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² In the 1940s, Italian historian Federico Chabod distinguished modern nationalism from its predecessors in that it was not only directed towards or against the “outside,” that it could not be reduced to “hostile attitudes” toward another nation. It was, conversely, based on the nation’s “full conscience of itself, of its individuality, constituted by the past and the present, by historical traditions as much as by the present will to be a nation.” Chabod, Federico, La idea de nación (Mexico: Fondo de cultura económica, 1987), p. 22.Google Scholar

³ The central reference is Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991),Google Scholar which, as John Breuilly notes, is “the single most cited general text on nationalism.” Breuilly, John, “Historians and the Nation,” History and Historians in the Twentieth Century, ed. Burke, Peter (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 55–87, 79–80.Google Scholar See also Renan, Ernest, “What Is a Nation?” Becoming National: A Reader, ed. Eley, Goeff and Grigor Suny, Ronald (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 45, 52;Google Scholar for nationalist celebrations and the establishment of a civic calendar, Waldstreicher, David, In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The Making of American Nationalism, 1776–1820 (Chapel Hill, London: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 1997);Google Scholar Ozouf, Mona, La fête révolutionaire, 1789–1799 (Paris: Gallimard, 1976);Google Scholar for “nationalist” literature, Sommer, Doris, Foundational Fictions: The National Romances of Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991);Google Scholar for symbolic construction through statistics, maps, exhibits, etc., Anderson, Benedict, “Census, Map, Museum,” Becoming National, pp. 243–259;Google Scholar Craib, Raymond, Cartographic Mexico: A History of Sate Fixations and Fugitive Landscapes (Durham, London: Duke University Press, 2004);Google Scholar Tenorio, Mauricio, Artilugio de la nación moderna. México en las exposiciones universales, 1880–1930 (Mexico: Fondo de cultura económica, 1998).Google Scholar

⁴ Weil, Patrick, Qu’est-ce qu’un Français? Histoire de la nationalité française depuis la Révolution (Paris: Grasset, 2002), pp. 10–12.Google Scholar I agree with Weil in that laws of nationality do not necessarily reflect a particular conception of the nation.

⁵ The focus on legal structures explains why our most important sources are the parliamentary debates that resulted in the exclusionary laws. For the Mexican case, newspapers are still the best source for the congressional debates of the late 1820s and early 1830s. See Lomnitz, Claudio, “Nationalism as a Practical System: Benedict Anderson’s Theory of Nationalism from the Vantage Point of Spanish America,” The Other Mirror: Grand Theory through the Lens of Latin America, ed. Centeno, Miguel Ángel and López-Alves, Fernando (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 329–359.Google Scholar

⁶ For Tomás Pérez Vejo, when studying nationalisms, “it is not bills, laws, or even constitutions which should draw our attention. We are talking about ballads, not about political norms.” Pérez Vejo, Tomás, “La construcción de las naciones como problema historiográfico: el caso del mundo hispánico,” Historia Mexicana, 53:2 (October-December 2003), pp. 275–311, 297.Google Scholar

⁷ In his seminal 1928 article on comparative history, Marc Bloch wrote that a “more limited horizon” would be “richer in results.” Bloch, Marc, “Contribution towards a Comparative History of European Societies,” Land and Work in Medieval Europe: Selected Papers by Marc Bloch (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), pp. 44–81, 46.Google Scholar On the other hand, John H. Elliot’s masterly Empires of the Atlantic World states that comparative history should be concerned with similarities as well as differences and take into account the connections between the histories that are being compared. Elliot, John H., Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America. 1492–1830 (New Haven, London: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 16–18.Google Scholar

⁸ O’Gorman, Edmundo, “Do the Americas Have a Common History?” Do the Americas Have a Common History? A Critique of the Bolton Theory, ed. Hanke, Lewis (New York: Knopf, 1964), pp. 103–111, 107–110.Google Scholar See also Hale, Charles A., “Edmundo O’Gorman, Mexican National History, and the ‘Great American Dichotomy’,” Journal of Latin American Studies, 36 (February 2004), pp. 131–145;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Paz, Octavio, “El espejo indiscreto,” Obras completas, vol 5: El peregrino en su patria (Mexico: Fondo de cultura económica, 1993), pp. 421–436, 421;Google Scholar Cosío Villegas, Daniel, Extremos de América (Mexico: Tezontle, 1949).Google Scholar

⁹ See, for instance, often addressing the Latin American region as a whole, Hartz, Louis, The Founding of New Societies: Studies in the History of the United States, Latin America, South Africa, Canada, and Australia (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1964);Google Scholar Lang, James, Conquest and Commerce: Spain and England in the Americas (New York: Academic Press, 1975);Google Scholar Orteg, Juan y Medina, , La evangelización puritana en Norteamérica. Delendi sunt Indi (Mexico: Fondo de cultura económica, 1976);Google Scholar Harrison, Lawrence E., Underdevelopment Is a State of Mind: The Latin American Case (Lanham: University Press of America, 1985);Google Scholar Véliz, Claudio, The New World of the Gothic Fox: Culture and Economy in English and Spanish America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).Google Scholar Francisco Valdés Ugalde has recently written, “Destiny and fate may be the appropriate words to summarize these two historical paths, representing the discrepancy between self-command and sovereign decision … and the oppressing burden of circumstances. … This is the main difference between the polities of the United States of America and the United States of Mexico.” Ugalde, Francisco Valdés, “Janus and the Northern Colossus: Perceptions of the United States in the Building of the Mexican Nation,” The Journal of American History, 86 (September 1999), pp. 568–600, 575.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In recent years, a more nuanced vision has emerged in the fields of comparative, international, and transnational history: Mayer, Alicia, Dos americanos, dos pensamientos. Carlos de Singüenza y Góngora y Cotton Mather (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1998);Google Scholar Townsend, Camilla, Tales of Two Cities; Race and Economic Culture in North and South America: Guayaquil, Ecuador, and Baltimore, Maryland (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000);Google Scholar Elliot Empires; Suárez Arguello, Ana Rosa and Terrazas Basante, Marcela, ed., , Política y negocios. Ensayos sobre la relación entre México y los Estados Unidos en el siglo XIX (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto Mora, 1997);Google Scholar Montejano, David, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836–1986 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987);Google Scholar Bergquist, Charles W., Labor and the Course of American Democracy: US History in Latin American Perspective (New York, London: Verso, 1996);Google Scholar Reséndez, Andrés, Changing National Identities at the Frontier: Texas and New Mexico, 1800–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Thelen, David, “Mexico; The Latin North American Nation: A Conversation with Carlos Rico Ferrat,” The Journal of American History, 86 (September 1999), pp. 467–480.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ See Guerra, François-Xavier, Modernidad e independencias. Ensayos sobre las revoluciones hispánicas (Madrid: Editorial MAPFRE, 1992);Google Scholar María Portillo, José, Crisis atlántica. Autonomía e independencia en la crisis de la monarquía hispana (Madrid: Fundación Carolina. Centro de estudios hispánicos e iberoaméricanos, Marcial Pons Historia, 2006);Google Scholar Jaime, E. Rodríguez, O., The Independence of Spanish America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998);Google Scholar Uribe-Urán, Victor, “The Birth of the Public Sphere in Latin America,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 42:2 (April, 2000), pp. 425–457;CrossRefGoogle Scholar as well as the editorial projects undertaken by these and other scholars.

¹² See Lomnitz, Claudio, Deep Mexico, Silent Mexico: An Anthropology of Nationalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), pp. 27, 127.Google Scholar

¹³ Bloch, , “Contribution,” p. 67;Google Scholar Skocpol, Theda and Somers, Margaret, “The Uses of Comparative History in Macrosocial Inquiry,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 22 (April 1980), pp. 174–197, 178–181.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ Sewell, William H. Jr., “Marc Bloch and the Logic of Comparative History” History and Theory, 6:2 (1967);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Aymard, Maurice, “Histoire et comparaison,” and Valensi, Lucette, “Retour d’Orient. De quelques usages du comparatisme en histoire,” Marc Bloch aujourd’hui. Histoire comparée et sciences sociales (Paris: Éditions de l’École de hautes études en sciences sociales, 1990), pp. 271–278, 307–316.Google Scholar

¹⁵ For a survey of the period, see DeConde, Alexander, The Quasi-war: The Politics and Diplomacy of the Undeclared War with France, 1797–1801 (New York: Scribner, 1966);Google Scholar Elkins, Stanley and Mckitrick, Eric, The Age of Federalism (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 257–302, 303–374, 529–580.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, in Appendix.

¹⁷ Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, in Appendix.

¹⁸ The rumors turned out to be true. In July of 1829, Isidro Barradas, at the head of 4,000 men, sought to recover Spain’s former colony. He was defeated without having been able to advance from the coast.

¹⁹ Michael Durey’s survey of British political exiles shows that nearly one-half of them were involved in journalism and pamphleteering, while 18 radical émigrés edited 49 newspapers and magazines, mostly in the middle states. Durey, Michael, “Thomas Paine’s Apostles: Radical Emigrés and the Triumph of Jeffersonian Republicanism,” The William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., 44 (October 1987), pp. 661–688, 670, 682.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ Del Payo del Rosario, El Hermano, El Hijito del Coyote que cuidaba las gallinas, o sea suplemento al número primero de su Señor padre (Puebla: reimpreso en la imprenta liberal de Moreno Hermanos, 1824), p. 4.Google Scholar

²¹ “Declarations and resolves of the First Continental Congress,” October 14, 1774, at http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon.

²² Such as De Eguiara, Juan José y Eguren, , Biblioteca mexicana (1755);Google Scholar Javier Clavijero, Francisco, Historia Antigua de México (first published in Italian; Cesena: G. Biasini,1780–1781).Google Scholar

²³ John H. Elliot has shown how a similar impulse to modernize imperial structures and increase revenue from the colonies played out differently as the British Atlantic broke into two and crisis was contained in Spain’s American possessions. Elliot, Empires, pp. 301–368.

²⁴ On popular Hispanophobia during the revolts of the 1760s, see Castro, Felipe, Nueva ley y nuevo rey. Reformas borbónicas y rebelión popular en Nueva España (Zamora: El Colegio de Michoacán, 1996);Google Scholar during the war of independence, Van Young, Eric, The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Struggle for Mexican Independence (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001).Google Scholar For the “privileged” nature of Spanish immigration to nineteenth-century Mexico, Lida, Clara E., comp., Una inmigración privilegiada. Comerciantes, empresarios y profesionales españoles en México en los siglos XIX y XX (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1994).Google Scholar For popular and elite reactions to Spaniards’ wealth and power in the mid-nineteenth century, Falcón, Romana, Las rasgaduras de la descolonización. Españoles y mexicanos a mediados del siglo XIX (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1996).Google Scholar For the revolution, see Knight, Alan S., “The Mexican Revolution: Bourgeois? Nationalist? or Just a ‘Great Rebellion’?” Bulletin of Latin American Research, 4 (1985), pp. 1–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²⁶ Matute, Alvaro, comp., Antología. México en el siglo XIX. Fuentes e interpretaciones históricas (Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1984), pp. 228–231.Google Scholar The common conception of the 1820–1821 independence movement is that it is a conservative reaction to the radicalism of the recently reinstated Spanish Cortes and the Cádiz constitution, in that it was lead by Agustín de Iturbide, a former realista officer who had fought against the insurgents and hoped to establish a monarchy. Nevertheless, most of the insurgent leaders adhered to the Plan of Iguala, which promised a constitution “peculiar to the country” and rejected the Cádiz constitution’s exclusion of castas—men of African ascendancy—from citizenship. del Arenal, Jaime, Un modo de ser libres. Independencia y constitución en México, 1816–1822 (Zamora: El Colegio de Michoacán, 1992).Google Scholar

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²⁸ “Política: Discurso sobre la expulsión de los naturales y ciudadanos de esta República nacidos en España,” El Sol (September 14, 1827), p. 1.

²⁹ Duane was one of the radical journalists that contributed to creating the “earthy, boisterous, brash,” popular rhetoric of the Republicans in the 1790s. Following 1798, he worked under Benjamin Franklin Bache at the Philadelphia Aurora, a foremost Republican newspaper, which he ran with Bache’s wife after its editor was arrested under the Sedition Act and died of yellow fever. Duane had spent his youth in Ireland as a rebellious journalist and was identified with other radical immigrants in Philadelphia. Secretary of State Pickering hoped to arrest him under the Alien Act but could not, as Duane had been born in America in 1760. Smith, Freedom’s Fetters, pp. 276–292; Durey, Michael, Transatlantic Radicals in the Early American Republic (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1997), pp. 235–236;Google Scholar Tagg, James, Benjamin Franklin Bache and the Philadelphia Aurora (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991), pp. 284–285.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ The Plea of Erin, or The Case of the Natives of Ireland in the United Status, fairly displayed in the fraternal address of the 1st Congress, in the year 1775, and in the respectful memorial of the Republican Irish, who had consequently sought an asylum in America, addressed by them to the congress of the year 1798, (Philadelphia: printed at the office of the Freeman’s journal, 1798), p. 1 at www.loc.gov. The emphasis is in the original.

³¹ Florentino Martínez, Senator in “Cámara de Senadores,” El Águila (September 26; October 9, 1827), p. 1.Google Scholar

³² Molinos, Senator in “Cámara de Senadores,” El Águila (September 23; October 9, 1827), p. 1.Google Scholar

³³ Livingston in Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 2nd session, p. 2010.

³⁴ Castillo, Senator in “Cámara de Senadores,” El Águila (September 26, 1827), p. 1.Google Scholar

³⁵ [Henry Lee? John Marshall?] The Awful Crisis Which Has Arrived…(Richmond: Thomas Nicolson, 1799), p. 2 at http://www.loc.gov.

³⁶ Premio a los Americanos por gachupines y frailes. Diálogo entre el padre Arenas, el general Arana y D. Agustín de Iturbide (Puebla: Oficina del ciudadano Pedro de la Rosa, 1827), p. 3.

³⁷ Spes in Livo, Día de Gloria o de luto para los enemigos de la patria. O defensa de la segunda parte de Vayanse los gachupines, sí no, les cuesta el pescuezo (Mexico: Imprenta de la testamentaría de Ontiveros, 1827), p. 3.

³⁸ “Strangers,” Congressman Harper argued during the discussion of the 1798 Naturalization Law, “could not have the same views and attachments as native citizens.” Congressman Harper in Annals of Congress, House of Representatives, 5th congress, 2d session, p. 1568 at www.loc.gov. For Federalist efforts to restrict the definition of national identity, from Congress and from the bench, see Smith, Rogers M., “Constructing American National Identity: Strategies of the Federalists,” Federalists Reconsidered, ed. Ben-Atar, Doron and Oberg, Barbara B. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1998), p. 19–40.Google ScholarPubMed

³⁹ Theodore D wight and John Lathorp, cited in Cotlar, Seth, “The Federalists’ Transatlantic Cultural Offensive of 1798 and the Moderation of American Democratic Discourse,” Beyond the Founders: New Approaches to the Political History of the New American Republic, ed. Pasley, Jeffrey L., Robertson, Andrew W., and Waldstreicher, David (Chapel Hill, London: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), pp. 274–299, 282, 284.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ James Iredell, in the Case of Fries, Case No 5, 126, Circuit Court, D. Pennsylvania 9F. Cas.826; 1799 U.S. App. LEXIS 35; 3 Dall 515. April 1799.

⁴¹ Seth Cotlar, “The Federalists.” I owe much to this very suggestive article.

⁴² For the importance of religion in shaping political culture in the early republic, see Hatch, Nathan O., The Democratization of American Christianity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989);Google Scholar Connaughton, Brian F., Dimensiones de la identidad patriótica. Religión, política y regions en México, Siglo XIX (Mexico: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Miguel Ángel Porrúa, 2001).Google Scholar

⁴³ In the case of Mexico, the debates surrounding these issues would become especially heated with the publication of Vicente Rocafuerte’s essay on religious toleration in 1831 and the efforts of the 1833 Congress and Valentín Gómez Farías’ administration to curtail the Church’s power.

⁴⁴ 46 to 40 the former, 44 to 41 the latter, Annals of Congress, 5th congress, 2nd session, p. 2028 at http://www.loc.gov.

⁴⁵ Not for lack of trying, argues Smith, James M., “The enforcement of the Aliens Friends Act of 1798,” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 41 (June 1954), pp. 85–104;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Casey, Marion R., “The Limits of Equality: Racial and Ethnic Tensions in the New Republic, 1789–1836,” Race and Ethnicity in America: A Concise History, ed. Baylor, Ronald H. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), pp. 41–62, quote 44.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ In some cases, their absence was only temporary, since many of those exiled returned in the 1830s. Sims, Descolonización, p. 217–242; Lida, Clara E., “Introducción,” Una inmigración.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ El Cardillo de las Mujeres (Mexico, 1828).

⁴⁸ Smith, “The Enforcement;” Smith, , “Constructing,” p. 29 Google Scholar; Reyes Heroles, Jesús, El liberalismo mexicano (México: Fondo de cultura económica, 1957–1961);Google Scholar Flores Caballero, Romeo, La contrarrevolución en la Independencia. Los españoles en la vida política, social y económica de México (1804–1838) (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1969).Google Scholar For a different take on Federalists’ policies, see Freeman, Joanne B., “Explaining the Unexplainable: The Cultural Context of the Sedition Act,” The Democratic Experiment: New Directions in American Political History, ed. Jacobs, Meg, Novak, William J., and Zelizer, Julian E. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 20–49.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Kloppenberg, James, “From Hartz to Tocqueville: Shifting the Focus form Liberalism to Democracy in America,” The Democratic, pp. 350–380, 351.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ U.S. Constitution, Art. 1, Sec.2; Art. 1, Sec. 8; Title 3, section V, Article 50, “Constitución de 1824,” October 4, 1824 at http://www.cervantesvirtual.com.

⁵¹ Rakove, Jack N., Original Meaning: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution (New York: A.A Knopf, 1996), p. 130.Google Scholar

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⁵³ Art. IV, sect. 2; Art. I, sect. 2 at http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon.

⁵⁴ Smith, , “Constructing,” p. 37;Google Scholar Gallatin, Congressman in Annals of Congress, 5th congress, 2d session, pp. 1977, 1981 at http://www.loc.gov. Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Plea of Erin, p. 2.

⁵⁶ Pickus, Noah, True Faith and Allegiance: Immigration and American Civic Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 34–46.Google Scholar The fact that the controversy was essentially about federalism is perhaps more obvious in the Republican defence of the Sedition Act. Republicans such as Saint George Tucker recognized “broad police powers” to restrict freedom of speech, but felt these rested with state governments. Watkins, William J. Jr., Reclaiming the American Revolution: The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions and their Legacy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), pp. 40–42.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See Nelson, William E., Marbury v. Madison: The Origins and Legacy of Judicial Review (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 2000).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ In Annals of Congress, 5th congress, 2d session, p. 2013 at http://www.loc.gov.

⁵⁹ In Kentucky Gazette, June 20, 1798, quoted by Smith, James M., “The Grass Roots Origins of the Kentucky Resolutions,” The William and Mary Quarterly, 27 (April, 1970), pp. 221–245, 225.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁶¹ New York, Rhode Island, Debates of the Several State Conventions, pp. 4:538, 533 in http://www.loc.gov.

⁶² See Smith, “Constructing.”

⁶³ “Acta constitutiva de la Federación,” (January 21, 1824), at http://www.cervantesvirtual.com.

⁶⁴ “Discurso que pronunció el presidente del congreso de Jalisco, c. Luis Portugal…”; Senator Molinos in “Cámara de Senadores,” El Águila (September 13, 26, 1827), p. 1.

⁶⁵ Acosta, Senators and Zurita, Martínez in “Cámara de Senadores,” El Águila (September 26, October 9, 1827), p. 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ José, Senator Ma. Alpuche in “Cámara de Senadores,” El Águila (September 20, November 29, 1827), p. 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Valentín, Senator Farias, Gómez in “Cámara de Senadores,” El Águila (December 18,1827), p. 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ José, Ma. Alpuche in “Cámara de Senadores,” El Águila (November 19, 1827), p. 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ “Cuestión importante;” “Política: ¿El congreso general está facultado para expeler a los españoles fuera de la república? ¿Las legislaturas particulares gozan de esta facultad en los límites de sus respectivos territorios?” El Amigo del Pueblo (October 3; September 26, 1827), p. 1.

⁷⁰ “Noticias nacionales. Dictamen de las comisiones unidas de gobernación y puntos constitucionales, sobre proposiciones del Sr. Blasco relativas a que los estados no pueden expulsar extranjeros de su territorio,” El Águila (October 14, 1827).

⁷¹ Sims, Harold D., Descolonización en México. El conflicto entre mexicanos y españoles, 1821–1831 (Mexico: Fondo de cultura económica, 1982), p. 128.Google Scholar

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⁷³ This wave of patriotism is illustrated by the numerous patriotic addresses sent to John Adams. Elkins, and Mckintrick, , The Age, pp. 588–589.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Cotlar, “The Federalists.” For signs of “greater maturity” in radical Republican publications, see Durey, , Transatlantic Radicals, pp. 251–253.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Since the 1795 Naturalization Act, the Federalists in Congress had managed to establish naturalization as an exclusive federal priority. Smith, , “Constructing,” pp. 37–38.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ For a very suggestive article on citizenship in the nineteenth century as one of many categories of status, and not necessarily one that was very important, see Novak, William J., “The Legal Transformation of Citizenship in Nineteenth Century America,” The Democratic, pp. 85–119.Google Scholar

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⁸¹ Thomas Jefferson to Taylor, John, November 26, 1798, The Works of Thomas Jefferson in Twelve Volumes, Federal Edition, Collected and Edited by Paul Leicester Ford (New York, London: G.P. Putnam’s sons, 1904–1905) at http: //memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/Jefferson_papers/index.html. Google Scholar Jefferson was referring specifically to the XYZ affair.

⁸² At a local level, the party confrontation during the early republic in Oaxaca, studied by Peter Guardino, is specially illuminating. In the state capital, the aristocratic “Oils”—who claimed to rise inevitably above their contenders—fought the more popular “Vinegars.” The former sought to maintain social hierarchies, the latter to tear them down. Guardino, Peter, The Time of Liberty: Popular Political Culture in Oaxaca, 1750–1850 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For Mexico City, see Warren, Richard A., Vagrants and Citizens: Politics and the Masses in Mexico City from Colony to Republic (Wilmington: SR Books, 2001).Google Scholar For the yorkinos and escoceses, on the national stage, see de Zavala, Lorenzo, Ensayo histórico de las revoluciones en México, desde 1808 hasta 1835 (Mexico: Fondo de cultura económica, Instituto cultural helénico, 1985);Google Scholar Costeloe, Michael P., La primera república federal de México (1824–1835). Un estudio de los partidos políticos en el México independiente, 1824–1835 (Mexico: Fondo de cultura económica, 1975), pp. 20–60, 58–60,Google Scholar specifically on hostility towards Spaniards.

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⁸⁶ See El Contra-Cardillo, num.2, num.3.

⁸⁷ Ferling, John, Adams v. Jefferson: The Tumultuous Election of 1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).Google Scholar

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⁸⁹ See Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City [henceforth AGN], Expulsión de Españoles, vol.15, especially exp. 1, 2, 3; vol.49, exp.1. Exceptionally, José María Quintero claimed to have fought for independence and to have become “identified with the interest and future fate of even the last of the Mexicans.” AGN, Expulsión de españoles, vol.15, exp.11.

⁹⁰ Kettner, James, The Development of American Citizenship, 1608–1870 (Chapel Hill: Published for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Va., by the University of North Carolina Press, 1978);Google Scholar see also Smith, Rogers M., Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in US History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997).Google Scholar

⁹¹ William’s case. Case #17, 708 Circuit Court, D. Cnt, 29F Cas 1330; 1799 U.S. App. LEXIS 39; 2 Cranch 82, September 1799.

⁹² For the primacy of local attachment and the sanction of community in the definition of membership within the Spanish monarchy, see Herzog, Tamar, Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹³ “Política. Breve examen de los discursos publicados en El Observador Republicano,” El Amigo del Pueblo (October 24, 1827), p. 1.

⁹⁴ “Ley. Reglas para dar carta de naturaleza,” Legislación mexicana, o colección completa de las disposiciones legislativas expedidas desde la independencia de la República, ordenada por los Lics. Manuel Dublán y José María Lozano, April 14, 1828 (México: Dublán y Chávez, 1876-1904) at http: //biblioweb.dgsca.unam.mx/dublanylozano/.

⁹⁵ Zolberg, Aristide R., A Nation by Design: Immigration Policy in the Fashioning of America (New York: Russell Sage Foundation; Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press, 2006), pp. 199–242.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Higham, John, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1955).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Foremost among these rights would be access to land. See Elkins, and Mckitrick, , “The Yeoman Republic” The Age Google Scholar; Banning, , The Jeffersonian, pp. 203–204.Google Scholar For Jefferson’s success in “fusing emotionally charged convictions into single discursive grid,” see Appleby, Joyce, “Without Resolution: The Jeffersonian Tension in American Politics,” A Restless Past: History and the American Public (Lantham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005), pp. 19–39.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ In Texas, colonists and land speculators—mostly, but not exclusively, American—defended their “absolute and total right to sell, dispose or alienate” their property, while the Mexican government claimed its right to regulate ownership of land through federal colonization laws. See Soto, Miguel, “Texas en la mira. Política y negocios al iniciarse la gestión de Anthony Butler,” Política, ed. Argüello, Suárez and Basante, Terrazas, pp. 34–35.Google Scholar As Andrés Reséndez has shown, Mexican nationals were just as likely as colonists from the United States to embrace this vision of citizenship which linked land to the “ideals of liberalism and home rule.” Jaime, E. Rodríguez, O., “Masonic Connections, Pecuniary Interests and Institutional Development Along Mexico’s Far North,” The Divine Charter: Constitutionalism and Liberalism in Nineteenth-Century Mexico (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 125.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Renan, , Becoming National, pp. 52–53.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ For the political nature of nationalist mythology, see Smith, Rogers M., Stories of Peoplehood: The Politics and Morals of Political Membership (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).CrossRefGoogle Scholar