Article contents
The Rise and Decline of the Ariel-Caliban Antithesis in Spanish America
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
Extract
Seldom has a literary device had such international political resonance as the famous Ariel-Caliban contraposition of José Enrique Rodó's essay. In the decades immediately following its publication in 1900 Ariel was an exceptionally valued credo for Spanish American youth, not only for its intrinsic grace, but also because it provided a timely answer to a widespread need. To a generation depressed by the frequently pessimistic conclusions of racist doctrines and an uneasy sense of inferiority, and irked by the admonitions of ninteenthcentury “Nordomaniacs,” Ariel offered in sonorous periods a set of values assumed to be peculiarly Latin and therefore the patrimony of Latin America. As Alberto Zum Felde says, “It was the longed-for reply of this weak backward America to the Titanic potentiality of the North: its self-justification, its compensation, its retaliation.” Luis Alberto Sánchez's generation must have derived, as he says he did, its primary image of the United States from Ariel. Arturo Torres-Ríoseco describes it as “the ethical gospel of the Spanish-speaking world.”
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1978
References
1 Indice crítico de la literatura hispanoamericana; los ensayistas, Mexico, 1954, p. 292.
2 Un sudamericano en Norteamérica, Santiago de Chile, 1942, p. 25.
3 The Epic of Latin American Literature, New York, 1946, p. 116.
4 See Zum Felde, op. cit., pp. 295, 377; Cassou, Jean, “Renan et Rodó,” Revue de l’Amérique Latine 5. 232ff. (July, 1923);Google Scholar Pereda, Clemente, Rodo’s Main Sources, San Juan, P.R., 1949 Google Scholar
5 Oeuvres complètes III, 1–103.
6 “Introduction” to his edition of Ariel, Cambridge, 1967, pp. 2–6.
7 L’idée moderne du droit en Allemagne, en Angleterre et en France, Paris, 1878, Book V, p. 344.
8 See Balseiro, José, The Americas Look at Each Other, Coral Gables, Fla., 1969, pp. 59–70,Google Scholar and Allen, David H., “Ruben Darío frente a la creciente influencia de los Estados Unidos,” Revista Iberoamericana, No. 64, pp. 387–393 (1967).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
9 In Mapes, E.K., Escritos inéditos de Rubén Darío, New York, 1938, pp. 160–161.Google Scholar
10 Quoted in Zum Felde, op. cit., p. 377.
11 Stabler, Jordan H., ed., Fragments from an XVIIIth Century Diary: The Travels and Adventures of Don Francisco Miranda, Caracas, 1931, p. 37.Google Scholar
12 Quoted in Evans, H.S., Chile and its Relations with the United States, Durham, N.C., 1927, pp. 16–17.Google Scholar
13 In Torres, Manuel, “The United States in 1850,” Americas, Feb., 1964, p. 5.Google Scholar
14 A Sarmiento Anthology, Bunkley, A. W., ed., Princeton, N.J., 1948, p. 249.Google Scholar
15 Quoted in Burr, R.H. and Hussey, Roland, Documents on Inter-American Cooperation, Philadelphia, 1955, 1, 129–132.Google Scholar
16 Quoted in ibid., pp. 110–111. Similar sentiments were expressed by still another Chilean at about the same time: MacKenna, Benjamín Vicuña, Páginas de mi diario durante tres años de viaje, 1854–1855, Santiago de Chile, 1856, pp. 95, 100.Google Scholar
17 See Léttres sur l’Amérique du Nord, Paris, 1836, two vols.
18 See Rémond, Réné, Les Etats-Unis devant l’opinion française 1815–1852, Paris, 1962, 2, 765 and passim.Google Scholar
19 The origins of Pan Latinism and Chevalier’s role therein are thoroughly explored in Phelan, John Leddy, “Pan Latinism, French Intervention in Mexico, and the Genesis of the Idea of Latin America,” in Conciencia y autenticidad históricas, Mexico, 1968, pp. 279–298.Google Scholar
20 Democracy in America, Bradley, Phillips, ed., New York, 1958, 3, 452.Google Scholar
21 Quoted in Zum Felde, op. cit., p. 137.
22 Siete tratados, Paris, 1930, “De la belleza en el género humano,” I, 121–122 (written 1873).
23 See Ferris, Nathan L., “The Relation of the United States with South America During the Civil War,” Hispanic American Historical Review XXI, 51–78 (1941).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
24 Peregrinaciones, Obras completas, Madrid, n. d., VI, 57–58; see Balseiro, op. cit., pp. 59–70.
25 Quoted in Roggiano, Alfred A., Pedro Henríquez Ureña y los Estados Unidos, Mexico, 1961, p. lxxxix.Google Scholar
26 La muerte del cisne, Paris, 1910, pp. 181–184.
27 “La filosofía de Rodó,” Nosotros, May, 1917, pp. 181–182.
28 Jose Enrique Rodó, Montevideo, 1967, pp. 73–74 (written 1919).
29 “Crónicas de América,” Mercurio Peruano V, 82, (1920).
30 Las Américas, Montevideo, 1945, pp. 32–39 (written 1922).
31 ¿Qué es la revolución?, Mexico, 1937, p. 213.
32 Luis Alberto Sánchez, op. cit., p. 264.
33 El gran vecino: America en la encrucijada, Santiago do Chile, 1944, p. 4.
34 Páginas de un diario, Santiago de Chile, 1940, p. 35; further statements of this sort could be multiplied. See, for example, Manuel Ugarte (a great anti-imperialist), Destiny of a Continent, New York, 1925, p. 169; Frugoni, Emilio, “En la otra América,” Nosotros 28, 337–342 (March, 1918);Google Scholar Castellanos, Jesús, Los optimistas, Havana, 1915, pp. 123–124;Google Scholar Antuña, José G., El nuevo acento, Buenos Aires, 1935, pp. 161–162.Google Scholar
35 América como conciencia, Mexico, 1953, p. 145; Mallea, Eduardo, the Argentine novelist, expressed roughly the same idea in Historia de una pasión argentina, Buenos Aires, 1942, p. 135.Google Scholar
36 The Conflict Society: Reaction and Revolution in Latin America, New York, 1961, p. 139.
37 Zum Felde, op. cit., p. 298.
- 2
- Cited by