Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T15:55:40.980Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The Routes of Intransigence: Mexico's ‘Spiritual Pilgrimage’ of 1874 and the Globalization of Ultramontane Catholicism

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 April 2018

Brian Stauffer
Brian Stauffer*
Affiliation:
University of Texas-AustinAustin, [email protected]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In the fall of 1874, in the midst a particularly severe round of Church-state conflict, Mexico's archbishop, Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos, introduced a novel weapon in the Catholic Church's struggle against liberal anticlericalism. He had sought and obtained a special dispensation from Pope Pius IX for all Mexicans to participate in a “spiritual pilgrimage,” a month-long exercise of mental travel, prayer, and contemplation that would figuratively transport the faithful out of Mexico's anticlerical milieu and into the purified air of Jerusalem, Rome, and other Old World holy sites, where they would pray for divine intercession on behalf of the embattled Church. The practice had been inaugurated a year earlier by lay Catholics in Bologna, as a response to the prohibition of mass pilgrimages in the flesh in the former Papal States. Labastida y Dávalos felt that spiritual pilgrimage could be especially effective in Mexico, where the anticlerical government of Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada had embarked on a radical program of secularization. In fact, the recently codified Laws of Reform had likewise prohibited acts of public religiosity in Mexico, attempting thus to suppress the myriad local processions and mass pilgrimages that helped to define Mexican Catholicism.

Type
Articles
Information
The Americas , Volume 75 , Issue 2 , April 2018 , pp. 291 - 324
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Carta pastoral que el Ilmo. D. Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos, Arzobispo de México, dirige a su venerable clero y fieles diocesanos con motivo del Brev Pontificio dado por nuestro Santísimo Padre Pio IX el 27 de marzo de este año (Mexico City: Tipografía Escalerillas, 1874); Itinerario para una peregrinación espiritual que se practicará por los fieles católicos del Arzobispado de México en el próximo mes de octubre a algunos de los principales santuarios del país y del extranjero (Mexico City: Tipografía Escalerillas, 1874).

2. Catholics honor the Holy House as the literal home of the Holy Family in Nazareth, which was picked up and transported to its current location in Loreto by angels in the thirteenth century. See Thurston, Herbert, “Santa Casa di Loreto,” Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 13 (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912)Google Scholar, retrieved October 5, 2015, from New Advent, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13454b.htm.

3. Smith, Benjamin T., The Roots of Conservatism in Mexico: Catholicism, Society, and Politics in the Mixteca Baja, 1750–1962 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2012)Google Scholar; Taylor, William B., Shrines and Miraculous Images: Religious Life in Mexico before the Reforma (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Nesvig, Martin A., ed., Local Religion in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006)Google Scholar; Young, Eric Van, The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and Mexico's Struggle for Independence, 1810–1820 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Rugeley, Terry, Of Wonders and Wise Men: Religion and Popular Cultures in Southeast Mexico, 1800–1876 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Christian, William B., Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

4. Carta pastoral que el Ilmo. D. Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos dirige, 7.

5. Van Young, The Other Rebellion; Terry Rugeley, Of Wonders and Wise Men; Nesvig, ed., Local Religion in Colonial Mexico; Butler, Matthew, Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico's Cristero Rebellion: Michoacán, 1927–1929 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wright-Ríos, Edward, Revolutions in Mexican Catholicism: Reform and Revelation in Oaxaca, 1887–1934 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Smith, The Roots of Conservatism in Mexico; Aaron Van Oosterhout, “Popular Conservatism in Mexico: Religion, Land, and Popular Politics in Nayarit and Querétaro, 1750–1873” (PhD diss.: Michigan State University, 2014).

6. The project for a transnational history of Latin American religion, proposed eloquently by Voekel, Pamela, Moreton, Bethany, and Jo, Michael in “Vaya con Dios: Religion and the Transnational History of the Americas,” History Compass 5:5 (August 2007): 1604–1639CrossRefGoogle Scholar, remains gestational, though the past decade has seen the publication of important works on transnational political Catholicism, especially. See Andes, Stephen F., The Vatican and Catholic Activism in Mexico and Chile: The Politics of Transnational Catholicism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Young, Julia, Mexican Exodus: Emigrants, Exiles, and Refugees of the Cristero War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014)Google Scholar; and Andes, Stephen F. and Young, Julia, eds., Local Church, Global Church: Catholic Activism in Latin America from Rerum Novarum to Vatican II (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A notable contribution to the history of Catholic globalization in Colombia in the nineteenth century is Greising, Ana María Bidegaín and Vargas, Juan Diego Demera, eds., Globalización y diversidad religiosa en Colombia (Bogotá: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2005)Google Scholar. Important exceptions to the rule of historiographical neglect of transnational impacts on local devotion are Mercado, Eduardo Camacho, Frente al hambre y al obús: iglesia y feligresia en Totatiche y Cañon de Bolaños, 1876–1926 (Guadalajara: Arquidiócesis de Guadalajara/Universidad de Guadalajara, 2014)Google Scholar; and Patiño, Gabriela Díaz, Católicos, liberales, y protestantes: el debate por las imágenes religiosas en la formación de una cultura nacional (1848–1908) (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 2016)Google Scholar.

7. Camacho Mercado, Frente al hambre y al obús; Schwaller, John F., The History of the Catholic Church in Latin America: From Conquest to Revolution and Beyond (New York: New York University Press, 2011), 183–190Google Scholar; Edward Wright-Ríos, Revolutions in Mexican Catholicism, especially chapts. 1-3; García, Cecilia Adriana Bautista, “Hacia la romanización de la iglesia mexicana a fines del siglo XIX,” Historia Mexicana 55:1 (July-September 2005): 99–144Google Scholar; William Plata, “La romanización de la iglesia en el siglo XIX, proyecto globalizador del tradicionalismo católico,” in Bidegaín Greising and Demera Vargas, eds., Globalización y diversidad religiosa; De Groot, C. F. E., Brazilian Catholicism and the Ultramontane Reform, 1850–1930 (Amsterdam: CEDLA, 1996)Google Scholar. The Romanizing process has been identified in the North American context as well. See Dolan, Jay P., In Search of an American Catholicism: A History of Religion and Culture in Tension (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), especially chapt. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8. Bautista García, “Hacia la romanización de la iglesia mexicana.” See also Camacho, Frente al hambre y al obús, especially chapt. 1.

9. Clark, Christopher, “The New Catholicism and the European Culture Wars,” in Clark, Christopher and Kaiser, Wolfram, eds., Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; D'Agostino, Peter R., Rome in America: Transnational Catholic Ideology from the Risorgimento to Fascism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Harris, Ruth, Lourdes: Body and Spirit in a Secular Age (New York: Viking Books, 1999), 14–19Google Scholar; Duffy, Eamon, Saints and Sinners: A History of the Popes (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 216–235Google Scholar.

10. Brian A. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven: Religion, Reform, and Rebellion in Michoacán, Mexico, 1863–1877” (PhD diss.: University of Texas at Austin, 2015), chapts. 1-2. The quote is from page 37.

11. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” 37. For the gendered and laicizing aspects of Catholic reformism in Mexico and Colombia in the nineteenth century, see Chowning, Margaret, “The Catholic Church and the Ladies of the Vela Perpetua: Gender and Devotional Change in Nineteenth-Century Mexico,” Past and Present 221:1 (November 2013): 197–237CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Benjamin T. Smith, The Roots of Conservatism in Mexico, especially chapt. 4; Wright-Ríos, Revolutions in Mexican Catholicism, especially chapt. 3; Silvia M. Arrom, “Mexican Laywomen Spearhead a Catholic Revival: The Ladies of Charity, 1863–1910,” in Nesvig, ed., Religious Culture in Modern Mexico; and Vega, Patricia Lodoño, Religion, Society, and Culture in Colombia: Antioquia and Medellín, 1850–1930 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12. To adapt Carlos Monsivaís's insight about Mexican responses to globalization in the age of NAFTA, we might say that the spiritual pilgrimage became an arena for the “Mexicanization of Romanization.” See Monsivaís, , “How Do You Say Okei in English? On New and Archaic Forms of Americanization,” Norteamérica 5:2 (July-December 2010): 161–181Google Scholar. I owe this insight to personal conversations with Matthew Butler.

13. The paucity of firsthand accounts from spiritual pilgrims likely has much to do with the event's one-off nature and the lack of a permanent institutional structure.

14. See for example Rudy, Kathryn M., Virtual Pilgrimages in the Convent: Imagining Jerusalem in the Late Middle Ages (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ehrenschwendtner, Marie-Luise , “Virtual Pilgrimages? Enclosure and the Practice of Piety at St. Katherine's Convent, Augsburg,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60 (2009): 45–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Connolly, Daniel K., “Imagined Pilgrimage in the Itinerary Maps of Matthew Paris,” Art Bulletin 81:4 (1999): 598–622CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15. Turner, Victor and Turner, Edith, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 33–34Google Scholar.

16. Connolly, “Imagined Pilgrimage,” 598–599. Medieval mystics saw the interior journey to the “Heavenly Jerusalem”—site of Christ's suffering, death, and resurrection, but also the capital of his awaited messianic kingdom—as the central goal of religion, a practice to be considered more spiritually satisfying and less corrupting than travelling to Palestine in the flesh.

17. Ehrenschwendtner, “Virtual Pilgrimages?” 66–67.

18. Storme, Albert, The Way of the Cross: A Historical Sketch (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1984), 92–120Google Scholar; Alston, George C., “The Way of the Cross,” Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 15 (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912)Google Scholar, retrieved October 1, 2015, from New Advent, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/15569a.htm. Franciscans served as the custodians of the Christian holy sites in Jerusalem, and they shaped much of the pilgrimage literature of the Middle Ages. The Stations of the Cross grew out of Franciscan desires to visit the Holy Land in spirit when physical travel to Palestine was impossible.

19. Storme, The Way of the Cross, 145; Brading, David A., Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese of Michoacán, 1749–1810 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 34–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Haas, Lisbeth, Saints and Citizens: Indigenous Histories of Colonial Missions and Mexican California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), 94–99Google Scholar.

20. The establishment of the Via Crucis required the license of a diocesan prelate, and the painting cycle had to be installed and blessed by a Franciscan ordinary. For evidence of new Via Crucis installations in the archdioceses of Mexico and Michoacán, see General Minister of the Franciscans, Mexico City, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, March 22, 1871, Archivo Histórico del Arzobispado de México [hereafter AHAM], caja 238, exp. 5; Fray Juan Rivero to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, May 27, 1872, AHAM, caja 71, exp. 27; Fray Francisco Espinosa, Jiquilpan, to Diocesan Secretary, Zamora, November 15, 1872, Archivo Diocesano de Zamora [hereafter ADZ], DGP 505; and Fray Miguel Castillo, Sahuayo, to Diocesan Secretary, Zamora, October 14, 1871, ADZ, DGP 972.

21. Voekel, Pamela, Alone Before God: The Religious Origins of Modernity in Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Larkin, Brian, The Very Nature of God: Baroque Catholicism and Religious Reform in Bourbon Mexico City (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

22. O'Hara, Matthew D., “The Supple Whip: Innovation and Tradition in Mexican Catholicism,” American Historical Review 117:5 (2012): 1373–1401CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the relationship between Jesuit missionary work and spiritual practices—particularly the spiritual exercises and modern conceptions of selfhood—see Molina, J. Michelle, To Overcome Oneself: The Jesuit Ethic and the Spirit of Global Expansion (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23. On Oratorian religious practices, see Blancas, Luis Ávila, C.O., Bio-bibliografía de la Congregación del Oratorio de San Felipe Neri de la Ciudad de México, siglos XVII-XXI (Mexico City: self-published, 2008)Google Scholar; and Benjamin Reed, “Devotion to Saint Philip Neri in Colonial Mexico City” (PhD diss.: University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2016). On the Holy Hour, see The New Catholic Dictionary (New York: Universal Knowledge Foundation, 1929), 452; and Vera, Pbro. Br. Fortino H., ed., Colección de documentos eclesiásticos de México: o sea antigua y moderna legislación de la iglesia mexicana (Amecameca: Imprenta del Colegio Católico, 1887), 147–148Google Scholar.

24. Chowning, “The Catholic Church and the Ladies of the Vela Perpetua.”

25. Ruth Harris, Lourdes, 250–255; Turner and Turner, Image and Pilgrimage, 203–230; Clark, “The New Catholicism and the European Culture Wars,” 13–18.

26. Turner and Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, 213–214; Duffy, Saints and Sinners, 225–229; Clark, “The New Catholicism and the European Culture Wars,” 18–23; Jonas, Raymond, France and the Cult of the Sacred Heart: An Epic Tale for Modern Times (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

27. D'Agostino, Rome in America, 1.

28. Clark, “The New Catholicism and the European Culture Wars,” 44–46; Harris, Lourdes, 18–19, 285–286.

29. Of course, the fact that pilgrimage was taking on new political valences did not erase its essentially religious character for many believers, for whom the act centered on miraculous healing or the gaining of indulgences. Rather, as Eade, John and Sallnow, Michael J. argue in their introduction to Contesting the Sacred: The Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage (London and New York: Routledge Press, 1991)Google Scholar, the modern Marian pilgrimages of Europe functioned as “arenas of contestation” between this world and otherworldly concerns.

30. Kaiser and Clark, Culture Wars, 21; Viane, Vincent, “The Roman Question: Catholic Mobilisation and Papal Diplomacy during the Pontificate of Pius IX (1846–1878),” in The Black International. L'Internationale noire. 1870–1878, Lamberts, E., ed. (Leuven: Kadoc Studies XXIX, 2002)Google Scholar.

31. Turner and Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, 206–209.

32. González, Pablo Mijangos y, The Lawyer of the Church: Bishop Clemente de Jesús Munguía and the Clerical Response to the Mexican Liberal Reforma (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; García Ugarte, Marta Eugenia, Poder político y religioso: México, siglo XIX, 2 vols. (Mexico City: UNAM/Miguel Ángel Porrúa, 2010)Google Scholar; Sergio Rosas Salas, “La iglesia mexicana en tiempos de la impiedad: Francisco Pablo Vázquez, 1769–1847 (PhD diss.: Colegio de Michoacán, 2013); Brading, David, “Ultramontane Intransigence and the Mexican Reform: Clemente de Jesús Munguia,” in The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival: Studies in Nineteenth-Century Europe and Latin America, Ivereigh, Austen, ed. (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, 2000)Google Scholar.

33. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” chapt. 1; Mijangos y González, The Lawyer of the Church, chapts. 5 and 6; García Ugarte, Poder político y religioso, Vol. 2, 925–1291; Pani, Erika, Para mexicanizar el Segundo Imperio: el imaginario político de los imperialistas (Mexico City: Colegio de México/Instituto Mora, 2001)Google Scholar.

34. Méndez, Aureliano Tapia, El siervo de Dios José Antonio Plancarte y Labastida, profeta y mártir, 2nd ed. (Mexico City: Tradición, 1987), 69–73Google Scholar; García Ugarte, Poder político y religioso, Vol. 2, 1011–1015.

35. Elogio fúnebre y otras piezas encomiásticas del Ilmo. y Exmo. Sr. Dr. Don Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos, Arzobispo de México, por el obispo de San Luis Potosí (Mexico City: Imprenta de Ignacio Escalante, 1891), 37.

36. Tapia Méndez, El siervo de Dios, 57–73; Descripción de la fiesta celebrada en Roma con motivo a la canonización de San Felipe de Jesús y demás mártires del Japón, seguida de la alocución de los Sres. Obispos allí reunidos y un discurso en favor de la Iglesia del Oriente pronunciado por el monseñor Félix Dupanloup, obispo de Orleans (Guadalajara: Imprenta de Rodríguez, 1862). Felipe de Jesús was a Franciscan priest and martyr born in Mexico in the late sixteenth century. Admitted to the Franciscan order in 1590 in Manila where he had gone to pursue a mercantile career, Felipe de Jesús was shipwrecked in Japan with several friars on a return trip to Mexico. Attempting to evangelize the Japanese, the friars were captured, tortured, and martyred in Nagasaki by the Japanese emperor, who ordered them hung on crosses and pierced with spears. Beatified in 1627, Felipe de Jesús became a patron saint of Mexico City in 1630. See Cornelius Burroughs Conover V, “A Saint in the Empire: Mexico City's San Felipe de Jesús, 1597–1820” (PhD diss.: University of Texas at Austin, 2009), 1–10,160–178; and García, Antonio Rubial, La santidad controvertida: hagiografía y conciencia criolla alrededor de los venerables no canonizados de Nueva España (Mexico City: UNAM/FCE, 1999), 128–160Google Scholar.

37. The canonization also spurred the formation of new lay devotional associations back in Mexico. See Descripción de la fiesta celebrada en Roma; and Novena consagrada al culto y festividad del glorioso San Felipe de Jesús, protomártir mexicano, que se reimprime a expensas de su Asociación fundada en Irapuato el día 5 de marzo del año de 1873, quien la dedica a su ilustrísimo prelado Dr. y Mtro. D. José M. de Jesús D. Zollano y Dávalos, por su felíz aprobación (Mexico City: Tip. Religiosa de M. Torner y Compañía, 1874).

38. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” 77–79.

39. García Ugarte, Poder político y religioso, Vol. 2, 1374–1407; Saranyana, Josep Ignasi, ed. Teología en América Latina, Vol. 2 (Madrid: Iberoamericana, 2008), 594–597Google Scholar; Beirne, Charles J., “Latin American Bishops of the First Vatican Council, 1869–1870,” The Americas 25:3 (January 1969): 265–280CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Mexico's delegation of ten bishops was the largest from Latin America, though none of them dared to speak during the proceedings.

40. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” 97–98; García Ugarte, Poder político y religioso, Vol. 2, 1405.

41. Díaz Patiño, Católicos, liberales, y protestantes, 33–90; Chávez, José Alberto Moreno, Devociones políticas: cultura religiosa y politización en la Arquidiócesis de México, 1880–1920 (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 2014), 38–40Google Scholar; Bautista García, “La romanización de la iglesia mexicana,” 99–101; Wright-Ríos, Revolutions in Mexican Catholicism, 5, 31–32; García Ugarte, Poder político y religioso, Vol. 1, 20–21.

42. For the spread of new devotional associations in the archdiocese of Mexico, see Bautista García, Cecilia Adriana, Las disyuntivas del estado y de la iglesia en la consolidación del orden liberal: México, 1856–1910 (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 2012), 261–263Google Scholar. For the Mexican south, see Wright-Ríos, Revolutions in Mexican Catholicism, 98–140; and Smith, The Roots of Catholicism, 186–187. The first bishop of the new diocese of León, José María de Jesús Diez de Sollano y Dávalos, also proved to be especially interested in promoting new European-style devotions in his jurisdiction. See Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” 102–103. For the work of Catholic charitable organizations and religious orders, see Arrom, “Mexican Laywomen Spearhead a Catholic Revival”; and García, Cecilia Bautista, “La afirmación del orden social en el estado liberal y las nuevas congregaciones religiosas,” in Formas de gobierno en México: poder político y actores sociales a través del tiempo, Gayol, Víctor, ed., Vol. 2 (Zamora: El Colegio de Michoacán, 2012)Google Scholar.

43. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” 86–129.

44. Tapia Méndez, El siervo de Dios, 175–188.

45. Bautista García, “La coronación pontificia de las imágenes marianas.”

46. García, Rafael. S. Camacho, Itinerario de Roma a Jerusalen, escrito en el año de 1862 (Guadalajara: Tipografía Dionisio Rodríguez, 1873)Google Scholar.

47. Camacho, Itinerario, 139–143.

48. For pilgrimage as an initiatory act, see Turner and Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, 8–9. Interestingly, political stability and the emergence of relatively more affordable and efficient transportation networks brought modern pilgrimage within the reach of many more Mexican Catholics by the 1880s, when their prelates began organizing “national” pilgrimages to Rome. See for example La gran romería nacional: historia de la primera peregrinación mexicana a Roma (Mexico City: Tipografía de Aguilar e Hijos, 1889).

49. La Bandera de Ocampo, October 11, 1874.

50. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” chapt. 2; Bautista García, Las disyuntivas; García Ugarte, Poder político y religioso, Vol. 2, 1295–1301; Camacho Mercado, Frente al hambre y al obús, especially chapt. 1.

51. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven”; Marco Ulises Iñiguez Mendoza, “¡Viva la religión y mueran los protestantes! Religioneros, liberales, y catolicismo, 1873–1876” (PhD diss.: Colegio de Michoacán, 2015.

52. Robert Curley has argued persuasively that Mexican forms of mass political action in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were patterned on the practice of pilgrimage. Pilgrimage itself, meanwhile, became an act of “political theater” in the context of state persecution of the Church. See Curley, “La peregrinación como teatro político en la revolución mexicana, 1910–1930,” paper presented at the XIII Reunión de Historiadores de México, Estados Unidos, y Canadá, Querétaro, October 2010.

53. El Progresista, April 2, 1874.

54. Jesús Corral, Zinapécuaro, to Interior Minister, Morelia, February 26, 1875, Archivo General e Histórico del Poder Ejecutivo de Michoacán [hereafter AGHPEM], Guerra y Ejército, caja 2, exp. 27. The Lord of Araró shrine in Michoacán was an important pilgrimage destination from the seventeenth century. See Butler, Popular Piety and Political Identity, 26, 46; and Lara, Ramón López, Zinapécuaro: tres épocas de una parroquia (Zinapécuaro de Figueroa, Michoacán: Fimax, 1970), 119–125Google Scholar.

55. See Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” chapt. 3. Gabriela Díaz Patiño's 2016 book, Católicos, liberales, y protestantes, 93–152, further highlights the ways in which Reforma liberalism disrupted public worship, particularly mass shrine visitation, in the archdiocese of Mexico.

56. Instrucción pastoral que los Ilmos. Sres. Arzobispos de México, Michoacán, y Guadalajara dirigen a su Venerable Clero y a sus fieles con ocasión de la Ley Orgánica expedida por el Soberano Congreso Nacional el 10 de diciembre del año próximo pasado y sancionada por el Supremo Gobierno el 14 del mismo mes, March 19, 1875 [hereafter CPC 1875], reprinted in Episcopado y gobierno en México: cartas pastorales colectivas del episcopado mexicano, 1859–1875, Alfonso Alcalá and Manuel Olimón, eds. (Mexico City: Ediciones Paulinas, 1989), 293–338.

57. CPC 1875, 298.

58. Carta pastoral que el Ilmo. D. Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos dirige, 11–12.

59. The Christian World, edited by Rev. S. W. Crittenden and Rev. Henry M. Baird, Vol. 24, January-December 1873 (New York: American and Foreign Christian Union, 1873): 332–336.

60. Pellegrinaggio spirituale in Itali nel settembre 1873 (Bologna, Italy: Istituto Tipografico, 1873), 8–16. The Italian reads: “. . . ad adver pietá a tante misere genti, che en questi tempi piu che mai refiutano gli insegnamenti della Chiesa.”

61. Pellegrinaggio spirituale in Italia, 16–24. The quoted fragment is found on page 16.

62. Pellegrinaggio spirituale in Italia, 24–31. The quoted fragment is found on pages 29–30.

63. Pellegrinaggio spirituale in Italia, 6–7.

64. I have found very little evidence that the spiritual pilgrimage was performed as a formally organized practice outside of Italy and Mexico. News of the pilgrimage did surface in newspapers in the US and Spain, but only after the practice had already gotten underway in Italy. See El Consultor de los Párrocos (Madrid), September 4,1873; La Regeneración (Madrid), September 4, 1873; The Christian World 24, January-December 1873, 332–336; and the Morning Star and Catholic Messenger (New Orleans), September 21, 1873. The editors of the Morning Star and Catholic Messenger interpreted the pilgrimage as an individual, private act, though they also reported that the Catholic Union of Buffalo had organized nightly religious services for pilgrims during the final decade of the event and lamented that other US Catholic organizations had not done the same. See Morning Star and Catholic Messenger, September 28, 1873.

65. Clark, “The New Catholicism,” 35.

66. Clark, “The New Catholicism,” 21–22.

67. Carta pastoral que el Ilmo. D. Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos, Arzobispo de México, . . . el 27 de marzo de este año, 6.

68. Carta pastoral que el Ilmo. D. Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos . . . el 27 de marzo de este año , 7.

69. Camp, Roderic Ai, Crossing Swords: Politics and Religion in Mexico (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 260–263Google Scholar.

70. As per canon law, the archbishop had the right to call the suffragan bishops of his province to provincial councils, hear ecclesiastical cases of the second appeal, and intervene in a limited fashion in the affairs of a suffragan diocese in extraordinary circumstances. In practice, however, the archbishop seldom had occasion to exercise such powers, and Mexico's high clergy was notoriously jealous of its diocesan autonomy.

71. Itinerario para una peregrinación espiritual que se practicará por los fieles católicos, 1874, AHAM, caja 88, exp. 41, fols. 2–50. The quoted fragment is found on page 1.

72. Interestingly, Neve filed for and was granted copyright of the pamphlet. See La Voz de México, August 14, 1874. For evidence of coordination between Neve and the archdiocese of Mexico, see Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, to Ignacio Montes de Oca, Ciudad Victoria, September 11, 1874, AHAM, caja 88, exp. 41, fol. 68.

73. The Italian pamphlet privileges flexibility and ease of practice, allowing Catholics to perform the journey “in a house, a private room, or a church building.” See Pellegrinaggio spirituale in Italia, 3–4.

74. Itinerario para una peregrinación espiritual, 1874, 5.

75. Itinerario para una peregrinación espiritual, 1874, 10.

76. For brief discussions of Labastida y Dávalos's travels in Europe, Asia, and the Holy Land, see García Ugarte, Poder político y religioso, Vol. 2, 1011–1015; Tapia Méndez, El siervo de Dios, 69–73; Elogio fúnebre y otras piezas encomiásticas del Illmo. Y Exmo. Sr. Dr. Don Pelagio Antonio de Labastida y Dávalos, Arzobispo de México, por el obispo de San Luis Potosí (Mexico City: Imprenta de Ignacio Escalante, 1891), 30–37.

77. See “El Apostolado de la Oración” in La Voz de México, October 9, 1874, On the Apostleship of Prayer, see Wynne, John, “The Apostleship of Prayer,” Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 1 (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1907)Google Scholar, retrieved October 17, 2015, from New Advent, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/01633a.htm.

78. On the regional and national reach of these devotions, see Taylor, Shrines and Miraculous Images, 179–196.

79. On the geography of Catholic restorationism in Mexico, see Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” chapt. 2; González, Pablo Mijangos y, “La respuesta popular al juramento constitucional en 1857: un esbozo de geografía político-religioso del México de la reforma,” in México católico: proyectos y trayectorias eclesiasles mexicanos, siglos XIX y XX, Ugarte, Marta Eugenia García, Álvarez, Pablo Serrano, and Butler, Matthew, eds. (Mexico City: Universidad Intercultural del Estado de Hidalgo, Colegio de Hidalgo, Consejo Estatal para la Cultura y las Artes de Hidalgo, 2016)Google Scholar; and Bautista García, Cecilia Adriana, “Entre México y Roma: la consolidación de un proyecto de educación clerical a fines del siglo XIX,” in Catolicismo y formación del estado nacional en la Peninsula Ibérica, América Latina e Italia, siglos XIX –XX, Solís, Yves and Savarino, Franco, eds. (Mexico City: ENAH/INAH, 2014)Google Scholar.

80. Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” especially chapt. 2.

81. Itinerario para una peregrinación espiritual, 1874, 20–33.

82. Itinerario para una peregrinación espiritual, 1874, 33.

83. Priest of Tepotzotlán (Mexico) to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, October 14, 1874, AHAM, caja 86, exp. 14; Priest of Acambay to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, September 24 1874, AHAM, caja 86, exp. 54; Archdiocesan circular, September 24,1874, AHAM, caja 88, exp. 41. On the definition of “mixed heresy,” see Donoso, Justo, Instituciones de derecho canónico americano, Vol. 3 (Paris: Librería de Rosa y Bouret, 1858), 304Google Scholar.

84. On the history of the Sociedad Católica, see Robledo, Dinorah Velasco, “Institución bendita por Dios: la Sociedad Católica de México, 1868–1878,” in Política y religión en la Ciudad de México, siglos XIX y XX, Savarino, Franco, Rubio, Berenise Bravo, and Mutolo, Andrea, eds. (Mexico City: IMDOSOC, 2014)Google Scholar.

85. “Iglesia del Colegio de Niñas,” La Voz de México, October 10, 1874.

86. La Voz de México, September 30, 1874.

87. La Voz de México, October 29, 1874.

88. El Pájaro Verde, November 2, 1874.

89. Entry for October 2, 1874, fol. 239, AHAM, Libro de Gobierno Eclesiástico, Asuntos Comunes, caja 176, libro 3, 1874, fol. 239.

90. Entry for October 3, 1874, fol. 242; entry for October 5, 1874, fol. 244; entry for October 8, 1874, fol. 258; entry for October 13, 1874, fol. 270, AHAM, Libro de Gobierno Eclesiástico, Asuntos Comunes, caja 176, libro 3.

91. Priest of Tepotzotlán (Mexico) to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, Entry for October 7, 1874, AHAM, Libro de Gobierno Eclesiástico, Asuntos Comunes, fols. 254–255; and Augustín Pérez Tejada, Tepotzotlán, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, Entry for October 29, 1874, AHAM, Libro de Gobierno Eclesiástico, Asuntos Comunes, fol. 318.

92. Gabriel Godínez, Tultepec, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, September 19, 1874, AHAM, Secretaria Arzobispal, Parroquias, caja 86, exp. 65.

93. AHAM, Libro de Gobierno Eclesiástico, Asuntos Comunes, October 9, 1874, caja 176, libro 3, fol. 260.

94. AHAM, Libro de Gobierno Eclesiástico, Asuntos Comunes, October 18, 1874, caja 176, libro 3, fols. 304–305.

95. AHAM, Libro de Gobierno Eclesiástico, Asuntos Comunes, October 27, 1874, caja 176, libro 3, fol. 310.

96. Entry for October 5, 1874, fol. 245; entry for October 6, 1874, fol. 251; entry for October 29, 1874, fol. 315, AHAM, Libro de Gobierno Eclesiástico, Asuntos Comunes, caja 176, libro 3.

97. Vicente Fermín, Oaxaca, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, August 17, 1874, AHAM, caja 88, exp. 41; Ignacio Árciga, Morelia, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, August 20, 1874; Benigno Campos, Chilapa, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, August 19, 1874.

98. José María del Refugio, Zacatecas, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, August 19, 1874, AHAM, caja 88, exp. 41.

99. Ignacio Montes de Oca, Tula, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, September 11, 1874, AHAM, caja 88, exp. 41.

100. Voekel, Pamela, “Liberal Religion: The Schism of 1861,” in Religious Culture in Modern Mexico, Nesvig, Martin Austin, ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2007)Google Scholar.

101. Ignacio Árciga, Morelia, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Mexico City, August 20, 1874, AHAM, caja 88, exp. 41; Carta pastoral del Ilmo. Obispo de Zamora, relativa a las peregrinaciones espirituales (Publisher unknown, 1874). The archbishop of Guadalajara indicated his devotional guide would make only “indispensible variations for this diocese.” See Carta pastoral del Ilmo. Sr. Arzobispo de Guadalajara, sobre peregrinaciones (Guadalajara: Tipografía de N. Parga, 1874), 8.

102. Carta pastoral que el Sr. Presb. D. Benigno Campos, gobernador de la sagrada mitra de Chilapa por ausencia del Sr. Obispo Diocesano, dirige al venerable clero y a todos los fieles de la diócesis con motivo del Breve Pontificio dado el 27 de marzo de este año por Su Santidad el Señor Pio IX (Mexico City: Tipografía Religiosa de M. Torner y Compañia, 1874), 18–22. Campos's itinerary included two other stops in Guerrero (Igualapa, site of el Señor del Perdón, and Chilapa, site of Nuestra Señora de la Natividad), and one in Puebla (El Señor de los Trabajos).

103. On Bishop José de Jesús Diez de Sollano y Dávalos's preference for devotions of French and Roman origin (and especially Jesuit devotions), see Stauffer, “Victory on Earth or in Heaven,” 88.

104. Peregrinación espiritual en el mes de octubre del presente año, edicto para la publicación de las gracias pontificias concedidas por Nuestro Santísimo Padre, el Sr. Pio IX, para las Iglesias mexicanas en su Breve de 21 de marzo último (León: Tipografía de Monzón, 1874), 7–8.

105. González, J. Eluterio, Colección de noticias y documentos para la historia del estado de Nuevo León (Monterrey: Tipografía de Antonio Mier, 1867), 84–85Google Scholar.

106. “Carta pastoral que el Ilmo. Sr. Dr. D. Francisco de Paula Verea, obispo de Linares, dirige al venerable clero y fieles de su Diócesis, con motivo del Breve Pontificio dado por Nuestro Santo Padre Pio Papa IX el 27 de marzo de este año,” reprinted in El Pájaro Verde, November 12, 1874.

107. “Carta pastoral,” reprinted in El Pájaro Verde, November 12, 1874.

108. La Luz, November 10, 1874.

109. La Luz, December 1, 1874.

110. La Luz, December 12, 1874.

111. Pascual Bayllac, Jiquilpan, to Diocesan Secretary, Zamora, November 29, 1874, ADZ, DGP 505. This query was answered in the negative. The journey had to be undertaken from a church or public oratory.

112. Pedro Velez, Los Reyes, to Diocesan Secretary, Zamora, November 8, 1874, ADZ, DGP 564; Camilo Galván, Penjamillo, to Diocesan Secretary, Zamora, November 10, 1874, DGP 734; M. García, Angangueo, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Morelia, October 12, 1874, Archivo Histórico de la Casa de Morelos [hereafter AHCM], caja 118, exp. 564; Agustín Pallares, Tlalpujahua, to Archdiocesan Secretary, Morelia, November 8, 1874, AHCM, caja 118, exp. 564.

113. Miguel Chagollán, Chilchota, to Diocesan Secretary, Zamora, January 7, 1875, ADZ, DGP 125.

114. Carta pastoral del Ilmo. Obispo de Zamora, relativa a las peregrinaciones espirituales (n.p., 1874), 7–11.

115. Carta pastoral del Ilmo. Obispo de Zamora, 9–10.

116. Brading, David, Mexican Phoenix: Image and Tradition across Five Centuries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 288–310Google Scholar; Poole, Stafford, C.M., The Guadalpan Controversies in Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), chapt. 3Google Scholar.

117. Bautista García, Cecilia Adriana, “La coronación pontificia de las imágenes marianas en México y la afirmación de la soberania social de la iglesia católica durante el porfiriato,” in Diálogos con una trayectoria intelectual: Marcello Carmagnani en el Colegio de México, Nández, Yovana Celaya, ed. (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 2014)Google Scholar; García, Cecilia Bautista, “Dos momentos en la historia de un culto: el origen y la coronación pontificia de la Virgen de Jacona (siglos XVII-XIX),” Tzintzun. Revista de Estudios Históricos 43 (January-June 2006): 11–32Google Scholar.

118. Bautista García, “La romanización de la iglesia mexicana.” It is also worth noting that Mexican prelates associated with Labastida's clerical circle came to depend on the Roman Colegio Pio Latinoamericano to train new priests, and that this first generation of piolatinos would wield outsize influence on the Mexican Church of the revolutionary period. See O'Dogherty, Laura, “El ascenso de una jerarquia eclesial intransigente, 1890–1914,” in Memoria del I Coloquio de Historia de la Iglesia en el siglo XIX, Medina, Manuel Ramos, ed. (Mexico City: Condumex, 1998)Google Scholar.