No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
At the turn of the nineteenth century, the Spanish Crown issued a Real Cédula (Royal Decree) authorizing the administration of public education in Cuba to an elite Creole group of twenty-seven large landholders known as the Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País. The Real Cédula provided for the expansion and secularization of primary education in Cuba. The Sociedad embodied the elite planter Creole class whose influence had increased in Cuba steadily during the second half of the eighteenth century with the initial development of a slave-labor plantation economy. During the nineteenth century, their power and strength grew rapidly with the proliferation of sugar cultivation, culminating in the 1840s when Cuba became the world's primary producer. The Real Cédula entrusting the Sociedad with education recognized the emergence of the Creole planter class as a major influence in Cuban society. Just as the Creoles increasingly wielded more influence economically and politically in determining the future of the island, their control over the administration of public education allowed them to articulate their vision for the cultural and intellectual development of Cuba. The promotion of public education provided an essential medium to express the Sociedad's vision of Cubanidad (Cubanness), precisely at the time when the racial composition of the population was changing dramatically through the massive importation of African slave labor.
I would like to thank my colleagues in the Gender and Social History of Latin America Seminar at the University of Texas at Austin, Elizabeth Johnson, Russell Lohse, Jason Lowery and Kim Morse, James Sidbury and the participants of the Atlantic History Works in Progress Seminar, the anonymous referees for The Americas, and most of all Sandra Lauderdale-Graham for their insightful comments and criticisms. Aline Helg offered an insightful critique and suggestions for revising the paper that could not be incorporated because of time constraints. I alone, however, am responsible for the content of the article.
1 Hereafter Sociedad for short. There is considerable discrepancy over the founding date of the Sociedad. Schafer, R.J., Economic Societies in the Spanish World: 1763–1821 (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1958), p. 183;Google Scholar Pérez, Louis A., Cuba: Between Reform and Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 66;Google Scholar Paquette, Robert, Sugar is Made with Blood: The Conspiracy of La Escalera and the Conflict Between Empires over Slavery in Cuba (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), p. 83;Google Scholar and Knight, Franklin W., Slave Society in Cuba During the Nineteenth Century (Madison: Univeristy of Wisconsin Press, 1970), p. 15 Google Scholar cite 1791. Castañeda, Paulino and Fernández, Juan, “Notas sobre la educación publica en Cuba,” Jahrbuch Für Geschichte Von Staat Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 21 (1984), 266;Google Scholar Thomas, Hugh, Cuba The Pursuit of Freedom (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), pp. 72–3;Google Scholar and Pérez, Emma, Historia de la pedagogía en Cuba: Desde los origines hasta la guerra de independencia (Havana: Cultural, 1945), p. 44,Google Scholar cite 1792. Ortiz, Fernado, “La hija cubana del iluminismo,” Revista bimestre cubana 51:1 (Enero-Febrero, 1943), p. 6;Google Scholar Fitchen, Edward D., “Primary Education in Colonial Cuba: Spanish Tool for Retaining «La Isla Siempre Leal?»,” Caribbean Studies 14:1 (April, 1974) 107;Google Scholar Bachiller, Antonio y Morales, , Apuntes para la historia de las letras y de la instrucción publica en la isla de Cuba, 3 vols. (1859 Google Scholar–61); reprint with an introduction by Francisco González del Valle and a biography of the author by Vidal Morales (Havana: Colección de Libros Cubanos, 1936) vol. 1, p. 9; and Mitjans, Aurelio, Estudio sobre el movimiento científico y literario de Cuba (1899; reprint with an anonymous introduction, Havana: Consejo Nacional de Cultura, 1963), p. 82 Google Scholar cite 1793.
2 Knight, Franklin W., “Origins of Wealth and the Sugar Revolution in Cuba, 1750–1850,” Hispanic American Historical Review 57:2 (May, 1977), 231–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Klein, Herbert S., African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 93;Google Scholar Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 29;Google Scholar Knight, , Slave Society in Cuba, pp. 31–38;Google Scholar and Thomas, , Cuba, pp. 126–7.Google Scholar
4 Bachiller, y Morales, , Apuntes para la historia …, 1, pp. 8,Google Scholar 78.
5 Ibid., 1, p. 17.
6 Ibid., 1, pp. 74–8.
7 Ibid.
8 See for example, Hunt, Felicity, Lessons for Life: The Schooling of Girls and Women, 1850–1950 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987);Google Scholar Johanson, Christine, Women’s Struggle for Higher Education in Russia, 1855–1900 (Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1987);Google Scholar and Wilkins, Wynona H., “The Debate over Secondary and Higher Education for Women in Nineteenth-Century France,” North Dakota Quarterly 51:3 (Winter, 1981), 13–25.Google Scholar
9 Guiteras, Pedro J., “Influencia de la mujer en la sociedad cubana: Estado de su educación y medios de mejorarla y extenderla,” Revista de la Habana, 4 (1855), 155.Google Scholar All translations are made by the author unless stated otherwise.
10 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 82.Google Scholar
11 This article examines what public female education meant to the Creole Sociedad in the context of Africanization. For a discussion of female education and well-known educated women of nineteenth-century Cuba specifically, see Aguayo, Alfredo Miguel, Tres grandes educadores cubanos: Varona, Echemendia, María Luisa Dolz (Havana: Impreso Cultural, 1937);Google Scholar Marquino, Rafael y Angulo, , La ciudad de Marta y Marta de la ciudad (Havana: Academia de la Historia de Cuba, 1950);Google Scholar Rodríguez, Manuel I. Mesa, María Luisa Dolz, educadora y ciudadana (Havana: Academia de la Historia de Cuba, 1950);Google Scholar Miller, Beth K., “Avellaneda, Nineteenth Century Feminist,” Revista Interamericana 4:2 (Summer, 1974), 177–83;Google Scholar Cabrera, José Manuel Pérez, Una cubana ejemplar: Marta Abreu de Estévez (Havana: Academia de la Historia de Cuba, 1945);Google Scholar Pérez, E., Historia de la Pedagogia, pp. 121–38;Google Scholar and Stoner, K. Lynn, From the House to the Streets: The Cuban Woman’s Movement for Legal Reform, 1898–1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991), pp. 13–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
12 The following discussion provides only a cursory glance of the first half of nineteenth-century Cuban history. For more detailed accounts with special attention to slavery consult the sources listed in the subsequent footnotes.
13 See for example Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 29;Google Scholar Knight, , Slave Society in Cuba, pp. 11–13;Google Scholar Thomas, , Cuba, pp. 76–77;Google Scholar and Pérez, L., Cuba, pp. 72–74 Google Scholar A. For a statistical analysis of the growth of the slave population synthesizing several censuses, see the excellent study by Kiple, Kenneth F., Blacks in Colonial Cuba, 1774–1899 (Gainesville: University Press of Flordia, 1976).Google Scholar
14 Huber, B., Aperçu statistique de l’île de Cuba, précédé de quelques lettres sur la Havane, et suivi de tableaux synoptiques (Paris: Chez P. Dufart Libraire, 1826), p. 232.Google Scholar Thomas, , Cuba, p. 1532 Google Scholar cites the figure 25,841.
15 la Sagra, Ramón de, Historia económica, política y estadística de la isla de Cuba (Havana: Imprenta de las Viudas de Azora y Soler, 1831), pp. 3–10.Google Scholar
16 Ibid.
17 Saco, José Antonio, Historia de la esclavitud de la raza africana en el nuevo mundo y especial en los países américo-hispanos, 6 vols. (Havana: Colección de Libros Cubanos, 1936–45), p. 25.Google Scholar
18 Paquette, provides an excellent discussion of this dilemma in the chapter “Cuban Whites and the Problem of Slavery,” Sugar is Made with Blood, pp. 81–103.Google Scholar
19 Arango, Francisco y Parreño, , Obras, 2 vols. (Havana: Dirección de Cultura, 1952), 2, p. 34.Google Scholar Description of Arango, Kuethe, Alan J., Cuba 1753–1815: Crown, Military and Society (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1986), p. 176.Google Scholar For further discussion of Arango and his influence on Cuban society, see Bachiller, y Morales, , Apuntes para la historia …, 3, pp. 19–51;Google Scholar Person, William Whatley Jr., “Francisco Arango y Parreño,” Hispanic American Historical Review 16:4 (November, 1936), 451–78;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Travieso, Julio, El pensamiento económico de Francisco Arango y Parreño (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1978);Google Scholar and Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, pp. 83–5.Google Scholar
20 Lux, William R., “French Colonization in Cuba, 1791–1809,” The Americas 29:1 (July, 1972), 57–61;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Thomas, , Cuba, p. 129.Google Scholar
21 Memorias de la Sociedad Económica, 1794, pp. 54–55. Reproduced in Corbitt, Duvon C., “Immigration in Cuba,” Hispanic American Historical Review 22:2 (May, 1942), 284–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22 United States War Department, Cuba Census Office, Report on the Census of Cuba, 1899 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1900), p. 710.
23 Klein, Herbert S., “The Colored Militia of Cuba: 1568–1868,” Caribbean Studies 6:2 (July, 1966), pp. 17–27;Google Scholar and Deschamps-Chapeaux, Pedro, Los batallones de pardos y morenos libres (Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1976).Google Scholar The translation of moreno for Cuba has various interpreters. Klein, , “Colored Militia of Cuba,” p. 20;Google Scholar Stolcke, , Marriage, Class and Colour , p. 17;Google Scholar and Kuethe, , Cuba, p. 38 Google Scholar translate moreno as Negro. Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, claims moreno had an African connotation as a “pure-blooded African,” p. 40.Google Scholar Scott, Rebecca J., Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860–1899 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985),Google Scholar employs “black,” p. 269. That Cubans used the word moreno for Negroes and people of African descent instead of negro, as elsewhere in Latin America, may reveal their apprehensions over the “darker” elemenents of their population. According to a nineteenth-century definition of moreno: “Se dice del hombre negro atezado, por suavizar la voz negro.” Fontain, Domingo, et al., Diccionario enciclopédico de la lengua Española, con todas las voies, frases, refranes y locuciones usadas en España y las Américas Españolas 2 vols. (Madrid: Imprenta y Librería de Gaspar Y. Roig, 1853), 2, p. 583.Google Scholar
24 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, pp. 106–8;Google Scholar Deschamps-Chapeaux, , Los batallones, p. 42.Google Scholar
25 For the Aponte rebellón see Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, pp. 123–5;Google Scholar Thomas, , Cuba, pp. 90–1;Google Scholar Pérez, L., Cuba, p. 99;Google Scholar Franco, José Luciano, La conspiración de Aponte (Havana: Instituto de Historia, 1963);Google Scholar Yacou, Alain “La conspiración de Aponte (1812),” Historia y Sociedad (Río Piedras) 1 (1988), 39–58;Google Scholar and Deschamps-Chapeaux, , Los batallones, pp. 77–80.Google Scholar
26 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 124;Google Scholar Thomas, , Cuba, p. 90.Google Scholar
27 Klein, , “Colored Militia of Cuba,” pp. 24–6.Google Scholar
28 For a discussion of the cabildos see Ortiz, Fernando, “Los cabildos afro-cubanos,” Revista bimestre cubana 16 (Enero-Febrero, 1921), pp. 5–39;Google Scholar Deschamps-Chapeaux, Pedro, El negro en la economia habanera del siglo XIX (Havana: Unión de Escritores y Artistas de Cuba, 1971), pp. 31–46;Google Scholar Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, pp. 108–109,Google Scholar 125–127; Lorenzo, Leiddy Mendoza, “Estudio sobre el cabildo de congos reales de ‘San Antonio’ de Trinidad,” Islas: Revista de la Universidad Central de las Villas, 85 (Septiembre-Diciembre, 1986), 49–73;Google Scholar and Helg, Aline, Our Rightful Share: The Afro-Cuban Struggle for Equality, 1886–1912 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 29–36.Google Scholar
29 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 125.Google Scholar
30 For a discussion of La Escalera see Thomas, , Cuba, pp. 200–6;Google Scholar Klein, Herbert S., Slavery in the Americas: A Comparative Study of Virginia and Cuba (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 193–222;Google Scholar Klein, , “Colored Militia of Cuba,” pp. 23–4;Google Scholar Knight, , Slave Society in Cuba, pp. 81,Google Scholar 96; and particularly Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, passim, and esp., pp. 209–66.Google Scholar
31 Wurderman, John G.F., Notes on Cuba (1844; reprint with an introduction by Goldwyn, Robert M., New York: Arno Press, 1971), p. 357.Google Scholar
32 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, pp. 219–23.Google Scholar
33 Paquette’s discovery of the Domingo Del Monte letters in the archive of the Massachusetts Historical Society established, according to Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo, (and I second) that there is “little basis for doubt, that the conspiracy was real, extensive, very significant, and had wide international ramifications.” Review of Sugar is Made With Blood, Journal of Southern History, 56:1 (February, 1990), 115.Google Scholar Even if scholars still doubt the validity of the conspiracy as nothing more than a product of inflated fears of slave revolts and attempts by Spain to tie Cuba to the mother country, this is of small consequence for the purpose of this article. The important point emphasized here is how the massive importation of slaves resulted in fears over the Africanization of the island. For the Cuban elite of the 1840s, whether actual or fictitious, La Escalera represented the explosive potential of the Afro-Cuban population. The fact that hundreds were killed and thousands arrested and tortured, at a great loss in personal property to slaveowners, reveals the depth of panic and terror slave revolts could cause among the white population. For a discussion of the historiography dealing with La Escalera see Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, pp. 3–26 Google Scholar.
34 Stocke, Verena, Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineenth-Century Cuba, p. 12.Google Scholar
35 Ibid., p. 13.
36 Ibid., pp. 42–57.
37 Klein, , “Colored Militia of Cuba,” p. 25.Google Scholar
38 Noticias estadísticas de la isla de Cuba en 1862 (Havana, 1864). Quoted in Stolcke, , Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteeth-Century Cuba, p. 57.Google Scholar
39 For the argument that the southern colonies of the U.S. became involved in the war of independence to protect the institution of slavery, see Frey, Sylvia R, Water from the Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991).Google Scholar Paquette nicely contrasts the ability of U.S. slaveholders to construct a world view with the inability of planters, Cuban, Sugar is Made With Blood, pp. 91–2.Google Scholar
40 Van Ness, Cornelius P. to Forsyth, John, 10 December 1836, in Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States: Inter-American Affairs, 1831–1860, Manning, William R., ed., 12 vols. (Washington: Publications of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1932–9), 11, p. 303.Google Scholar
41 “Creole acquiescence to colonial rule was induced as much by preference for past order as by abhorrence of the prospects of future disorder....They [Creoles and Spaniards] were all united in their defense of sugar and slavery, upon which rested prosperity, property, and privilege.” Pérez, L., Cuba, pp. 101,Google Scholar 93.
42 Bachiller, y Morales, , Apuntes para la historia …, 1, p. 7 Google Scholar
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid., 1, p. 8
45 Memorias de la sociedad económica, 1794, pp. 31–44. Quoted in Schafer, , Economic Societies in the Spanish World, p. 308.Google Scholar
46 Ibid.
47 Pérez, E., Historia de la pedagogía en Cuba, p. 52.Google Scholar
48 Bachiller, y Morales, , Apuntes para la historia …, 1, p. 11.Google Scholar
49 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 119 Google Scholar
50 Bachiller, y Morales, , Apuntes para la historia …, 1, pp. 35,Google Scholar 77–78.
51 Saco, José Antonio, La vagancia en Cuba (1832; reprint with an introduction by Rafael Estenger, Havana: Dirección de Cultura, 1946).Google Scholar
52 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 110.Google Scholar
53 War Department, Report on the Census of Cuba, 1899, p. 710.
54 “Aquel grado de cultura que adquieren los pueblos o las personas, cuando de la rudeza natural pasan al primor, elegancia y dulzura de voces, usos y costumbres propias de la gente culta. —El resultado de la aplicación practica de la razón perfeccionada, y de los nobles instintos de la humanidad, al bienestar del individuo y de las sociedades.—CIVILIZACIÓN MATERIAL: el desarrollo mas o menos progresivo de las artes y de la industria.” Fontain, Diccionario enciclopédico de la lengua española, …,1, p. 572.
55 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 108.Google Scholar
56 Thomas, , Cuba, p. 199.Google Scholar
57 The Sociedad focused heavily on ameliorating this aspect of “civilization” through the promotion of cultural and intellectual activities. However, according to the caustic American traveler Julia Ward Howe in 1860, much work remained to be done. “We are dreaming of Rome,—and this is Cuba, where the spirit of art has never been….The taste of the Cubans, if judged by the European standard, is a bad taste. They love noisy music, —their architecture consults only the exigencies of the climate, and does not deserve the name of an art. Of painting they must have little knowledge, if one may judge by the vile daubs which deface their walls.” Howe, Julia Ward, A Trip to Cuba, (1860; reprint with an introduction by Wilgus, A. Curtis, New York: Praeger, 1969), p. 231.Google Scholar
58 Paquette, , Sugar is Made with Blood, p. 92.Google Scholar
59 Huber, , Aperçu statistique de l’île de Cuba, pp. 228–33;Google Scholar Sagra, , Historia econòmica, política y estadística de la isla de Cuba, pp. 3–10;Google Scholar Humboldt, Alexander Von, Ensayo sobre la isla de Cuba (Paris: Joules Renourard, 1827), pp. 108–113;Google Scholar and War Department, Report on the Census of Cuba, 1899 , p. 710.
60 Londres, , “Educación del bello sexo,” Revista bimestre cubana (1831), 62.Google Scholar
61 Losada, Sabino, “¿El hombre y la mujer deben ser educados de la misma manera?” Revista del la Habana (Marzo-Agosto, 1853), 21.Google Scholar
62 Guiteras, , “Influencia de la mujer en la sociedad Cubana,” p. 145.Google Scholar
63 Scott, , Slave Emancipation in Cuba, pp. 89–91;Google Scholar Knight, , Slave Society in Cuba, p. 119;Google Scholar Thomas, , Cuba, p. 186;Google Scholar and Pérez, , Cuba, pp. 115–6.Google Scholar
64 Howe, , A Trip to Cuba, p. 43.Google Scholar
65 Londres, , “Educación del bello sexo,” p. 60.Google Scholar
66 Ibid., p. 62.
67 Ibid.
68 Guiteras, , “Influencia de la mujer,” p. 146.Google Scholar
69 See Losada, Sabino, “¿El hombre y la mujer deben ser educados de la misma manera?,” pp. 21–3.Google Scholar Thomas described the Sociedad as the “favourite hispanicization of the French encyclopedists.” Cuba, p. 73.
70 Quoted in Wilkins, , “Debate over Secondary and Higher Education for Women in Nineteenth-Century France,” p. 14.Google Scholar
71 Teresa, , “Instrucción del bello sexo,” Revista de la Habana (Septiembre-Marzo, 1853–4), 26.Google Scholar
72 [ Saco, José Antonio] “Notices of Brazil,” Revista bimestre cubana (1832), 185–217.Google Scholar
73 Thomas, , Cuba, p. 195.Google Scholar
74 Londres [ Varela, Felix], “Educación del bello sexo,” Revista bimestre cubana (1831), 62;Google Scholar Pérez, E., Historia de la pedagogía en Cuba, p. 50.Google Scholar
75 See for example Arrom, Silvia Marina, The Women of Mexico City, 1790–1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985);Google Scholar Hahner, June E., Emancipating the Female Sex: The Struggle for Women’s Rights in Brazil, 1850–1940 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990);Google Scholar and Lavrin, Asunción, Women, Feminism, and Social Change in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay, 1890–1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995).Google Scholar
76 Fitchen, , “Primary Education in Colonial Cuba,” p. 107.Google Scholar
77 Pérez, L., Cuba, p. 67.Google Scholar
78 “Educación del bello sexo,” p. 63.
79 Stolcke, , Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba, pp. 22–26.Google Scholar
80 Ibid., p. 26, fn. 28.
81 Ibid., p. 24.
82 See the sources listed in fn. 8.
83 Wilkins, “The Debate Over Secondary and Higher Education for Women in Nineteenth
86 Ibid.
87 Miller, , “Avellaneda,” p. 179.Google Scholar
88 This argument is adapted from Stolcke, Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba. Stolcke, however, only considers the female role in transmitting racial social status neglecting that males and females equally contribute to the genetic makeup of the child. Stolcke suggests that mulatto children of Afro-Cuban women were not as threatening to the social order as mulatto children of white Cuban women. Nonetheless, colonial Cuba, as she argues, was defined in racial terms; and thus, a mulatto population whether the parentage of Afro-Cuban or white women, could still undermine the racial social hierarchy.
89 Noticias estadísticas de la isla de Cuba en 1862 (Havana 1864). Quoted in Stolcke, , Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteeth-Century Cuba, p. 57.Google Scholar
90 Ibid., pp. 12–3.
91 Ibid., p. 57.
92 Londres [ Varela, ], “Educación del bello sexo,” p. 70.Google Scholar
93 Guiteras, , “Influencia de la mujer en la sociedad cubana,” p. 154.Google Scholar
94 Londres [ Varela, ], “Educación del bello sexo,” p. 60.Google Scholar
95 Losada, , “¿El hombre y la mujer deben ser educados de la misma manera?” pp. 21–3Google Scholar
96 Ibid.
97 Ibid., p. 22.
98 Londres [ Varela, ], “Educación del bello sexo,” p. 65.Google Scholar
99 Oliva, Antonio de, “A las madres de la familia,” Revista de la Habana (Marzo-Agosto, 1853), p. 115 Google Scholar Similar comments are made elsewhere in Sociedad publications. See Teresa, , “Instrucción del bello sexo,” p. 28;Google Scholar and Losada, “¿El hombre y la mujer deben ser educados de la misma manera?” p. 23.Google Scholar
100 Howe, , A Trip to Cuba, p. 204.Google Scholar
101 Teresa, , “Instrucción del bello sexo,” p. 27.Google Scholar
102 Wilkins, , “The Debate Over Secondary and Higher Education for Women in Nineteenth-Century France,” p. 15.Google Scholar
103 Londres [ Varela, ], “Educaión del Bello Sexo,” p. 66.Google Scholar Also see Teresa, , “Instrucción del bello sexo,” p. 27;Google Scholar and Oliva, de “A las madres de la familia,” pp. 115–7.Google Scholar
104 “Do you not think that by elevating the organism of the mothers, you elevate the intellectual chances of the whole race? Stupid mothers will have stupid sons-the results of culture are inherited.” Howe, , A Trip to Cuba, pp. 203–4.Google Scholar
105 Biographical information based upon Clifford, Deborah Pickman, Mine Eyes Have Seen the Glory: Julia Ward Howe, 1819–1910 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1979);Google Scholar and Mary H. Grant, Private Women, Public Person: An Account of the Life of Julia Ward Howe from 1819–1868 (Brooklyn: Carlson Publishers, 1994).
106 Howe, , A Trip to Cuba, p. 202.Google Scholar
107 Ibid.
108 Ibid., pp. 202–3.
109 Cuba, , Legislación de instrucción de la isla de Cuba (Havana: Imprenta del Gobierno y Capitanía General por S.M., 1881),Google Scholar articles II and III.
110 Ibid., article IV.
111 Ibid., article V.
112 Fitchen, , “Primary Education in Colonial Cuba,” p. 110.Google Scholar I only had access to the Plan of 1880.
113 Howe, , A Trip to Cuba, p. 89.Google Scholar
114 Thomas, , Cuba, p. 145.Google Scholar
115 Howe, , A Trip to Cuba, p. 43.Google Scholar