¹ By revolution, I refer here to the pushes for political autonomy that shook Spanish and Portuguese America between 1808 and 1826, rather than to any social changes that did (and often did not) occur. For lack of a better term, I use the word “American” to refer to the United States unless the context indicates otherwise. I use the word “republican” in its late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century sense, to denote a form of government charged with pursuing the common good and led by those whom electors considered to be uniquely talented and enlightened. See Wilentz, Sean, Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (New York: W.W. Norton, 2005), esp. pp. 17–19 Google Scholar. For the United States and hemispheric independence, see Hill, Lawrence F., Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Brazil (Durham: Duke University Press, 1932), pp. 3–56;Google Scholar Whitaker, Arthur Preston, The United States and the Independence of Latin America, 1800–1830 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1941 Google Scholar); Bemis, Samuel Flagg, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy (New York: Knopf, 1949 Google Scholar); Whitaker, Arthur P., The Western Hemisphere Idea: Its Rise and Decline (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1954 Google Scholar); Campbell, Randolph B., “The Spanish American Aspect of Henry Clay’s American System,” The Americas 24.1 (July 1967), pp. 3–17 10.2307/979796CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Johnson, John J., A Hemisphere Apart: The Foundations of United States Foreign Policy toward Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990 Google Scholar); Lewis, James E., The American Union and the Problem of Neighborhood: The United States and the Collapse of the Spanish Empire, 1783–1829 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998 Google Scholar). On republicanism and commerce, also see McCoy, Drew R., The Elusive Republic: Political Economy in Jeffersonian America (Chapel Hill: Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1980).Google Scholar

² The quotation is from Bourdon, Léon, ed., José Correa da Serra: Ambassadeur du Royaume-Uni de Portugal et Brésil a Washington, 1816–1820 (Paris: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Centro Cultural Portugués, 1975), pp. 426, 489, 520 (hereafter Bourdon, JCS)Google Scholar. This and all subsequent translations are my own, unless otherwise noted. For privateers, see Wilgus, A. Curtis, “Some Notes on Spanish American Patriot Activity Along the Atlantic Seaboard, 1816–1822,” North Carolina Historical Review 4.2 (April 1927 Google Scholar); Griffin, Charles C., “Privateering from Baltimore During the Spanish American Wars of Independence” Maryland Historical Magazine 35.1 (March 1940 Google Scholar). For sailors, see Condy Raguet to John Quincy Adams, August 2,1824, United States Department of State, Despatches from United States consuls in Rio de Janeiro (hereafter USCRJ).

³ Koster, Henry, Travels in Brazil (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1817), 1:38, esp. p. 3 Google Scholar (quotation). For growth and new institutions, see Mendonça Bernardes, Denis Antonio de, O Patriotismo constitucional: Pernambuco, 1820–1822 (São Paulo: HUCITEC, 2006), pp. 59–191 Google Scholar. For demographics, see Henry Hill to Adams, May 1821, U.S. Department of State, Despatches from United States Ministers to Brazil (Hereafter USMB). For comparison to other cities, see Silva, Luiz Geraldo, “Negros Patriotas. Raça e Identidade Social na Formação do Estado Nação (Pernambuco, 1770–1830),” in Brasil: Formação do Estado e da Nação, Jancsó, István, ed. (Sâo Paulo: HUCITEC, Editora Unijuí, FAPESP, 2003), p. 497 Google Scholar; Frank, Zephyr L., Dutra’s World: Wealth and Family in Nineteenth-Century Rio de Janeiro (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2004), pp. 15, 32.Google Scholar For coffee, see Haber, Stephen and Klein, Herbert s., “The Economic Consequences of Brazilian Independence” in How Latin America Fell Behind: Essays on the Economic Histories of Brazil and Mexico, 1800–1914 Google Scholar, ed. Haber, Stephen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997 Google Scholar), fig. 9.2. For contemporary descriptions of Recife, see Tollenare’s, Louis-François de Notes dominicales prises pendant un voyage en Portugal et au Brésil en 1816, 1817 et 1818, ed. Bourdon, Léon (3 vols.; Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1971–1973), esp. vols. 2–3Google Scholar; Graham, Maria, Journal of a Voyage to Brazil, and Residence There, During Part of the Years 1821, 1822, 1823 (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, et. al, 1824), pp. 97–131;Google Scholar Koster, Travels in Brazil.

⁴ Schultz, Kirsten, Tropical Versailles: Empire, Monarchy, and the Portuguese Royal Court in Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1821 (New York: Routledge, 2001 Google Scholar); Richard, Graham, Independence in Latin America: A Comparative Approach (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2nd. ed, 1994), p. 74 Google Scholar. de Andrade Arrada, José Jobson offers an intriguing new account of the transfer in Uma colônia entre dois impérios: a abertura dos portos brasileiros, 1800–1808 (Bauru: EDUSC, 2008).Google Scholar

⁵ The best accounts of the 1817 revolution are Mota, Carlos Guilherme, Nordeste 1817: Estruturas e Argumentos (São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo/Editõra Perspectiva, 1972 Google Scholar); de Mello, Evaldo Cabrai, A outra Independência: O federalismo pernambucano de 1817 a 1824 (São Paulo: Editora 34, 2004 Google Scholar). For economic downturn, also see Barman, Roderick J., Brazil: The Forging of a Nation, 1798–1852 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), p. 55.Google Scholar

⁶ For “imitators,” see Documentos Históricos (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional, 1953–1955) 107:254 (hereafter DH). For Wasthon, see DH 102:8. For constitutions, see DH 108:278; Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independència, pp. 46–48 Google Scholar (also for French influence). For the request for help, see DH 101:18–19. For Monroe’s response, see Bourdon, , JCS, p. 297 AMBIGUOUS (16 citations)Google Scholar; Antônio Gonçalves da Cruz, “Conferencia que tive com Mr. Cesar A. Rodeney [sic] confidente de Gabinete. …” Arquivo Histórico do Palácio Itamaraty (Rio de Janeiro; hereafter Itamaraty), 194/4/5. For belligerent status, see Hill, , Diplomatie Rela-tions, p. 21 Google Scholar. Mota discusses external influences in Nordeste 1817, pp. 31–38, 261–62, 285; Luiz Geraldo Santos da Silva also argues for Spanish-American (as well as French and U.S.) influence in “ O avesso da Independência: Pernambuco (1817–1824),” in A Independência brasìleira: Novas dimensões, ed. Malerba, Jurandir (Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV, 2006), pp. 365–369.Google Scholar

⁷ Boston Patriot, May 17, 1817 (quotation); reprinted in Chillicothe’s Weekly Recorder, lune 11, 1817, Newark’s Centinel of Freedom, June 3, 1817, and Washington’s National Intelligencer, May 22, 1817. Pernambuco sent one official emissary along with two secretaries, who operated with substantial independence. See Bourdon, , JCS, p. 285;AMBIGUOUS (10 citations)Google Scholar Cruz to Domingos Malaquias de Aguiar Pires Ferreira, October 20, 1817, and Cruz to Manoel de Carvalho Paes de Andrade, March 3, 1818, both in Itamaraty, 196/4/1. For a fourth and unofficial emissary, Charles Bowen, see Gonsalves de Mello, José Antônio, Ingleses em Pernambuco (Recife: Instituto Arqueológico, Histórico, e Geográfico Pernambucano, 1972), esp. pp. 42–43 Google Scholar; Veiga, Gláucio, “O Cônsul Joseph Ray, Os Estados Unidos e a Revolução de 1817” Revista do Instituto Arqueológico, Histórico e Geográfico Pernambucano 52 (1979, hereafter RIAHGP), pp. 267–277 Google Scholar. For weapons and gunpowder, see DH 104:1–2; Antônio Simões Roussado Freire to an unidentified brother, December 20, 1817, Biblioteca Nacional, Manuscripts Collection (Rio de Janeiro, hereafter BN), 1–33, 26, 33, also in DH 102:181–2; Bourdon, , JCS, pp. 293 AMBIGUOUS (9 citations)Google Scholar, 363; Hill, , Diplomatic Relations, p. 21 Google Scholar ; Pereira da Costa, Francisco Augusto, Anais Pernambucanos (Recife: Arquivo Público Estadual, 1951–1966), 7:569–571 Google Scholar. The latter text is also searchable online through the Universidade Federal de Pernambuco’s Liber project, coordinated by Marcos Galindo Lima and availabel at http://www.liber.ufpe.br. For outfitted privateers, which never successfully arrived, see DH 107:257; BN 1–33, 26, 33 (cited above); Luís do Rego Barreto, oficio, March 1, 1818, BN I–33, 26, 3; Bourdon, , JCS, pp. 315–317AMBIGUOUS (11 citations)Google Scholar, 330–331; Vianna, Helio, “O ‘Cabugá,’ de revolucionarío a diplomata (1817/1833),” Vultos do Império (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1968), esp. pp. 11–14 Google Scholar. For pressuring editors, see esp. Bourdon, , JCS, p. 294 AMBIGUOUS (5 citations)Google Scholar. For favorable press, see articles transcribed in Bourdon, , JCS, pp. 262–333.AMBIGUOUS (10 citations)Google Scholar For Bonapartists, see Costa, J. A. Ferreira da, “Napoleão I no Brasil,” RIAHGP, 10.57 (March 1903), pp. 197–217;Google Scholar Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, 7:568–572 Google Scholar; Latapie’s receipt from Cruz, June 5, 1817 and Latapie to Cruz, June 10,1817, both in Itamaraty, 194/4/5. For Decatur, see “Auto de perguntas feitas a Jorge Flem-ming Holdt,” March 4, 1818, Arquivo Público Estadual Jordão Emerenciano (Recife, hereafter APPE), DI–16. For Girard, see Blaufarb, Rafe, Bonapartists in the Borderlands: French Exiles and Refugees on the Gulf Coast, 1815–1835 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2005), p. 79 Google Scholar. For Joseph Bonaparte, see Luis do Rego Barreto, ofício, October 3, 1817, BN, 1–33, 26, 39; Bourdon, , JCS, pp. 229–231;AMBIGUOUS (15 citations)Google Scholar Stroud, Patricia Tyson, The Man Who Had Been King: The American Exile of Napoleon’s Brother Joseph (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005 CrossRefGoogle Scholar). For dockyard rumors, see “Inquiricção feita a Sette Estrangeiros,” February 15, 1818, BN, I–33, 26, 38 (enclosure).

⁸ For approximate age, see 1810 Federal Census for Philadelphia County, PA (Ray is absent from the 1790, 1800, and 1820 censuses). For family, residence, and occupation, see Robinson, James, The Philadelphia Directory, city and county register, for 1803 (Philadelphia: William W. Woodward, 1803 Google Scholar); Robinson, , The Philadelphia Directory for 1805 (Philadelphia: n.p., 1805 Google Scholar); Robinson, , The Philadelphia Directory for 1807 (Philadelphia: T. S. Manning, 1807 Google Scholar); Robinson, , The Philadelphia Directory, for 1808 (Philadelphia: W. Woodhouse, 1808 Google Scholar); Robinson, , The Philadelphia Directory for 1809 (Philadelphia: W. Woodhouse, 1809 Google Scholar); Census Directory for 1811, (Philadelphia: Jane Aitken, 1811); Kite’s Philadelphia Directory for 1814 (Philadelphia: B. & T. Kite, 1814). For relations to other Rays listed in these directories, see July 6, 1816, United States Department of State, Despatches from United States Consuls in Fernambuco, Brazil (hereafter USCP); Ray to Adams, April 6, 1819, USCP; Ray to Adams, August 22,1819, USCP. For early travels, see de Carvalho e Mello, Raguet to Luiz José, July 22, 1825, USCRJ; Baltimore Price Current Google Scholar, October 7, 1815 and December 28, 1816; Baltimore Patriot, April 16, 1816. For nomination and Senate confirmation, see Senate Executive Journal, December 16, 1816 and January 2, 1817, respectively. For July 6 arrival, see Ray to Richard Rush, July 20, 1817, USCP. Royal officials never issued Ray’s exequatur in the wake of the revolt, but they called him the consul (as have previous historians) and they negotiated with him. I have been unable to trace Ray’s supporters in 1816, but for a summary of his 1826 supporters see Hopkins, James F. and Hargreaves, Mary W. M., eds., The Papers of Henry Clay (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1973), 5:986 Google Scholar. For possible contact with Pernambuco agents, see Veiga, “O Cônsul Joseph Ray.”

⁹ Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independencia, pp. 25–63;Google Scholar Barman, , Brazil, p. 60 Google Scholar; Mota, , Nordeste 1817, esp. p. 58 Google Scholar; Adelman, Jeremy, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), p. 315.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ Ray to Thomas Sumter, October 5,1817, USCP (first quotation); Ray to Adams, October 15,1817, USCP (second quotation). For consuls, see Kennedy, Charles Stuart, The American Consul: A History of the United States Consular Service, 1776–1914 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990)Google Scholar, esp. p. vii. For corpse mutilation, see Bernardes, , Patriotismo constitucional, pp. 218–225.Google Scholar

¹¹ DH 103:75 (first quotation); DH 107:201 (second quotation). On Freemasonry, see Barman, , Brazil, pp. 57–62 Google Scholar; on Ray’s potential ties, also see Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independência, p. 224 Google Scholar, n. 40; José Silvestre Rebello to Francisco Paes Barreto, April 4, 1825, Itamaraty, 309/2/16; DH 103:127; cf. Vianna, “O Cabugá,” pp. 21–22.

¹² For Bonapartist funding, see Latapie’s receipt from Cruz, June 5, 1817, Itamaraty, 194/4/5. For Ray’s Bonapartist secretary and other Bonapartist activities, see “Auto de perguntas feitas a Jorge Flem-ming Holdt,” APPE, DI–16. For Ray’s help and for the general plan, see Costa, Ferreira da, “Napoleão I no Brasil,” pp. 197–217 AMBIGUOUS (38981 citations)Google Scholar; Blaufarb, , Bonapartists in the Borderlands, pp. 77–85 Google Scholar; Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, 7:568–572.Google Scholar

¹³ Interrogation of Luiza Maria, February 26, 1818, in APPE, DI–16 (quotation, invitation, and identities of houseguests). For the daughter and the back room, see DH 103:160. For charges against Apolinário, see DH 106:201. For the United States as destination, see public protest of Joseph Ray, March 5, 1818, USCRJ. For spies, see DH 107:250; Ray to Adams, February 18, 1818, USCP; DH 103:75.

¹⁴ For “servant,” see Ray to Adams, February 18, 1818, USCP. For other details, including dona da casa, see interrogation of Luiza Maria, APPE, DI–16.

¹⁵ For loaning rooms, see Hill to Adams, January 1, 1818, USCRJ; public protest of Joseph Ray, March 5, 1818, USCP. For the other two refugees, see DH 106:177–8, 195; DH 103:158–161; “Auto de perguntas feitas a Jorge Flemming Holdt” and interrogation of Luiza Maria, both in APPE, DI–16.

¹⁶ Ray to Luis do Rego Barreto, September[?] 12, 1817, enclosed in Ray to Sumter, October 5, 1817, USCP (quotation). For similar incidents, see Ray to Adams, February 18, 1818, USCP.

¹⁷ DH 107:248 (first quotation); DH 101:18-19 (second quotation). For competition, see Junta do Comércio, Agricultura, Fábricas e Navegação, 7x, caixa 179, pct. 01, Arquivo Nacional (Rio de Janeiro; hereafter AN). For English merchants’ opposition to the 1824 revolt, see Freyre, Gilberto, Ingleses no Brasil: Aspectos da influência britânica sobre a vida, a paisagem e a cultura do Brasil (2nd ed.; Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olympio Editora S.A., 1977), pp. 271–275 Google Scholar; for an exception, see Veiga, , “O Cônsul Joseph Ray,” pp. 267–284 Google Scholar. For free trade and republicanism, see Bemis, , John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy, esp. pp. 436–468 Google Scholar; Whitaker, , The United States and the Independence of Latin America; Lewis, , American Union and the Problem of Neighborhood, esp. pp. 7, 175–176;Google Scholar Appleby, Joyce, Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992 Google Scholar); McCoy, The Elusive Republic.

¹⁸ José Corrêa da Serra to Adams, October 13, 1818, United States Department of State, Notes from the Portuguese Legation in the United States (quotation). For Holdt’s residence, see “Auto de perguntas feitas a Jorge Flemming Holdt,” APPE, DI–16. For arrests, see Ray to Adams, February 18, 1818, USCP.

¹⁹ DH 103:75 (first quotation); Bourdon, , JCS, p. 395 AMBIGUOUS (8 citations)Google Scholar (second quotation). For refugees, see Ray to Adams, October 13, 1817, USCP; Bourdon, , JCS, pp. 366–7, 400–401, 414–416, 608AMBIGUOUS (9 citations)Google Scholar; Mello, Cabral de, A outra Indêpendencia, p. 163. For relations to a successful refugee, see DH 101:124.Google Scholar

²⁰ Bourdon, , JCS, p. 443 AMBIGUOUS (8 citations)Google Scholar (quotation); Senate Executive Journal, January 23 and February 7, 1821, pp. 236, 240; New-England Palladium [Boston], December 1, 1820.

²¹ Testimony of Harper, Samuel B. , February 1, 1825, USCP (quotation). For trade goods, see Diário do Governo de Pernambuco, January 12, 1824 Google Scholar–May 15, 1824; Koster, , Travels in Brazil, 1:16 Google Scholar; Junta do Comércio, Agricultura, Fábricas e Navegação, 7x, caixa 179, pct. 01, AN; Henry Clay, “Legal brief in case of Joseph Ray,” Tracy W. McGregor Autograph Collection, Accession #2467, Box 2, The University of Virginia, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library. I am grateful to Margaret Hrabe at the University of Virginia Library for providing me with a copy of this manuscript. For commercial life, see Goebel, Dorothy Burne, “British-American Rivalry in the Chilean Trade, 1817–1820,” Journal of Economic History 2.2 (November 1942), pp. 191–192.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For rivalry and community size, see statement of Thomas Clark, October 14, 1824, USCP; Bennett to Adams, November 4, 1824, USCP; Diario do Governo de Pernambuco, January 22, 1825, USMB; statement of Kirkpatrick, January 17, 1825, USCP; petitions, September 21 and October 22, 1824, USCP.

²² Luis do Rego Barreto to Tomás Antônio de Vilanova Portugal, June 7, 1820, Série Guerra, IG–1 63, DA, AN (quotation); also see Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independência, p. 224 Google Scholar. For Pernambucans in the US who supported privateering, see Bourdon, , JCS, p. 585 AMBIGUOUS (10 citations)Google Scholar. For privateering as illegal, see March 3, 1817, Statutes at Large, 14th Congress, 2nd Session, pp. 370–371; April 20,1818, Statutes at Large, 15th Congress, 1st Session, pp. 447–450; Bourdon, , JCS, pp. 485–487.AMBIGUOUS (8 citations)Google Scholar For background on privateering, see n. 2, above.

²³ Statistics for Ray, and Bryan’s, dominance come from Diário do Governo de Pernambuco, January 12, 1824 Google Scholar–May 15, 1824 (the only availabel and sustained newspaper run that also contains detailed, if still irregular, mercantile news). The most detailed and comprehensive annual report on U.S. trade with Pernambuco is, unfortunately, for 1813, but no other availabel records specify U.S. trade with Pernambuco in particular. See Junta do Comércio, Agricultura, Fábricas e Navegação, 7x, caixa 179, pct. 01, AN (imports measured in market value). For a more general view of U.S.-Brazilian trade between 1807 and 1833, see Pitkin, Timothy, A Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States of America (New Haven: Durrie and Peck, 1835), pp. 229–230.Google Scholar For trade in the 1830s, see Ray to Forsyth, April 6, 1839, USCP (enclosure). For Philadelphia trade, see The Register of Pennsylvania, October 11,1828, pp. 204–5 (exports measured in total dollar value).

²⁴ Barman, , Brazil, pp. 65–129;Google Scholar Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independência, pp. 65–237;Google Scholar Bernardes, , Patriotismo constitucional, pp. 315–631 Google Scholar; Adelman, , Sovereignty and Revolution, pp. 332–343,Google Scholar 388–390.

²⁵ Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independência, p. 163 Google Scholar (for first quotation and experiences in the United States); de Holanda, Sérgio Buarque ,ed., et. al., A Historia Geral da Civilização Brasileira (São Paulo: Difusão Européia do Livro, 1962), Tomo II, Vol. 1, Book 2, p. 232 Google Scholar (for second quotation and Carvalho’s family).

²⁶ Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independência, p.29 Google Scholar, citing “Publicações do Arquivo Nacional,” Rio de Janeiro (first quotation). Brazil’s Arquivo Nacional has translated Graham’s English into Portuguese and I have translated it back to English. Rebello to Carvalho e Mello, July 26, 1824, Itamaraty, 233/2/21 (second quotation). For recognition, see Bandeira, Moniz, Presença dos Estados Unidos no Brasil (Dois séculos de história) (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Civilização Brasileira, 1973), pp. 54–58.Google Scholar

²⁷ Carvalho to Carvalho e Mello, January 5, 1824 (petition enclosed), Itamaraty, 309/2/16. Presumably, the signers intended to urge Pedro to urge the United States to restore Ray.

²⁸ Francisco de Lima e Silva to Carvalho e Mello, April 12, 1825, Itamaraty, 309/2/16; Carvalho e Mello, aviso, April 30, 1825, in Estrangeiros, 1822–1823, APPE and in Itamaraty, 309/3/06 (first quotation); also see William Hunter to John Forsyth, May 27, 1838, USMB. For the inspection, see Moura, A. Francisco de , ofício, January 21,1824, APPE, AG–1 ; also see Diário do Governo de Pernambuco, January 23, 1824 Google Scholar. For concern, see Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independência, 224;Google Scholar for glut, see Newport Mercury, February 26, 1825.

²⁹ Letter dated in Pernambuco, September 22, 1824, printed in Philadelphia’s National Gazette and reprinted in the Saratoga Sentinel, December 1, 1824; also see Boston Commercial Gazette, November 22, 1824. For background, see Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independencia, pp. 163–237;Google Scholar Barman, , Brazil, pp. 118–123.Google Scholar

³⁰ “Original do prócesso militar a que respondran Lázaro de Souza Fonte e James H. Rodgers, a final condenados a morte,” January 8, 1825, Instituto Arqueológico, Histórico, e Geográfico Pernambucano (Recife), 106/3.

³¹ Raguet to Carvalho e Mello, February 11, 1825, USCRJ (quotation); Raguet to Adams, February 17, 1825, USCRJ (for Raguet’s observation that Bennett had provided few details). For the attempted bribe, see “Translation of the Baron de Cayru, Brazillian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Hon. H. A. Wise, U.S. Minister at Rio de Janeiro, 14 November 1846,” translation of Edwards, C.H., Washington, March 1851,Google Scholar USMB. For the petition in Rodgers’ defense, see September 21, 1824, USCP. For the commercial alliance, see petition of October 6, 1824, USCP. The commercial allies who also supported Rodgers were Thomas Clark, Henry Larson, John Bayard Kirkpatrick, William Tyler, Edward Austin, and B. F. Johnson.

³² For ties to Jewett and subsequent outrage, see testimony of Samuel B. Harper, February 1, 1825, USCP. For Jewett’s participation, see Arquivo Cochrane, Serviço de Documentação da Marinha (Rio de Janeiro). For elites and republicanism, see Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independência, pp. 38–39;Google Scholar Jancsó, István, “Este livro,” in Brasil: Formação do Estado e da Nação, p. 28.Google Scholar

³³ For the Philadelphia editor, see citation in the New-Bedford Mercury, June 10, 1825. For Lafayette, see Eastern Argus [Portland, ME], June 13, 1825. For comparison to Jesus, conversion, and execution details, see Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, 9:147–156.Google Scholar Other details are from The Farmer’s Cabinet [Amherst, NH], June 18,1825; Vermont Gazette, June 14,1825; North Star [Danville, VT], June 14, 1825; New Bedford Mercury June 10, 1825; Rhode-Island Republican [Newport], June 9, 1825; Rhode-Island American [Providence], June 7, 1825; Boston Commercial Gazette, June 6, 1825 (citing the Freeman’s Journal of Philadelphia).

³⁴ “Translation of the Baron de Cayru,” USMB (first quotation); Diario de Pernambuco, August 5, 1842, in Ray to Daniel Webster, July 11, 1842, USCP (second quotation; Ray’s translation). The best summary of Pernambuco refugees in 1824 and 1825 is Rebello’s “Relação Nominal dos Individuos que se tem evadido de varias Provincias do Imperio do Brazil, e que tem aportado a estes Estados,” Itamaraty, 233/2/21.

³⁵ For Barros Falcâo, see Diario de Pernambuco, February 13, 1837 (enclosure in Ray’s letter to Secretary of State John Forsyth, February 13, 1837, USCP). Raguet to Adams, October 5, 1824, USCRJ (second quotation); “Asínio” to Cruz, July 7, 1825, in Vianna, “O Cabugá,” pp. 21–22 (final quotation). For other reflections on Ray, see Diario de Pernambuco, August 5, 1842 and August 8, 1842 (enclosed with Ray to Webster, July 11, 1842, USCP); Hartford’s American Mercury, May 23, 1826.

³⁶ “Relação Nominal,” Itamaraty, 233/2/21.

³⁷ For Mundurucu’s raid, see Marcus Joaquim Maciel de Carvalho, “Hegemony and Rebellion in Pernambuco (Brazil), 1821–1835” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1989), pp. 66–68; Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, 9:60 Google Scholar. For Lusophobia, see Mosher, Jeffrey C., “Political Mobilization, Party Ideology, and Lusophobia in Nineteenth-Century Brazil: Pernambuco, 1822–1850,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 80.4 (2000), esp. pp. 888 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 901. For its growth through the 1840s (and for an account which de-emphasizes Lusophobia in the independence era), see Silva, Santos da, “O avesso da Independencia,” p. 373.AMBIGUOUS Google Scholar

³⁸ Costa, Pereira da, Anais Pernambucanos, 9:60 Google Scholar (poem). For the image and example of Haiti throughout the revolutionary Atlantic, see the essays in Geggus, David P., ed., The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2001 Google Scholar). For elites, see Jancsó, , “Este livro” p. 28.AMBIGUOUS (47258 citations)Google Scholar

³⁹ Francisco de Lima e Silva to Carvalho e Mello, April 12, 1825, Itamaraty 309/2/16 (first quotation); “Manifiesto que Hace a la Nacion Colombiana Emiliano Felipe Benicio Mundrucu … dirijido al respetable publico y ejercito de la República de Colombia” (1826), in Chacon, Vamireh, ed. and trans., Da Confederando do Equador à Grã-Colômbia: Natividade Saldanha (Brasilia: Senado Federal, Centro Gráficio, 1983), pp. 198–99 Google Scholar (second quotation).

⁴⁰ For Cruz, see Cleonir Xavier de Albuquerque da Graça e Costa, “Elementos para urna Biografia de Antonio Gonçalves da Cruz, o Cabugá,” RIAHGP 49 (1977); Vianna, , Vultos do Império, pp. 6–30.Google Scholar For his reception, see esp. Boston Patriot, May 17, 1817 and May 21, 1817; Chillicothe’s Weekly Recorder, June 11, 1817; Newark’s Centinel of Freedom, June 3, 1817, and Washington’s National Intelligencer, May 22, June 3, and June 26, 1817; also see Salem’s Essex Register, May 28, 1817; the Baltimore Patriot, June 23 and June 26, 1817; Hallowell, Maine’s American Advocate and Kennebec Advertiser, July 5, 1817; Charleston’s City Gazette And Daily Advertiser, July 1, 1817; and the Boston Gazette, June 30, 1817. For Cruz in elite diplomatic circles, see esp. Raguet to Adams, March 8, 1823, USCRJ. For Haiti and Panama, see Fehrenbacher, Don E., The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United States Government’s Relations to Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001 Google Scholar), ed. and completed by McAffee, Ward M., pp. 114–117; Register of Debates, House of Representatives Google Scholar, 19th Congress, 1st Session (January 31, 1826), pp. 1214–15. For a mulatto Pernambucan who found himself rejected by white Americans, see Chacon, , Da Confederação do Equador à Grã-Colômbia, pp. 24–25;Google Scholar Guimarães, Argeu, Vida e Morte de Natividade Saldanha (1796–1832) (Lisbon: Edições Luz-Braz, 1932), pp. 108–113.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Mundurucu’s “Manifiesto que Hace a la Nacion Colombiana,” pp. 198–99 (quotation). For the slave trade, see Mello, Cabral de, A outra Independência, p. 223.Google Scholar

⁴² Bennett to Adams, September 27, 1824, USCP (first quotation); letter dated Pernambuco, September 22, 1824, first printed in Philadelphia’s National Gazette and reprinted in the Saratoga Sentinel on December 1, 1824 (second quotation); also see Boston Commercial Gazette, November 22, 1824.

⁴³ Unfortunately, there is no way of knowing what, if anything, distinguished Mundurucu’s group from the group that attacked Ray. For Lusophobic attacks exempting non-Portuguese wealth, see Mosher, , “Political Mobilization, Party Ideology, and Lusophobia,” p. 888.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ For the petition text, see Hartford’s American Mercury, May 23, 1826. For expulsion order, see José Carlos Mairink da Silva Ferrâo to Carvalho e Mello, June 17, 1825, Itamaraty, 309/2/16.

⁴⁵ For revocation, see letter from Pernambuco, dated November 12, 1825, in Independent Chronicle and Boston Patriot, December 24, 1825, and in Hartford’s American Mercury, December 27, 1825; Clay, “Legal Brief in Case of Joseph Ray.” For helping exiles, see Diario de Pernambuco, February 13, 1837 (enclosure in Ray’s letter to Secretary of State John Forsyth, February 13, 1837, USCP). For dispersal, see Rebello to Carvalho e Mello, August 26, 1825 and “Relaçào Nominal,” both in Itamaraty 233/2/21; Chacon, Vamireh, Abreu e Lima: General de Bolívar (Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1983 Google Scholar); Saldanha, Da Confederação do Equador à Grã-Colômbia. For Ray’s later life, see Tod, David to Clayton, John M., August 23, 1849, USMB Google Scholar; Ray to Forsyth, July 9, 1838, USCP; Gideon T. Snow to Webster, July 4, 1842, USCP. For U.S. claims against Brazil, see Hill, Lawrence, Diplomatic Relations, esp. pp. 59–64.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ For arrival of news regarding Monroe’s message, see the Typhis Pernambucano, February 26, 1824, reprinted in Evaldo Mello, Cabral de ed., Frei Joaquim do Amor Divino Caneca (Sao Paulo: Editora 34, 2001), pp. 373–375.Google Scholar Even in this case, the announcement failed to make front page headlines, and no further comment appeared in subsequent issues. For similarly subdued reactions among Spanish Americans, see Dexter, Perkins’concession in The Monroe Doctrine: 1823–1826 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1927), pp. 149–161.Google Scholar