¹ For a stimulating evaluation of the Spanish-Portuguese missionary achievement overseas see Latourette, Kenneth Scott, A History of the Expansion of Christianity (7 vols.; New York and London, 1937–1945), III, 2–10.Google Scholar

² The letter whose date is May 28, 1527 was given by Cortés to his cousin, Alvaro de Saavedra, who commanded an ill-fated expedition to the Philippines. For the text of the letter see Navarrete, Martín Fernández de, Colección de los viajes y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglo XV (5 vols.; Madrid, 1858), V, 461–462.Google Scholar

³ Pigafetta, Antonio, Magellan’s Voyage Around The World. The original text of the Ambrosian MS with English translation, notes, etc. by Robertson, James Alexander (3 vols.; Cleveland, 1906), I, 153.Google Scholar

⁴ Brou, A., Saint François Xavier, conditions et methods de son apostalat (Bruges, 1925), pp. 36–39.Google Scholar

⁵ Pigafetta, , op. cit., p. 121.Google Scholar

⁶ “They have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife.” Ibid., p. 169.Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid., pp. 153–155.Google Scholar

⁸ Ibid.

⁹ For a sixteenth-century description of the ritual of the sacrament of baptism see Focher, Juan O. F. M., Itinerarium Catholicitm proficiscentium ad infideles convertendos (Seville, 1574), pp. 94–98.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For recent accounts of Magellan’s missionary activities see: Zaide, Gregorio, Philippine Political and Cultural History (2 vols.; Manila, 1949), I, 113–119 Google Scholar and Parr, Charles McKew, So Noble a Captain, The Life and Times of Ferdinand Magellan (New York, 1953), pp. 341–362.Google Scholar

¹¹ Grijalva, Juan de O. S. A., Crónica de la orden de N. P. S. Augustin en las provincias de Nueva España (Mexico, 1624), pp. 120–121 Google Scholar. The first Augustinian mission to the Philippines was under the jurisdiction of the Mexican province. Grijalva’s text is the most circumstantial and reliable Augustinian source we have for the initial period of the missionary enterprise in the Philippines.

¹² For an authoritative account of the Mexican missionary background see Ricard, Robert, La “conquête spirituelle” du Mexique, essai sur l’apostolat et les méthodes missionnaires des ordres mendiants en Nouvelle Espagne de 1523 á 1512 (Paris, 1933), pp. 103–116.Google Scholar

¹³ Grijalva, , op. cit., p. 124 Google Scholar. Medina, Juan de O. S. A., Historia de los sucesos de la orden de n. gran p. S. Agustín de estas filipinas published in the Biblioteca histórica filipina (4 vols.; Manila, 1892–1893), IV, 53–54.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Grijalva, , op. cit., p. 124.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Letter from Herrera, Diego de O. S. A., to Philip II: Mexico, Jan. 16, 1570 in Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson, James Alexander, The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803 (53 vols.; Cleveland, 1903–1907), III, 69–72 Google Scholar. Also Philip IPs letters to Legazpi, : Escorial, , Nov. 8 and Nov. 18, 1568 in ibid., III, 62–66 and XXXIV, 235–238 Google Scholar. Father Urdaneta’s articulate opposition to the colonization of the Philippines by the Spaniards which sprang from his accurate hypothesis that the archipelago lay on the Portuguese side of the Demarcation Line may also have been a factor which inspired the ultra-cautious baptismal policy of the Augustinians up to 1570. For Urdaneta’s sound hypothesis see Colección de documentos inéditos de ultramar, segunda serie, vol. II, 145–200 Google Scholar. Philip II’s instructions to Legazpi were not to violate the Demarcation Line, but the King was acting on the incorrect supposition that the Philippines were on the Spanish side. Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., II, 91–100.Google Scholar

¹⁶ One of the early baptisms, which made a favorable impression on the natives, was the conversion of an aged invalid who recovered his health after being baptized. A trusted friend of the Augustinians, he spent the last years of his life as a porter in their convent in Cebu. Grijalva, , op. cit., p. 125.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Col. de doc, op. cit., III, 122 Google Scholar; Grijalva, , op cit., p. 125 Google Scholar; Medina, , op. cit., p. 57.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Herrera, to Philip II, op. cit., p. 72.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For Tupas’ baptism see: Grijalva, , op. cit., pp. 133–134 Google Scholar; Medina, , op. cit., pp. 62–66 Google Scholar; Agustín, Gaspar de San O. S. A., Conquistas de las islas philipinas etc. (Madrid, 1698), pp. 200–201.Google Scholar

²⁰ Grijalva, , op. cit., p. 134 Google Scholar; Medina, , op. cit., pp. 62–64 Google Scholar; Augustín, San, op. cit., p. 201 Google Scholar. For recent accounts of early missionary events on Cebu see Zaide, , op. cit., I, 147 Google Scholar and McCarthy, Edward J. O. S. A., Spanish Beginnings in the Philippines, 1564–1572 (Washington, 1943), pp. 95–109.Google Scholar

²¹ Many natives had been paying tribute for as long as twenty-five years without receiving any religious instruction. “Memorial general de todos estados de las islas filipinas para su Magestad: Manila, June 26, 1586” in Pablo Pastells’ edition of Colin, Francisco S. J., Labor evangélica (3 vols.; Barcelona, 1900–1902), I, 434.Google Scholar

²² Simpson, Lesley Byrd , The Encomienda in New Spain (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1950), pp. 32–34 Google Scholar. I have encountered no mention of baptisms administered by Philippine encomenderos, but some may have been performed. Lay baptism in cases of urgency was a time-honored practice of the Church. The Jesuits in their Visayan missions taught their trusted native assistants, the fiscales, how to administer the sacrament in case of an emergency. Colin, , op. cit., II, 409, 411.Google Scholar

²³ Memoria de una junta que se hizo á manera de concilio el año de 1582 para dar asiento á las cosas tocantes al aumento de la fé y justificación de las conquistas hechas y que adelante se hiciesen por los Españoles” in Morales, Valentín Marín y O. P., Ensayo de una síntesis de los trabajos realizados por las corporaciones religiosas españolas de Filipinas (2 vols.; Manila, 1901), I, 326 Google Scholar. For rather convincing argument about the date of this document, which has been challenged by Pérez, Lorenzo O. F. M., see Aragón, Jesús Gayo O. P., Ideas jurídico-teológicas de los religiosos de Filipinas en el siglo XVI sobre la conquista de las islas (Manila, 1950), pp. 59–60 Google Scholar, note 17.

²⁴ “Memoria,” op. cit., p. 326.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid., pp. 322–323, 328 Google Scholar. “Cedula Regulating the Foundation of Monasteries,” Aranjuez, May 13, 1579 in Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., IV, 141–143 Google Scholar; “Memorial del Obispo de las Filipinas, en que se contienen las cosas que el muy R. Padre Alonso Sanchez …, que en nombre de toda esta republica va á tratar el remedio de ella con Su Magestad …,” in Colin, , op. cit., I, 445–451 Google Scholar. For Salazar’s 1591 indictment of the encomenderos see Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., VII, 268–276.Google Scholar

²⁶ Ibid.

²⁷ Ibid., pp. 447–449. As late as 1602 Pedro Chirino, then Jesuit representative at the Courts of Madrid and Rome, vainly attempted to arrange that only natives of the royal encomiendas be assigned to the Jesuit missions. The royal treasury had a better reputation for meeting its obligations than the private encomiendas. Colin, , op. cit., II, 329.Google Scholar

²⁸ Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., XI, 272–273; XIV, 155, 194; XXIX, 69 Google Scholar. Wine for the Mass usually came from Mexico or Goa. Carrillo, Hierónimo de Bañuelos y, “Relation of the Philippine Islands” in ibid., XXLX, 68–69.Google Scholar

²⁹ Colin, , op. cit., II, 12.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ribadeneyra, Marcello de O. F. M., Historia de las islas del archipiélago… (Barcelona, 1601), p. 32 Google Scholar. This rare work is perhaps the most illuminating source we have for the history of the early Franciscan missions in the Far East.

³¹ Governor Sande to Philip II, Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., IV, 84.Google Scholar

³² Augustin, San, op. cit., p. 29.Google Scholar

³³ Ibid., p. 350.Google Scholar

³⁴ Aduarte, Diego O. P., Historia de la provincia del sancto Rosario de Filipinas, lapon y China de la sagrada orden de predicadores (3 vols.; Zaragoza, 1693), I, 71 Google Scholar. The first edition was published in Manila, 1640.

³⁵ Ibid., pp. 71–72.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ibid., pp. 149–150.Google Scholar

³⁷ Grijalva, , op. cit., p. 130 Google Scholar; Medina, , op. cit., p. 63 Google Scholar; Aduarte, , op. cit., pp. 71–72 Google Scholar; Chirino, Pedro S. J., Relación de las islas Filipinas (Manila, 1890)Google Scholar, the first edition was published in Rome in 1604; Colin, , op. cit., II, 394.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid, ., I, 481.Google Scholar

³⁹ Medina, , op. cit., p. 54 Google Scholar; Ribadeneyra, , op. cit., pp. 65–67 Google Scholar; Aduarte, , op. cit., I, 71–72, 149–150 Google Scholar; Colin, , op. cit., II, 127 Google Scholar; Chirino, , op. cit., p. 40.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Zaide’s conclusion about the baptism of Tupas creates a somewhat misleading impression. “Following the example of their king and prince, the Cebuans readily discarded their native religion and embraced Christianity.” To use Churchillian language, Tupas’ conversion was not the beginning of the end of passive opposition of the Cebuans to the friars, but it represents only the end of the beginning of opposition. Zaide, , op. cit., I, 147.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Herrera to Philip II, Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., III, 72.Google Scholar

⁴² Jesús, Pablo de O. F. M., to Gregory, XIII: Manila, July 14, 1580 in ibid., XXXIV, 316–324 Google Scholar; Herrera, Diego de O. S. A., “Augustinian Memoranda,” ibid., pp. 278–279 Google Scholar; Rada, Martín de O. S. A., to Enriquez, Viceroy: Manila, June 30, 1574 in ibid., p. 291.Google Scholar

⁴³ Letter of Jesús, Pablo de O. F. M., in Archivo ibero-americano, III (July-October, 1916), p. 402 Google Scholar. The letter has no date, but it was written while its author was custodian of the Franciscan mission in the islands (1580–1583). I suggest that 1583 is a plausible date in view of the fact that he wrote Pope Gregory in 1590 that not much progress had been accomplished until the arrival of the Franciscans (1578).

⁴⁴ The figure of 250,000 baptisms is contained in the report from the Manila community that Alonso Sánchez, S. J., carried to Spain in 1586. Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., VI, 185–186 Google Scholar. The 250,000 figure may be a somewhat optimistic estimate based on anticipated baptisms for the following years. The Manila colony through its envoy, Sánchez, petitioned for a whole series of concessions from the Crown. The bigger the spiritual harvest of which the new colony could boast, the more generous might be Philip II. Sánchez’s figure of 250,000 could be reduced to 200,000 without being false to the achievements of the missionaries. Grijalva claims 146,400 natives under the care of the Augustinians as of 1586. This figure may be accurate not only because of the general reliability of its author but also because this figure is demographically plausible and in conformity with the number of friars then in the Philippines (96) and the methods employed in pre-baptismal instruction. Grijalva, , op. cit., pp. 167, 171, 194, 205 Google Scholar. If the Grijalva figure is accepted, then it is highly improbable the Franciscans had baptized 110,000. There is substantial evidence to indicate that the Franciscans had baptized not more than 30,000 by 1586. See the following footnote.

⁴⁵ Ortega, Francisco de O. S. A., “Report Concerning the Philippines” in Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., IX, 95–119 Google Scholar. Gonzaga’s figure of 300,000 baptisms for the Franciscans as of 1586 must be ascribed to a misquotation or a misprint, probably a scribe’s error. Gonzaga’s Philippine informant meant 30,000, not 300,000. Gonzaga, Francisco O. F. M., De origine seraphicae religionis (Rome, 1587), I, 352 Google Scholar. In 1597 the Franciscans reported 60,892 natives under their care. Alcalá, Marcos de O. F. M., Chronica de la santa provìncia de San Joseph de los religiosos descalzos (Madrid, 1736), pp. 68–74 Google Scholar. The first edition was published in Madrid, 1616. An increase from 30,000 in 1586 to around 60,000 in 1597 dovetails with the over-all expansion of the missionary enterprise during these years. A decrease in the same period from 300,000 to 60,892 is sheer fantasy divorced from the demographic realities of the time. The Archbishop of Manila reported to the King in 1622 that the Franciscans were then administering to 93,400 souls—an increase of about 30,000 between 1597 and 1622 which is about the same ratio that occurred between 1586 and 1597. Archbishop Miguel Garcia Serrano to the King, Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., XX, 229–236.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Governor Sande to the King: Manila, June 7, 1576 in ibid., IV, 87. For the 1586 figure see ibid., VII, 29–51.

⁴⁷ Ortega, , ibid., IX, 95–119 Google Scholar. For the Jesuits see Colin, , op. cit., II, 10.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Pigafetta, , op. cit., I, 161.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid.

⁵⁰ Ibid.

⁵¹ Grijalva, , op. cit., pp. 393–394 Google Scholar; Aduarte, , I, 146 Google Scholar; Ribadeneyra, , op. cit., pp. 60–65 Google Scholar; Chirino, , op. cit., pp. 114–115, 153, 175, 184, 185 Google Scholar; Colin, , op. cit., II, 134, 157, 383.Google Scholar

⁵² Ibid., II, 151.

⁵³ Ibid., II, 134.

⁵⁴ Chirino, , op. cit., p. 184 Google Scholar; Colin, , op. cit., II, 151.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ibid., pp. 150, 387–388 Google Scholar; Chirino, , op. cit., pp. 181–182.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ For a few particular examples see ibid., pp. 125–126, 396–397.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Pigafetta, , op. cit., p. 141.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Chirino, , op. cit., p. 233.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Augustín, San, op. cit., p. 354.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Chirino, , op. cit., p. 187.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Colin, , op. cit., II, 310, 384 Google Scholar; Chirino, , op. cit., p. 232.Google Scholar

⁶² In 1591 the Bishop and the prelates of the missionary orders wrote the Governor, “As the inhabitants of many of these islands have received baptism without the aforesaid solicitude [adequate pre-baptismal instruction], many sacrileges have been committed; and as a result many and great misfortunes have ensued, which we can now clearly discern and yet poorly remedy.” Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., VII, 297.Google Scholar

⁶³ Aduarte, , op. cit., I, 61–70.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ For cases of pseudo-Christians in Mexico see Ricard, , op. cit., p. 110.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Velarde, Pedro Murillo S. J., Historia de la provincia de Philipinas de la compañía de Jesús (Manila, 1749), p. 76.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Colin, , op. cit., I, 503–511.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Archbishop Benavides, a Dominican himself, praised the Franciscans and the Dominicans for their ascetic fervor and their missionary zeal, but he accused those Orders of being the worst offenders in abandoning isolated and unrewarding missions after a period of a few years. Archbishop Benavides, O. P., to Philip III: July 6, 1603 in Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., XII, 117–121 Google Scholar. See also Chirino, , op. cit., pp. 40, 146 Google Scholar; Colin, , op. cit., II, 127.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ The Jesuits were progressive in their teaching methods but not to the point of fostering co-education. The boys and girls were taught separately. Chirino, , op. cit., pp. 184, 185, 231 Google Scholar. Colin, , op. cit., II, 399, 409, 411.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Chirino and Colin say that it usually took about ten days to complete pre-baptismal instruction. Chirino, , op. cit., p. 185 Google Scholar; Colin, , op. cit., II, 409, 411 Google Scholar. Marcos de Alcalá writes it took the Franciscans about fifteen days to indoctrinate the natives. Alcalá, Marcos de, op. cit., pp. 59–60.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Archbishop Benavides had nothing but praise for Jesuit pedagogical methods. He was, however, somewhat less enthusiastic about their alleged habit of acquiring by devious means landed property belonging to the natives. See Blair, and Robertson, , op. cit., XII, 117–121; XIV, 329; XVII, 151–152; XXIX, 183–184 Google Scholar. For the indoctrination methods of the other Orders see: Alcalá, Marcos de, op. cit., p. 59 Google Scholar; Ribadeneyra, , op. cit., pp. 65–67 Google Scholar; Aduarte, , op. cit., I, 76.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Chirino, , op. cit., p. 40 Google Scholar; Colin, , op. cit., II, 127, 399, 394, 302, 303, 406.Google Scholar

⁷² Chirino, , op. cit., pp. 146, 153, 180, 184, 187.Google Scholar

⁷³ Ibid., p. 157 Google Scholar; Colin, , op. cit., II, 214.Google Scholar