one hand, the system of supervised aldeias and the Diretório legislation more generally and, on the other, efforts in the U.S. to “civilize” Indians in the late nineteenth century. For U.S. efforts, see, e.g., White, Richard, “It’s Your Misfortune and None of My Own” : A New History of the American West (Norman, OK, 1991), pp. 102–04, 109–16.Google Scholar

³⁴ Abreu, , “Relação sobre as Villas e Rios … Porto Seguro” (1764), p. 39.Google Scholar

³⁵ My discussion of the aldeia system in Porto Seguro is based chiefly on the following sources, all of which have been published in ABN, 32 (1910): José Xavier Machado Monteiro, “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (24 February 1769), 207–208; idem, “Carta … dirigida ao Rei,” (10 May 1770), 239–40; idem, “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (10 May 1771), 255–57; idem, “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (2 April 1772), 266–67; idem, “Relação individual do que tenho feito n’esta Capitania de Porto Seguro, desde o dia 3 de maio de 1767” (1 April 1772), 267–69; idem, “Carta …” (April 1773), 272–73; idem, “Carta … (para Martinho de Mello e Castro)” (1 May 1774), 277–78; idem, “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (12 May 1775), 293–94; idem, “Carta … (para Martinho de Mello e Castro)” (1 June 1776), 324–25; idem, “Relação individual do que o Ouvidor da Capitania de Porto Seguro n’ella tem operado nos 10 para 11 anos, que tem decorrido desde o día 3 de maio de 1767” (1777); idem, “Instrucções para o governo dos indio da Capitania de Porto Seguro, que meus Directores hão de praticar em aquilo que não se encontrar com o Directorio dos indios do Gram Pará” (n.d.), 372–79.

³⁶ In almost any context, use of the term “peasantry” and “peasants” can be problematic if only because, over the years, the definition of these terms has been the subject of considerable scholarly debate. See, for example, Silverman, Sydel, “The Peasant Concept in Anthropology,” Peasant Studies, 7:1 (1979–80), 49–65 Google Scholar; Shanin, Teodor, ed., Peasants and Peasant Societies: Selected Readings (Har-mondsworth, Middlx, 1971)Google Scholar; Ellis, Frank, Peasant Economics: Farm Household and Agrarian Development (Cambridge, 1988), esp. chap. 1;Google Scholar Vilar, Pierre, Iniciación al vocabulario del análisis histórico, Dolors Folch, trans. M. (Barcelona, 1980), pp. 267–311 Google Scholar; and Archetti, Eduardo, Fossum, Egil, and Reinton, Per Olav, “Agrarian Structure and Peasant Autonomy” (unpublished paper, International Peace Research Institute, Oslo, n.d.).Google Scholar

The issue becomes even more more complicated in dealing with Brazil, where, as de Souza Martins, José notes, “the words ‘peasant (componês)’ and ‘peasantry (campesinato)’ are among the most recent in the Brazilian vocabulary,” having been definitively introduced only in the 1950s. José de Souza Martins, Os camponeses e a Política no Brasil, 3d ed. (Petrópolis, 1986), p. 21 Google Scholar. Moreover, in the 1950s, 1960s, and even early 1970s, a now largely outdated debate questioned whether or not peasants exist or have ever existed in Brazil. See, for example, Prado, Caio Jr., A questão agrária no Brasil, 3d ed. (São Paulo, 1981), pp. 15–86 Google Scholar. On the debate, also see Schwartz, Stuart B., “Perspectives on the Brazilian Peasantry: A Review Essay,” Peasant Studies, 4:4 (Oct. 1976), 11–19 Google Scholar; and Linhares, Maria Yedda and da Silva, Francisco Carlos Teixeira, História da agricultura brasileira: Combates e controvérsias (São Paulo, 1981), pp. 135–36.Google Scholar

Moving beyond that debate and accepting “peasant” as a useful and valid concept, the more recent scholarship has yielded in-depth studies of contemporary Brazilian peasants. See, e.g., Garcia, Afrnio Raul Jr., Terra de trabalho (Rio de Janeiro, 1983)Google Scholar; idem, O sul: Caminho do roçado: Estratêgias de reprodução camponesa e transformação social (São Paulo, 1990); de Heredia, Beatriz Maria Alásia, A morada da vida: Trabalho familiar de pequenos produtores do Nordeste do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1979)Google Scholar; and Moura, Margarida Maria, Os deserdados da terra: A lògica costumeira e judicial dos processes de expulsão e invasão da terra camponesa no sertão de Minas Gerais (Rio de Janeiro, 1988)Google Scholar. These studies do not take private ownership of land by individual farmers or farm families as a necessary element in defining the peasantries they examine; and, while generally not classifing permanent full-time wage-earning rural laborers as peasants, the studies do not exclude the possibility that peasants may at times regularly engage in off-farm labor. Likewise, the recent historical literature on Brazil has begun to devote increased attention to peasantries in Brazil’s past. See, for example, Cardoso, Ciro Flamarion S., Economìa e sociedade em áreas periféricas: Guiana Francesa e Pará (1750–1817) (Rio de Janeiro, 1984), pp. 184–87Google Scholar; Marcilio, Maria Luiza, Caiçara: Terra e população: Estudo de demografia histórica e da história social de Ubatuba (São Paulo, 1986)Google Scholar; Kuznesof, Elizabeth Anne, Household Economy and Urban Development: São Paulo, 1765–1836 (Boulder, 1986)Google Scholar; Mattos de Castro, Hebe Maria, Ao sul da história (São Paulo, 1987)Google Scholar; Ribeiro Fragoso, João Luís, Homens da grossa aventura: Acumulação e hierarquia na praça mercantil do Rio de Janeiro (1790–1830) (Rio de Janeiro, 1992), pp. 104–22Google Scholar; Metcalf, Alida C., Family and Froniier in Colonial Brazil: Santana de Parnaíba (Berkeley, 1992).Google Scholar

Originally drafted for the Amazon basin, the Diretório legislation contains elaborate provisions on the distribution of village Indians as laborers for river-based expeditions to gather forest products and for other purposes. Directorio, pp. 20-31 in Neto, Moreira, Indios, pp. 185–96.Google Scholar But the sections on farming within the aldeias refer to the Indians as “possessing” and cultivating “their [own] lands” and sustaining themselves and their families with the crops they grew. Ibid., pp. 8, 10, 11, 19, 35.

Entirely coherent with the Diretório, the modifications introduced into that legislation in southern Bahia, as I attempt to show below, envisioned aldeia Indians as small-scale, “family”-based, sedentary agriculturalists who would enjoy stable access to the land they farmed. It is in this sense that I use the terms “peasant” and “peasantry” here and elsewhere in this essay. But, as I also attempt to show below, built into the aldeia system were other goals that conflicted directly with the attempt to create an indigenous peasantry. My use of the terms “peasant” and “peasantry” in the present context would seem to match the similar use of the same terms by Stuart Schwartz and Ciro Cardoso in their discussions of the earlier mission system. See Schwartz, , Sugar Plantations, pp. 35–43 Google Scholar; and Cardoso, Ciro Flamarion S., “O trabalho na Colônia,” in Linhares, Maria Yedda, ed., Historia geral, p. 85.Google Scholar

The goal of creating an indigenous peasantry that appears both in the Diretório and in the adaptations Ouvidor Monteiro made in that legislation has parallels in a certain interest in promoting small-and medium-scale agricultural production among some Brazilian intellectuals in the late colonial period. See Jobim, Leopoldo, Reforma agrária no Brasil Colônia (São Paulo, 1983)Google Scholar; and Araújo, Emanuel, Introdução to Pensamentos políticos sobre a Colônia by Luís dos Santos Vilhena (Rio de Janeiro, 1987), pp. 18–28 Google Scholar. Needless to say, that interest did not translate into policies that transformed patterns of landholding or the structure of Brazilian agriculture.

³⁷ See Schwartz, , Sugar Plantations, p. 41 Google Scholar (referring to the spatial organization of Jesuit mission villages in early colonial Brazil). Also cf. Jolly, Margaret, “Sacred Spaces: Churches, Men’s Houses, and Households in South Pentecost, Vanatu” in Jolly, Margaret and Maclntyre, Martha, eds., Family and Gender in the Pacific: Domestic Contradictions and the Colonial Impact, (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 213–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁸ See the four unsigned water-color “maps” of Indian villages (“Vila do Prado,” “Mapa da nova villa de Portalegre,” “Rio Peruipe,” and a fourth unnamed village) in southern Bahia displayed on the walls of the Sala de Pesquisa at APEB. These undated facsimile reproductions drawn by Isabel San-gareau da Fonseca-Lisboa all bear the stamp of the “Arquivo de Marinha e Ultramar. Biblioteca Nacional,” Lisbon. It seems likely that the originals were drawn in the early 1790s by Domingo Alves Branco Moniz Barrett). Barreto, who was active in southern Bahia, prepared in 1794 “maps” of other Indian villages elsewhere in the captaincy, which are preserved in the Arquivo de Marinha e Ultramar. See “Planta da Villa de Santarém, pertencente á comarca dos Ilhéos” (1794), “Planta da Aldêa de Massarandupio” (1794) and “Planta da Villa de Abrantes, pertencente á comarca do Norte” (1794) in ABN, 34 (1912), 328, 330–31.

³⁹ Monteiro’s predecessor had also issued detailed regulations concerning the design of houses. See Abreu, , “Relação sobre as Villas e Rios … Porto Seguro” (1764), p. 39.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Monteiro, “Instrucções para o governo dos indios” (n.d.), p. 379. Also see idem, “Provimentos e instrucções … relativos á fundação da Villa Viçosa” (1768), ABN, 32 (1910), 212.

⁴¹ Cf. Jolly, “Sacred Spaces.”

⁴² Monteiro, , “Instrucções para o governo dos indios” (n.d.), p. 379.Google Scholar

⁴³ Lisboa, , “Officio … para D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho” (20 March 1799), p. 110.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The possibility that Indians might be practicing incest also concerned authorities in the neighboring comarca of Ilhéus. See da Silva Lisboa, Baltasar, “Memoria sobre a comarca dos Ilhéos” (1802), ABN, 37 (1915), 21 Google Scholar. In the church records from 1813 for the comarca examined by Mott, Luiz, “several Indians” were accused of incest. Mott, “Os índios,” p. 110.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ On the issue of language, see Freire, , “Da ‘fala boa,’” pp. 59–62 Google Scholar; and Urban, , “The Semiotics,” p. 323.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Monteiro, , “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (24 February 1769), p. 207 Google Scholar; idem, “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (10 May 1771), p. 255.

⁴⁷ At least according the Directorate, Indian girls and boys would study separately in these schools. The girls would learn to read and write as well as “to weave, to make lace, sewing, and all the other tasks appropriate for [their] … sex.” Directorio, p. 4 in Neto, Moreira, Índios, p. 169 Google Scholar. But not is it only unclear whether such instruction was given in Porto Seguro; it is also unclear how many such schools for either sex were ever established in the region. A petition dating from the 1780s that was purportedly written by Indians in southern Bahia complains about the lack of schools and other educational opportunities for aldeia Indians. The petition is transcribed in Moniz Barreto, Domingos Alves Branco, “Plano sobre a civilisação dos indios do Brazil e principalmente para a Capitania da Bahia …” (1788), RIHGB, 19:21 (1856), 91–98 (pp. 96–97 on schooling, etc.)Google Scholar. In 1803, settlers in Prado claimed, “As for making lace and sewing, there are in the country [i.e., township] only four [Indian women] who are more accomplished, and many [who sew and make lace] for their own use.” “Informação de alguns moradores da villa do Prado … sobre Os Indios” (16 October 1803), p. 180.

⁴⁸ It is unclear whether these rates refer to monthly or annual wages, but the latter is more likely. A comparison of these wage rates with the price of cassava flour in Salvador provides a very rough idea of their value. The average annual price of an alqueire (bushel) of flour on the Salvador market in the 1770s stood at about Rs.$366. Thus, an annual wage of Rs.3$000 would allow for the purchase of 8.2 alqueires of flour-an amount just under the 9.125 alqueires that was regarded as a standard annual ration-, while, with a yearly income of Rs.8$000 from wages, an Indian could buy almost twenty-two alqueires of flour or slightly more than the amount needed to keep himself and another person fed for entire year. Average price of flour calculated from K[atia] M. de Queirós Mattoso, “Au Nouveau Monde: Une Province d’un Nouvel Empire: Bahia au XIXe siècle” (thèse de doctorat d’état, Université de Paris-Sorbonne [Paris IV], 1986), Annexes, pp. 445’61. For the standard annual ration, see Barickman, Β.J., “The Slave Economy of Nineteenth-Century Bahia: Export Agriculture and Local Market in the Recôncavo, 1780–1860” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1991), pp. 118–35.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Monteiro, , “Carta …” (April 1773), p. 272.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Hemming, , Amazon Frontier, p. 46.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Karasch, Slave Life, p. 130; Augel, Visitantes, pp. 204–205.

⁵² Lisboa, “Officio … para D. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho” (20 March 1799), p. 107; Lindley, , Narrative, p. 25.Google Scholar Also see Maximiliano, p. 226; and Mott, , “Os índios,” p. 101.Google Scholar

⁵³ Barreto, , “Plano,” p. 78.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Iron collars were also a common means of punishing runaway slaves. Karasch, , Slave Life, p. 316.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Directorio, p. 8 in Moreira Neto, p. 173.

⁵⁶ See the discussion of cassava yields in Barickman, , “The Slave Economy,” pp. 451–55.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Monteiro, , “Instrucções para o governo dos Indios” (n.d.), pp. 374,Google Scholar 377. Although the “Instructions” do not establish fixed wage rates, they do use the terms “jornal” and “soldada,” indicating that, at least in principle, the Indians distributed by directors would receive wages. Hence, here and elsewhere, I have used the expression “forced wage labor” to describe work done by Indians under these arrangements. It is of course entirely possible that some or perhaps even most settlers failed to pay wages.

⁵⁸ The operation of officially supervised villages in nineteenth-century Bahia remains an unstudied topic. See, however, Costa Dória, Hildete da, “Localização das aldeias e contingente demográfico das populações indígenas da Bahia entre 1850 e 1882,” Cultura (Salvador, BA), 1:1 (1988), 81–92.Google Scholar Also see the decrees and laws dealing with Indian villages in Bahia from 1827, 1836, 1875 transcribed in da Cunha, Manuela Carneiro (ed.), Legislação indigenista no século XIX: Uma compilação (São Paulo, 1992), pp. 129–30,Google Scholar 168-69, 282-86. More generally, see Hemming, Amazon Frontier, chap. 4 and passim; da Cunha, Carneiro, “Política indigenista,” pp. 133–54Google Scholar; Beserra Coelho, Elizabeth Maria, A Política indigenista no Maranhão provincial (São Luís, 1990),Google Scholar which is currently the most detailed discussion of nineteenth-century Indian policy for any Northeastern province; and Karasch, , “Catequese,” pp. 404–11.Google Scholar

The Directorate itself was revoked in 1798. Although the issue of how best to deal with Indians repeatedly came up after 1798, no general legislation on the matter would be approved until 1845, when the Brazilian parliament established new national guidelines, all in all quite similar to those of the Directorate, for the administration of officially supervised aldeias. In practice, the main features of the Directorate seem to have remained in effect during the years between 1798 and 1845. Carneiro da Cunha points out that, in the nineteenth century, the “Indian question” became fundamentally a “land problem.” “Política indigenista,” pp. 133–54, esp. pp. 134, 138–40. Not surprisingly then, the legal “vacuum” on Indian matters between 1798 and 1845 is strikingly similar to the absolute absence of any legislation regulating the acquisition of land in the public domain in Brazil between 1823 and 1850. On land legislation and the lack thereof, see de Carvalho, José Murilo, Teatro de sombras: A Política imperial (São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, 1988),Google Scholar chap. 3.

⁵⁹ de Saint-Hilaire, Auguste, Voyage dans les districts des diamans et sur le littoral du Brésil, 2 vols. (Paris, 1833), 2, p. 6.Google Scholar Also see Hemming, Amazon Frontier, chap. 3.

⁶⁰ Barreto, , “Plano,” p. 67.Google Scholar

⁶¹ The petition is transcribed in ibid., pp. 91–98 (p. 93 for quotation).

⁶² [Aires de Casal], 2, p. 83. The agricultural practices followed by both settlers and Indians in southern Bahia (two successive harvests of cassava, clearings every two years, and a long fallowing period) should not be taken as an indication that the soils in the region were unproductive. Ester Boserup has convincingly argued that, where land is plentiful in relation to population, such practices can result in larger yields with a minimum of labor input. Boserup, Ester, Evolução agrária e pressão demográfica, trans. Queda, Oriowaldo and Duarte, João Carlos (São Paulo, 1987).Google Scholar Moreover, variants on this extensive pattern of land use, which can be ecologically sound, have been the rule rather than exception in Brazilian agriculture until recent times. See Waibel, Leo, Capítulos de geografia tropical, 2d ed., annotated (Rio de Janeiro, 1979)Google Scholar; Hecht, Susanna and Cockburn, Alexander, The Fate of the Forest: Developers, Destroyers and Defenders of the Amazon (New York, 1990), pp. 44–47.Google Scholar

⁶³ Monteiro, , “Instrucções para o governo dos indios” (n.d.), p. 373.Google Scholar Also see idem, “Provimentos e instrucções … relativos á fundação da Villa Viçosa” (1768), pp. 213–14.

⁶⁴ Maximiliano, p. 233. Also see ibid., p. 227–28.

⁶⁵ Ibid., pp. 182, 191.

⁶⁶ “Mappa dos Habitantes que existent na Parochia da Villa de São Matheus …” (1819–20) in “Mapas estatísticos da comarca de Porto Seguro,” BN-s/m, 1-31,19,15. The census itself provides no further information on the status of the Indians it classifies under the categories “índios livres do jornal” and “índios cativos do jornal,” which do not appear elsewhere in the documentation examined for this study. In principle, therefore, it would be possible to interpret the two categories as referring, respectively, to “free Indians” who received day wages and to “captive” (that is, captured) Indians who received day wages. The “captive” Indians might then be those taken as prisoners of war and legally enslaved under the 1808 decree reinstating Indian slavery in Bahia, Espírito Santo, and Minas Gerais. (See below.) But at least three considerations weigh against that interpretation. First, it is unlikely that absolutely all Indians living under Portuguese rule in the township of São Mateus worked for settlers and that none of them cultivated their own crops. There were at least two Indian villages in the township (Santana and Santo Antônio de Lagoinhas). Maximiliano, p. 166; Rebello, , “Corographia,” p. 194.Google Scholar Second, the “indios livres do jornal” included young children under the age of five, who could not have possibly been wage-earning laborers. It is very unlikely that settlers would have paid Indian children under the age of five wages for whatever work they might have performed. Third, the 1808 decree that legally reinstated the enslavement of Indians captured in wars against the Botocudo did not require payments of wages to Indians so enslaved. The text of the decree can be found in da Cunha, Carneiro (ed.), Legislação indigenista, pp. 57–60.Google Scholar Nevertheless, it would not be at all impossible that the census may have classified some Indians enslaved under the 1808 decree as “indios cativos do jornal.”

⁶⁷ Monteiro, , “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (10 April 1771), p. 255.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Monteiro, , “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (24 February 1769), p. 207 Google Scholar; idem, “Relação individual” (1 April 1772), p. 267; idem, “Relação individual” (1777), p. 371; Maximiliano, pp. 173, 220, 220, 228.

⁶⁹ “Representação dos indios moradores no Rio Negro, ou Una, Termo da Comarca dos Ilhéos” (1818), APEB, SH, 238.

⁷⁰ “Informação de alguns moradores da villa do Prado … sobre Os indios” (16 October 1803), p. 180.

⁷¹ See note 74 below.

⁷² Aviso régio of 7 December 1808, a copy of which is enclosed in Miguel Gonçalves da Silva Santos (pres., Câmara de Caravelas) to the Pres. of the Prov., 26 April 1827, APEB, SH, 4631; Brown, , “Internal Commerce,” pp. 350–53.Google Scholar

⁷³ Campos, “Itinerario,” pp. 433, 444, 450; and, for population ca. 1820, table 1 above. Similarly, in a report from the late 1780s on troop strength in the first-and second-line militia, Vila Viçosa as well as Alcobaça, Prado, and Portalegre were all classified as “vilas de índios.” “Observação relativa aos corpos auxiliares e ordenanças da Capitania da Bahia, que regulou o Governador e Capitão-General D. Fernando José de Portugal” (1787), ABN, 34 (1912), 225. By 1820, Indians would account for less than a fourth of the population of Vila Viçosa.

⁷⁴ In 1819, shipments of farinha from Trancoso and Vila Verde amounted to 560 alqueires or 9.5 percent of total production. In that same year, the quantity of farinha shipped from Caravelas, Alcobaça, Vila Viçosa, Prado, and São Mateus surpassed 140,000 alqueires (69.4 percent of total production in those five townships). “Mapas estatísticos da comarca de Porto Seguro,” BN-s/m, 1–31,19,15.

⁷⁵ “Mappa comparativo das Mandiocas, e Alqueires de farinhas, que se fizerão na Parochia da Villa Viçoza … no an° de 1820” in “Mapas estatísticos da comarca de Porto Seguro,” BN-s/m, 1–31,19,15.

⁷⁶ See, for example, Monteiro, , “Carta … (para Martinho de Mello e Castro),” (1 May 1774), p. 277 Google Scholar; “Informação de alguns moradores da villa do Prado, dirigida ao Ouvidor Francisco Dantas Barbosa, sobre Os índios” (16 October 1803), p. 180. I have been unable to locate evidence recording any act of resistance in Porto Seguro comparable to the 1784 “sublevação da Ilha do Quiepe,” an uprising that involved the collective flight of some 900 Indians from at least three aldeias in the comarca of Ilhéus and that lasted seven years. See Mott, , “Os índios,” pp. 114–16.Google Scholar Yet, Mott’s recent discovery of this uprising points to the possibility that future research may bring to light similar incidents in Porto Seguro.

⁷⁷ On these Indians, see notes 27–29 above.

⁷⁸ Abreu, , “Officio … (para o Ministro de Negocios do Ultramar Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado)” (15 June 1764), p. 51.Google Scholar These may have been the partially subjugated Maxacalis and Maconis (a group related to the Pataxó) who had fled inland in 1758. By the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, there are reports of a large number of unconquered Indians living in the area who maintained peaceful relations with Portuguese backwoodsmen. Barreto, , “Plano,” p. 65 Google Scholar; “Carta do Vigario geral … do Arraial de Agua Suja de Minas Novas” (24 February 1794), pp. 314–15; Maximiliano, pp. 174–75.

⁷⁹ Monteiro, , “Carta … dirigida ao Rei” (12 April 1775), p. 293.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Abreu, , “Relação” (8 January 1764), p. 42.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Manuel da Cunha Menezes, “Officio … para Martinho de Mello e Castro, sobre a Capitania dos Ilhéos” (12 October 1780), ABN, 32 (1910), 472–73; de Sa Bittencourt, José [e Accioli], “Memoria sobre a plantação dos algodoens, sua exportação e decadencia da Lavoura de Mandioca, no Termo da Villa de Camamu” [1796], Anais do Arquivo Público do Estado da Bahia, 14 (1925), pp. 51–63 Google Scholar; idem, “Carta … para D. Fernando José de Portugal” (7 October 1796), ABN, 36 (1914), 14; Silva, , A primeira gazerà, pp. 49–71.Google Scholar For the value of cotton exports between 1796 and 1811, José Arruda, Jobson de A., O Brasil no comércio colonial (São Paulo, 1980), p. 353–54.Google Scholar

⁸² Martins, Roberto B., “A industria têxtil doméstica de Minas Gerais no século XIX” (CEDEPLAR, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, unpublished paper, n.d.), pp. 1–2,Google Scholar cited by permission of the author; Brown, pp. 462–506; Lenharo, Alcir, As tropas da moderação (O abastecimento da Corte na formação Política do Brasil-1808–1842) (São Paulo, 1979),Google Scholar chaps. I-IV.

⁸³ Cunha Menezes, Manuel da , “Officio … para Martinho de Mello e Castro, sobre a Capitania dos Ilhéos ” (12 August 1780), pp. 472–73Google Scholar; “Officio dos Governadores interinos da Capitania da Bahia para Martinho de Mello e Castro, em que lhe dão diversas … noticias relativas á comarca dos Ilhéos” (23 Aug. 1783), ABN, 32 (1910), 539–40; “Portaría do Governador Marquez de Valença, em que manda fundar uma aldeia de indios no sitio do Funil do Rio de Contas” (23 February 1782), ABN, 32 (1910), 540; da Costa, Francisco Nunes, “Officio … para o Governo interino da Bahia” (6 August 1783),Google Scholar ABN, 32 (1910), 541; Costa, “Memoria summaria e compendiosa da Conquista do Rio Pardo” (1806–1807), pp. 455–58; Hemming, , Amazon Frontier, pp. 88–90.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Maximiliano, p. 429. Also see [Johann Baptist] von Spix and [Carl Friedrich Philipp] Martius, von, Através da Bahia: Excerptos da obra Reisen in Brasilien, trans. Silva, Pirajá da and Wolf, Paulo, Brasiliana, , 118 (São Paulo, 1938), pp. 196–206.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Campos, “Itinerario,” p. 446. Also see Maximiliano, pp. 223–25, 276–77.

⁸⁶ “Carta do Vigario geral … do Arraial de Agua Suja de Minas Novas” (24 February 1794), pp. 314–15.

⁸⁷ Ottoni, “Noticia,” p. 194

⁸⁸ Ibid.

⁸⁹ Cf. Erick D. Langer, “Indians and Explorers in the Gran Chaco: First Contact and Indian-White Relations in Nineteenth-Century Bolivia” (paper presented at the conference on “Early Encounters Between Europeans and Indians in Latin America,” Northern Illinois University, De Kalb, Ill., 23–24 April 1992), pp. 13–15. Cited by permission of the author.

⁹⁰ Ottoni, p. 194.

⁹¹ Silva, pp. 54-61; Maximiliano, pp. 246-72. Also see ibid., pp. 214-15 (on Pataxós near Prado, who at the time maintained peaceful relations with the Portuguese); and Ottoni, pp. 202, 205 (on groups of Botocudos who, in the 1840s and 1850s, had friendly relations with a settler on the upper Mucuri and with residents of the Colônia Leoplodina).

⁹² Idade d’Ouro, 63 (1811) in Silva, pp. 55–56.

⁹³ Maximiliano, p. 311.

⁹⁴ With the exception of the later trade in Botocudo children as slaves, these are the only articles that are mentioned in the available sources that refer to trade or barter between Indians and Portuguese. Not only are such references scant, but they also give no indication that these items were traded in large quantities.

⁹⁵ On the North American fur trade, see, for example, Wolf, Eric, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley, 1982), chap. 6.Google ScholarPubMed

⁹⁶ “Observação relativa aos corpos auxiliares e ordenanças da Capitania da Bahia …” (1787), p. 225.

⁹⁷ For the text of Tourinho’s response, see Campos, pp. 446–49.

⁹⁸ The text of the royal decree (carta régia) can be found in da Cunha, Carneiro, ed., Legislação indigenista, pp. 57–60.Google Scholar The 1808 decree reconfirmed and expanded the scope of the official war against the Botocudo authorized by a royal decrees issued in 1801 and 1806. See Paraíso, , “Os botocudos,” p. 416 Google Scholar; and Moreira Neto, p. 32. The Prince Regent also issued decrees extending the war to encompass the Kaingáng in São Paulo in 1808, and against Indians in Goiás in 1811. Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 112, 193; Karasch, “Catequese,” pp. 401–02.

Apparently having in mind the various “offensive wars” authorized by João, Dom, Hemming (Amazon Frontier, p. 92)Google Scholar describes the war against the Botocudo declared in 1808 as “the last official war against Indians in Brazilian history.” Indeed, the last declaration of war found in Carneiro da Cunha’s compilation of nineteenth-century Brazilian legislation on Indians is the 1811 decree extending to Goiás th? war declared against the Botocudo. See Carneiro da Cunha, ed., Legislação indigenista. Many officially-sponsored expeditions against unconquered Indians did, of course, take place later and elsewhere in Brazil, and many of them were just as equally “offensive” in character. But it would seem that none of those expeditions had the official status of an “offensive war.” Thus, provincial laws approved in Goiás in 1835 and 1836 ordered the organization of military expeditions to expel, by force if necessary, the Canoeiro and Xerente Indians from that province. But although the text of the 1835 law even refers to captured Indians as “prisoners of war,” this legislation did not officially authorize a declaration of “war” against the Canoeiro. For the text of these laws, see ibid., pp. 161–68,

⁹⁹ For more detailed accounts of the war against the Botocudo (which often expanded into an open war against other groups) and their later history, see Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 92–93, 99–100, 365–84; and Paraíso, “Os Botocudos,” pp. 417–23.Google Scholar

Although before 1808 the Pataxó were regularly described as being nearly as hostile as the Botocudo, there are almost no references to this group of Indians in the available sources for years after 1808. It seems likely that, in Portuguese, the Pataxó were conveniently reclassified into Botocudo and hence into enemies in the official war. See da Cunha, Carneiro, “Política indigenista,” p. 136 Google Scholar; and Hemming, , Amazon Frontier, p. 93.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Ch[arles] Fred[erick] Hartt, , Geology and Physical Geography of Brazil (Boston, 1870), p. 601.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Ottoni, pp. 196–98.

¹⁰² Ibid., p. 197.

¹⁰³ Ibid., pp. 197–204; Paraíso, , “Os Botocudos,” p. 419 Google Scholar; Karasch, Slave Life, p. 7 (on Botocudo slaves in Rio). The term kuruca or kuruka comes from the Botocudo word for “child” or “son.” Emmerich and Montserrat, p. 10. The 1808 decree permitting the enslavement of Botocudos as prisoners of war was revoked in 1831. But avisos issued by the national government in 1845 indicate that the practice of enslaving Indians and selling Indian children as slaves persisted. For the text of the 1831 law and 1845 avisos, see da Cunha, Carneiro, Legislação indigenista, pp. 137,Google Scholar 199–202. Indeed, even as late as the mid-1860s, Hartt, (Geology, p. 599)Google Scholar found that settlers continued to hold Botocudo children as slaves. In the early nineteenth century, Indian slaves from Maranhão and northern Goiás, “especially women and children,” were shipped for sale to Belém in Pará. Karasch, “Catequese,” pp. 402, 404. By contrast and for reasons that are still unclear, the sources for southern Bahia do not suggest the regular enslavement of Indian women. The only possible exception is Ottoni’s reference (quoted in the text) to “a few pretty Indian girls as booty.” The entire issue of the enslavement of Indians in southern Bahia deserves further research.

¹⁰⁴ Ehrenreich, Paul, “Divisão e distribuição das tribus do Brasil segundo o estado actual dos nossos conhecimentos,” Revista da Sociedade de Geografia do Rio de Janeiro, 7:1 (1892), 34 Google Scholar; Ottoni, p. 200; and Hartt, pp. 584-88, who (p. 579 n.) further mentions Botocudos who, as living “specimens,” were taken to France in the mid-nineteenth century and subjected to extensive examinations. Also see da Cunha, Manuela Carneiro, Antropologia do Brasil: Mito, história, etnicidade (São Paulo, 1986), p. 169.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Paraíso, , “Os Botocudos,” pp. 416–18.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ [Aires de Casal], 2, p. 73.

¹⁰⁷ “Mappa comparativo das producçoens da Parochia da Villa Viçoza … no anno de 1819” and “Mappa dos habitantes da Parochia da Villa de Caravellas … em o anno de 1819; com declaração da produção da mesma Parochia …,” both in “Mapas estatísticos da comarca de Porto Seguro,” BN-s/m, 1-31,19,15. No references to coffee appear in the production and trade statistics for the other townships in Porto Seguro.

On coffee in Ilhéus, see “Sobre as terras nao cultivadas pertencentes aos ex-jesuítas na Comarca dos Ilhéus” (1783) and enclosures, APEB, SH, material não classificado (1988); “Officio dos Governadores interinos da Capitania da Bahia para Martinho de Mello e Castro” (23 August 1783), p. 539; Branco Moniz Barreto, Domingos Alves, “Relação que contém a descripção … da Comarca dos Ilhéos” (1790),Google Scholar BN-s/m, 14,1,10, fol. 6; Vilhena, 1, p. 58 and 2, p. 497; [Baltasar da Silva Lisboa (ouvidor, Ilhéus)], “Memoria sobre o corte das madeiras na Comarca dos Ilhéos” (ca. 1800), BN-s/m, 11–34,3,6, fol. 4; idem, “Memoria sobre a comarca dos Ilhéos” (1802), pp. 15, 18.

¹⁰⁸ [Aires de Casal], 2, pp. 73–74.

¹⁰⁹ Maximiliano, between pp. 516 and 517.

¹¹⁰ Ibid., p. 196.

¹¹¹ Reinault, Pedro Victor, “Relatorio da exposição dos Rios Mucury e Todos os Santos” (1837), RIHGB, 8 (1846), 356–375.Google Scholar One year before the Reinault expedition, the provincial legislature of Bahia authorized the establishment of two new stockades (destacamentos) on the Rio Pardo to protect settlers from “incursions and assaults by savage tribes.” da Cunha, Carneiro, Legislação indigenista, pp. 171–72.Google Scholar

¹¹² Hermenegildo Antonio Barbosa d’Almeida, “Viagem às Villas de Caravellas, Viçosa, Porto Alegre, de Mucury, aos Rios Mucury, e Peruhipe,” RIHGB, 8 (1846), 425–52.

¹¹³ Antônio Miguel de Azevedo (vigário, Portalegre) to Caetano Vicente de Almeida (juiz de Direito, Comarca de Caravelas), 8 August 1844, APEB, SH, 4611. The provincial government of Bahia sponsored another expedition to explore ways to improve overland communications between the southern Banian coast and Minas Gerais, which published its report in 1851. See Bahia (province), Commissão de exploração do Mucury e Gequitinhonha, Innocencio Vellozo Pederneiras, Chefe da mesma Commissão, Interesses materiaes das Comarcas do Sul da Bahia, Comarcas de Caravellas e Porto Seguro. Relatorio … (Bahia, 1851). But the expedition brought few, if any concrete results. Robert Avé-Lallamant, a German physician, who visited southern Bahia in 1859, faced considerable difficulties in trying to travel up the Rivers Pardo and Jequitinhonha. He further commented on the need to open an overland route linking Minas with southern Bahia. Avé-Lallemant, Robert, Viagem pelo Norte do Brasil no ano de 1859, trans. Lima Castro, Eduardo de, 2 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, 1961), pp. 78–141.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Bahia (province), Falla dirigida á Assembléa Legislativa Provincial da Bahia, na Abertura da Sessão Ordinaria do anno de 1846, pelo Presidente da Provincia Francisco José Sousa Soares d’Andrea (Bahia, 1846), p. 39.

¹¹⁵ Bahia (province), Falla dirigida á Assembléa Legislativa Provincial da Bahia na Abertura da Sessão Ordinaria do anno de 1845, pelo Presidente da Provincia Francisco José de Sousa Soares d’Andrea (Bahia, 1845), p. 5; Almeida, , “Viagem,” p. 46.Google Scholar Also see Abaixo-assinado dos habitantes da Vila do Prado, April 1844, APEB, SH, 4611; Bahia (province), Falla que recitou o Presidente da Provincia da Bahia o Dezembargador Conselheiro Francisco Gonçalves Martins ήAbertura da Assembléa Provincial da mesma Provincia no 1. de março de 1851 (Bahia, 1851), p. 6; and Ottoni, p. 200. Avé-Lallement, travelling through southern Bahia in 1859, heard several references to recent attacks on settlers. But he also encountered groups of Botocudos who, it seems, maintained peaceful relations with settlers on the upper reaches of the Mucuri in Minas Gerais. Avé-Lallemant, , Viagem, 2, pp. 85,Google Scholar 87, 93, 171, 228–43.

¹¹⁶ Bahia …, Commissão de exploração do Mucury …, Interesses materiaes das Comarcas do Sul da Bahia, “Quadro comparativo da exportação de Caravellas durante os annos de 1845 … 1848,” no page, and “Exportação da Villa Viçosa durante o anno de 1849,” no page; Luiz Chateaubriand Cavalcanti dos Santos and Hermano José Thorny Dultra, “Café” in Bahia (state), Secretaria do Planeja-mento, Tecnologia e Ciência, Fundação de Pesquisas-CPE [Centro de Planejamento e Pesquisas], A inserção da Bahia na evolução nacional la. etapa: 1850–1889: A Bahia no sécula XIX, 5 vols. (Salvador, 1978), 2, pp. 133–36. For exports from Rio de Janeiro, see Stein, , Vassouras, p. 53.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Bahia …, Commissão de exploração do Mucury …, Interesses materiaes das Comarcas do Sul da Bahia, “Mapa … dos estabelecimentos … na margem esquerda … Colonia Leopoldina,” no page, “Mappa … dos estabelecimentos … na margem direita … Colonia Leopoldina,” no page, “Exportação da Villa Viçosa durante o anno de 1849,” no page, “Quadro da exporatação da Villa do Prado durante os annos 1845 … 1848,” no page, and “Quadro comparativo da exportação da Villa d’Alcobaça durante os annos de 1845 … 1848,” no page; “Estabelecimentos agrícolas existentes no Termo de Alcobaça” (1852) and “Relação dos estabelecimentos agrícolas existentes na Villa do Prado” (1852), both enclosed in José Martins Alves (juiz municipal, Alcobaça) to the Pres., 6 October 1852, APEB, SH, 2228; Bahia …, Falla (1851), p. 6; Casmiro de Sena Madureira, “Aldeias indígenas da Provincia da Bahia,” 10 January 1851, APEB, SH, 4611. Writing in the 1890s, Ehrenreich could still refer to areas lying between the Ríos Doce and Pardo and as far west as the Rios Cuieté and Suaçui as territory belonging to the Botocudos. Even as late as 1909–10, when groups of Botocudos attacked engineers working on a railway and a farm, hostile Indians still controlled a large stretch of territory along the Rio Doce. Ehrenreich, p. 34; Emmerich and Montserrat, p. 15. Also see Hartt, p. 216; P[adre] Fr[ei] de Palazzolo, Jacinto O.F.M., Cap., Nas selvas dos vales do Mucuri e Rio Doce …, 2d ed., Brasiliana, 277 (São Paulo, 1954)Google Scholar; Hemming, Amazon Frontier, pp. 370–84; and Paraíso, , “Os Boto-cudos,” pp. 420–22.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Dória, , “Localização,” pp. 86,Google Scholar 88.

¹¹⁹ Guilherme Velho, Octávio, Capitalismo autoritário e campesinato, 2d ed. (São Paulo, 1979)Google Scholar; Foweraker, Joe, The Struglefor Land: A Polítical Economy of the Pioneer Frontier from 1930 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1981).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹²⁰ Maybury-Lewis, David, “Becoming an Indian in Lowland South America” in Nation-States and Indians in Latin America, ed. by Urban, Greg and Sherzer, Joel (Austin, 1991), pp. 207–235,Google Scholar esp. pp. 218–19. On debates about Indians and Indian policy in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, see da Cunha, Carneiro, “Política indigenista”; and Hemming, Amazon Frontier,Google Scholar chaps. 7–9. Also see the 241 pages of legislation on Indians, dating from the years 1808–1879, in da Cunha, Carneiro, ed., Legislação indigenista, pp. 57–297.Google Scholar

¹²¹ In this way, all three authors in effect and no doubt unintentionally validate the slogan used by Brazil’s post-1964 military regime in promoting settlement in Amazônia: “a land without people for people without land.” On the settlement program, see Hecht, and Cockbum, , Fate of the Forest, esp. pp. 123–24.Google Scholar

¹²² Abreu, , “Relação” (1764), p. 41 Google Scholar; Maximiliano, pp. 219–20.

¹²³ Rocha, Jr., “Persistência,” pp. 64–67 Google Scholar; Baqueiro Paraíso, Maria Hilda, “Os Pataxós Hãihãihãi do Pi Caramaru-Paraguaçu,” Cultura (Salvador, BA), 1:1 (1988), 53–58 Google Scholar; Serra, Ordep T., “The Pataxó of Bahia: Persecution and Discrimination Continue,” Cultural Survival Quarterly, 13:1 (1989), 16–17 Google Scholar; Brazil, Congresso, Câmara dos Deputados, Comissão do indio, Relatório Pataxó (Brasilia, 1988). Also see “Indios baianos também se sentem roubados,” A Tarde (Salvador), 17 November 1993, 1, 3, which reports for the state of Bahia a current population of some 15,000 Indians, the majority of whom live in the southernmost regions of the state. The article also refers to corruption within various Brazilian government agencies that deal with Indian affairs in Bahia and to ongoing disputes over land and land use in areas that, in principle, have been assigned as indigenous reserves. (I am grateful to Professor Mary C. Karasch for providing me with a copy of this article.) On a small group of 147 Botocudos who survive in and around an official reservation in eastern Minas Gerais and the difficulties they have faced in maintaining control over the land legally assigned to them, see Paraíso, “Os Krenak do Rio Doce.”