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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
A Social History of colonial Latin America should endeavor to trace the patterns of behavior of the various social groups within the society. Group behavior can be viewed from a number of different perspectives. Among the more important variables are political behavior, economic behavior, social behavior and religious behavior. Religious participation and involvement is one of the more interesting of these variables, especially in Latin America, where the Catholic Church has traditionally been a social institution powerfully affecting all others. The Church and the upper social groups have often functioned in a symbiotic relationship one to another, with the Church providing a measure of social prestige and temporal power in exchange for economic and/or political support. This essay, based on a study of 178 wholesale merchants, seeks to interpret the relationships established between the Church and the economically and socially powerful merchant group in late eighteenth century Buenos Aires. At the same time, the essay attempts to illustrate that in studying the religious participation of a specific social group, the role of religion as an indicator of social prestige and power becomes dramatically apparent.
1 Revello, José Torre, “Fiestas y Costumbres,” in Levene, Ricardo, Historia de la nación argentina (desde sus órigenes hasta la organización definitivia en 1862), vol. IV, El momento histórico del Virreinato del Río de la Plata, (Buenos Aires, 1940), p. 412–413.Google Scholar
For a discussion of the economic and professional activities of the Buenos Aires merchants, see Socolow, Susan Migden, “Economic Activities of the Porteño Merchants: The Viceregal Period,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 55:1 (Feb. 1975) 1–24.Google Scholar
2 Udaondo, Enrique, Diccionario biogràfico colonial argentino, (Buenos Aires, 1945), p. 500–501.Google Scholar
3 Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires, Argentina, hereafter called A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 2, 1766, folios 236 v-239, Poder para testar de Dn Domingo de Basavilbaso.
4 A.G.N., , Sucesiones 6726, Testamentaria de Dn Eugenio Lerdo de Tejada, 1791 Google Scholar.
5 A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano, 2, 1786, folios 137 v-142, Testamento de Dn Eusevio Cires Fernández de Cocío Google Scholar.
6 Examples of merchants who served as síndicos for the religious orders of the city are: Vicente de Azcuenaga, síndico of the Franciscan convent; Isidro Lorea, síndico of the convent of Capuchine nuns; Manuel Ferreyra de la Cruz, síndico of the large Franciscan convent; Isidro José Balbastro, síndico of the Recoletos convent; Juan Antonio de Lezica, síndico of the Dominican convent. Gerónimo Mattoras had served as the síndico of the Recoletos convent during the 1760’s and Francisco Rodríguez de Vida had held the same post for the Franciscan convent and the Santa Catalina nunnery.
7 A.G.N., , División Colonia, Sección Gobierno, Comerciales, 1784-1785, Legajo 12, Expediente 6, IX-30-9-7, Concurso de Acreedores contra Don Francisco Antonio de Ormaechea, 1785.Google Scholar
8 A.G.N., , Sucesiones 7275, Testamentaria de Sor María de Ojeda, 1784.Google Scholar
9 Revello, Torre, “Fiestas y Costumbres,” p. 412.Google Scholar
10 A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 4, 1815, folios 327–322 v, Testamento de Dn Gaspar de Santa Coloma por su viuda D.a Flora de Azcuenaga en virtud de poder Google Scholar.
11 New Catholic Encyclopedia, (New York, 1967), Vol. 4, p. 154.
12 Revello, Torre, “Fiestas y Costumbres,” p. 414.Google Scholar
13 A.G.N., , Orden de la Merced, Archicofradía del Rosario, Acuerdos, 1732-1783, IX-7-10-8.Google Scholar
14 A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 6, 1797, folios 90 v-97, Testamento de Dn Miguel Cap-devila Google Scholar; A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 3, 1791, folio 365–370, Testamento de Dn Jph Francisco Vida Google Scholar.
15 A.G.N., , Sucessiones 7712, Testamentaria de Dn Bernardo Pereda, 1783 (Belgrano Pérez)Google Scholar; A.G.N., , División Colonia, Sección Gobierno, Justicia, 1792, Legajo 31, Expediente 909, IX-16-4-4 Google Scholar; A.G.N., , Sucessiones 8457, Testamentaria de Dn Francisco Tellechea, 1812.Google Scholar The Cofradia de San Benito de Palermo was one of the more important black cofradias of the city. de Bougainville, Louis A., Viaje Alrededor del Mundo (Madrid, 1921), p. 45.Google Scholar
16 New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 14, p. 93.
17 Ibid., Vol. 14, p. 94.
18 Geneología: Hombres de Mayo, (Buenos Aires, 1961), p. 48.
18 Flora Azcuenaga was a member of the tercera orden of San Francisco, the same order to which her father, Vincente Azcuenaga and her grandfather, Domingo Basavilbaso, had belonged. Her husband was a member of the tercera orden of the Betlemitas. A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 2, 1766, folios 236 v-239, Poder para testar de Dn Domingo de Basavilbaso Google Scholar; A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 4, 1815, folios 327–332 v, Testamento de Dn Gaspar de Santa Coloma por su viuda D. a Flora de Azcuenaga, en virtud de poder Google Scholar; A.G.N., , Sucesiones 3864, Testamentaria de Dn Vicente de Azcuenaga, 1787 Google Scholar; Geneología: Hombres de Mayo, p. 48.
20 A.G.N., Sucesiones 7785, Testamentaria de Dn Pablo Ruiz de Gaona, 1823. In the inventory of his goods was listed “una cujita de madera ordinaria, pintada de color de café, en que dicen dormía y murió dicho finado.”
21 Iglesia de la Merced, Reconquista and Cangallo, Buenos Aires, Argentina, Libro de Bautismos, tomo 15, folio 312v; tomo 16, folio 94; tomo 15, folio 103v; tomo 15, folio 268v; tomo 15, folio 258 v.
22 Examples of merchants’ sons who completed the theology curriculum at the Colegio de San Carlos are Feliciano José Pueyrredon, José Juliano Gainza, and Bonifacio Zapiola. A.G.N., Biblioteca Nacional 2157, Libro de Matricula en donde se contienen los Nombres de los Estudiantes que han cursado las Aulas de los Reales Estudios de esta Capital de Buenos Ayres desde eJ año de 1773.
23 Other merchants’ sons who studied for the priesthood at the Colegio de Monserrat in Córdoba are Luis Manuel Caviedes, son of Fernando Caviedes, and Luis Manuel's cousin, Domingo Caviedes, son of Manuel Caviedes. A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 6, 1773, folios 60 v-63 v, Fundacion de Cappalania [sic] de Dn Fernando Caviedes a favor de Dn Luis Manuel de Caviedes; A.G.N., Sucesiones 5342, Testamentaria de Dn Manuel Caviedes, 1788.
24 José Blas Gainza himself served as an officer of the Inquisition. A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 6, 1795, folios 289–292 v, Renuncia de Sor María Eusebia de Gainza del Monasterio de Monjas Cathalinas a sus padres. Upon entering a convent a young women renounced all rights to additional legal inheritance.
25 It should be noted that money given to dower nuns was not necessarily withdrawn entirely from commerce. These dowries were turned over to the convent’s síndico, often a merchant, who in turn lent dowry funds to other merchants for investment in commerce.
26 de Thompson, María [Mariquita] Sánchez, Recuerdos del Buenos Aires Virreynal, (Buenos Aires, 1953), p. 60.Google Scholar
27 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 5, IX-6-8-4 Google Scholar.
28 In the baptism books of the cathedral (located today in La Merced Church) entries marked cuna (orphanage) begin to appear regularly by 1765.
29 Begging was perhaps the most spiritually edifying, but also the least effective means of collecting funds for the Hermandad. In 1790, for example, only 174 pesos were collected in three months of begging, although Holy Week was included in the period. A.G.N., Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 1, IX-6-7-9. In addition, feast days, inclement weather and forgetfulness or more pressing concerns of the Hermandad members tended to make alms begging rather irregular.
30 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajos 1–7, all contain information on the administration of the Hermandad’s ranches Google Scholar.
31 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 1, folios 313, 483, 573, IX-6-7-9 Google Scholar. Merchants who were not members also did business with the Hermandad. In 1791 Juan Martín de Pueyrredon sold 24 dozen knives to the Estancia for use in the “harvest of hides” being carried out on the Hermandad's ranch. A.G.N., Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 2, folio 198, IX-6-8-1. Tomás Insúa was paid 367 pesos for the yerba mate which he sold to the orphanage. A.G.N., Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 1, folio 463, IX-6-7-9. Other merchant suppliers included Manuel de Aguirre, Vicente de la Rosa and Esteban Villanueva.
32 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 5, IX-6-8-4.Google Scholar
33 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridadx, Acuerdos, Legajo, 5, IX-6-8-4 Google Scholar.
34 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 5, IX-6-8-4Google Scholar; and A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 6, IX-6-8-5.Google Scholar
35 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 6, IX-6-8-5.Google Scholar
36 A.G.N., , División Colonia, Sección Gobierno, Niños Expósitos y Varios, 1771-1809, Legajo 32, IX-7-9-5, Letter of 8 July 1783 to Viceroy Vértiz.Google Scholar
37 Among his bequests Rodríguez de la Vega willed one of his houses to the Fathers of Saint Felipe Neri, 9400 pesos to the poor of La Merced parish, 8350 pesos to the Town Council to be used for poor prisoners, a house to the Orphanage (he had given the Orphanage 37,000 pesos during his lifetime), and a house and 30,000 pesos to the Men’s Hospital. All money produced by the sale of his possessions was to be divided between the Women’s Hospital and the House of Religious Exercises. (A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 1, 1804–1809, folios 251–253, Testamento de Dn Manuel Rodríguez de la Vega otorgado en virtud del poder por la Hermandad de la Caridad). Rodríguez de la Vega was an important merchant who from 1778 had served, with Martín Sarratea, as official representative of the merchants of Buenos Aires. Rodríguez de la Vega, Sarratea, and Bernardo Sancho Larrea were instrumental in petitioning the Court in Madrid to set up a Consulado for Buenos Aires.
38 A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano, Legajo 1, 1804–1809, folios 251–253, Testamento de Dn Manuel Rodríguez de la Vega otorgado en virtud del poder por la Hermandad de la Caridad.Google Scholar
39 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 5, IX-6-8-4.Google Scholar
40 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 4, IX-6-8-3Google Scholar. Among the fifty-one beds donated to the Hospital, twenty-eight were given by women from the merchant class. Included in this group were Rita Dogan, widow of Juan Martin Pueyrredon; Mercedes Saraza, daughter of Javier Saturnino Saraza and wife of Francisco Casimiro Nechochea; Matea Caviedes, daughter of Manuel Caviedes and wife of Francisco Tellechea; Petrona Antonio Vera, wife of Juan José Lezica; Bernada Dávila, wife of Isidro Balvastro; Eulalia Balvastro, their daughter; María Gertrudis Bustillos Ceballos, wife of Francisco Antonio Escalada; and Manuela Pérez, wife of Pedro Dubai. Among those who agreed to give food on one or more days of the year were Juana Pueyrredon, Bernarda Dávila, Ana García de Zúñiga, and María Isabel Dogan. Not all merchant wives who were approached were able to provide such generous support. Juana Paula Giles, wife of Francisco Baldovinos, donated twelve pesos, but asked to be excused from a larger donation because of illness; Rosa Silva Rios, daughter of the late Juan de Silva Rios, apologized that she could only care for one bed because of her “lack of funds and the great financial weight of my family,” another indication of the precarious nature of mercantile fortunes. Romero’s list of the charitable ladies has been published in facsimile in Furlong, Guillermo S.J., Historia Social y Cultural del Río de la Plata, 1536–1810, El Trasplante Social (Buenos Aires, 1969), p. 188–189.Google Scholar
41 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 4, IX-6-8-3.Google Scholar
42 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 5, IX-6-8-4.Google Scholar
43 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 4, IX-6 8-3.Google Scholar
44 “… only Don Gaspar Santa Coloma offered the loan of 4,000 pesos for an eight-month term. And because the bequest which the late Don Vicente Azcuenaga made to this house of charity was still being ignored [Santa Colonia was the executor of Azcuenaga’s estate] the Hermandad realized that it was not easy to find funds and perhaps there would be none to repay the loan.” A.G.N., Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 5, IX-6-8-4.
45 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 4, IX-6-8-3.Google Scholar
46 Allende, Guillermo L., Tratado de Enfiteusis y demás derechos reales suprimidos o restringidos por el Código Civil (Buenos Aires, 1964), p. 155–156 Google Scholar; Escriche, Don Joaquin, Diccionario razonado de Legislación Civil, Penal, Comercial y Forense… (Madrid, 1842 p.96.Google Scholar
47 A.G.N., , Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 1, folio 271–278, IX-6-7-9.Google Scholar
48 Azcuenaga specified that the chaplain was to live in the Women’s Hospital, or in the immediate vicinity “so that he can therefore promptly attend to the urgent needs of the sick and moribund.” He also provided for a substitute clergyman to take over the function of the chaplain in case of sickness so that “no lack is felt”; the possible need for an additional priest due to a growth in the Hospital was also mentioned. If the chaplain failed to fulfill the terms of the chaplaincy, be it because of negligence, evil, or any other motive, in order not to have the Christian objective of his intention endangered, Azcuenaga stated that the chaplain, regardless of the years he had served in the position, was to be removed by the patrón, in agreement with the hermano mayor and officers of the Hermandad. Azcuenaga’s capellanía could never be served by a student, only by an ordained prient who could personally perform its functions. A.G.N., Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 1, folios 271-278, IX-6-7-9.
49 The interest was to be divided among three chaplains, in three different churches, for masses on feast days throughout the year. In case the Hospital was later reestablished, the 6,000 pesos were to revert back to the original institution. A.G.N., Hermandad de la Caridad, Acuerdos, Legajo 1, folios 271-278, IX-6-7-9.
50 A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 2, 1786, folios 137 v-142, Testamento de Eusevio de Cires Fernández de Cocio; A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 2, 1789, folios 312-316, Testamento de Juana Rosa Collis; A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 6, 1773, folios 60 v-63 , Fundación de Cappalanía [sic] de Dn Fernando Caviedes a favor de Dn Luis Manuel de Caviedes.
51 The burdening of urban property with capellanía mortgages can be seen in the will of Antonio Obligado, a local merchant. Obligado's will, drawn up in 1789, contained in part the following list of his property:
“The house in which I live with its corresponding land and buildings … on which I have a pension of 10,000 pesos at interest of 5 percent … another house on the Calle de las Torres … which has 1,000 pesos on it for a Capellanía for the Presbítero Dn Matheo Jph Alonso … the main house of the late Fernando Caviedes which is in the San Miguel parish … and which has on it the pension of 2,000 pesos for the capellanía of Dr. Dn Luis Caviedes, and 7,150 pesos for [the capellanía of the] younger Dn Fernando.” A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 2,1789, folios 275 v-279 v, Testamento de Dn Antonio Obligado.
52 A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 2, 1802, folios 36-51 v, Testamento de Dn Felipe Arguibel.
53 Diego Casero, for example, mentioned that he had allowed one of his houses to fall into disrepair because the rent earned by the property barely met the annual interest of the capellanías on it. A.G.N., Registro de Escribano 3, 1799, folios 479–558 v, Disposición testamentaria de Don Diego Casero.
54 Mateo Ramón Alzaga’s widow was forced to sell property at public auction to meet payment on a capellanía taken by her late husband. A.G.N., Sucesiones 3910, Autos que sigue Da. Maria Franscica Cabrera, solicitando se le autorice para vender la casa y sitio del varrio de Santo Domingo, 1797.
55 The mandas forzozas (forced contributions) were a series of taxes paid from the quinto (fifth) of the estate of the deceased. Although the individual contributions to the mandas were not always large, ranging from 2 reales to 20 pesos, the sums, collected from everyone who died, did add up. The mandas forzosas, although usually grouped together, were actually four in number: money for the Christian captives, for the holy places of Jerusalem, for the Holy Sacrament, and for the Holy Crusade. The collection of the mandas was occasionally entrusted to merchants; Francisco Almandos, for example, was the treasurer of the monies of the Holy Crusade.
56 Iglesia de la Merced, Libro de Casamientos, tomo 5, folios viii-xiii.
57 By law a man could leave up to one-fifth of his estate to whomever he pleased, but the other four-fifths were reserved for his legal heirs.
58 Juan José Lezica, for example, requested that his body be carried without accom-paniment to the grave, that he be buried like the poor, with only the chaplain of the Women’s Hospital in attendance. Although no church was specified for the funeral service, Lezica expressed a desire for a plain service, and limited the number of candle holders and candles to be used. A.G.N., Sucesiones 6497, Testamentaria de Juan José de Lezica, 1811. Lezica’s funeral expenses totaled 306 pesos. Another 1200 pesos were given to various charities in his name.
59 A.G.N., , Sucesiones 3864, Testamentaria de Vicente de Azcuenaga, 1787.Google Scholar
60 Ibid.
61 A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 2, 1766, folios 236 v-239, Poder para testar de Dn Domingo de Basavilbaso.Google Scholar
62 A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 6, 1813/1814, folios 250 v-245, Testamento en virtud de poder de Dn Antonio García López.Google Scholar
63 A.G.N., , Sucesiones 8457, Testamentaria de Francisco Tellechea, 1812.Google Scholar
64 A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 2, 1802, folios 631–633 Google Scholar v, Escritura de Donación y fundación de una esquela pública por Dn Gaspar de Santa Coloma and A.G.N., Gaspar de Santa Coloma, Libro Copiador de Cartas para España, 1788 (-1796), VII-6-5-14, letter of 1 July 1788 to his father, Juan Antonio de Santa Coloma. Santa Coloma was providing funds for the school as early as 1788 but the formal donation was not drawn up until fourteen years later.
65 A.G.N., , Registro de Escribano 2, 1802, folios 631 633 v, Escritura de Donación y fundación de una esquela pública por Dn Gaspar de Santa Coloma.Google Scholar