Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
September, 1975 marks the 200th anniversary of the formal opening of the Monte de Piedad, one of the oldest continuously operating social welfare institutions in America. Conceived and endowed by Pedro Romero de Terreros, Count of Regla, the Monte de Piedad represented only one facet, albeit the most important, of the philanthropic contributions of this wealthy miner, merchant and landowner. His benefactions ranged from the small to the grand—the construction of an altar in the church of San Fernando to the gifting of a battleship to the Spanish navy.
The following abbreviations have been adopted in the footnotes:
1 Callahan, William J., “The Problem of Confinement: An Aspect of Poor Relief in Eighteenth-Century Spain, Hispanic American Historical Review. 51, No. 1 (February, 1971), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar For other recent interpretations of the general movement for the confinement of the poor see Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization; A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason (tr. by Richard Howard New York: New American Library, 1965) pp. 46–64, 241–278; Rothman, David, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston: Little Brown, 1971).Google Scholar
2 Miranda, José, Humboldt y México, (México: UNAM, 1962), pp. 79–81 Google Scholar; y Ceballos, Rómulo Velasco, ed., La Administración de d. Frey Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursúa, Publicaciones del Archivo General de la Nación, Vol. 29 (México: 1936) Vol. I, pp. 162–164 Google Scholar; López-Portillo y Weber, José, Fernández, Justino, Díaz-Morales, Ignacio, El Hospicio Cabañas (Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1971) pp. 30–38.Google Scholar
3 D. S. Chandler is currently working on a study of the Montes Píos; Adolfo Lamas, Seguridad social en Neuva España, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (México: UNAM 1964), pp. 200–240.
4 Pullan, Brian S., Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: The Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to 1620. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971) pp. 450–475; 579–622.Google Scholar Parsons, Anscar, “Bernardino de Feltre and the Economic Significance of the Montes Pietatis,” Franciscan Studies, NS, I, No. 1 (1941) 11–32).Google Scholar de Armas, Antonio Rumeu, Historia de la previsión social en España: Cofradías, gremios, hermandades, montepios (Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Previsión, 1944), pp. 418 419.Google Scholar López Yepes, Jose, Historia de los Montes de Piedad de Madrid en el siglo XVIII; (Madrid: Confederación Española de Cajas de Ahorros, 1971), I, 115–129.Google Scholar
5 Callahan, “The Problem of Confinement,” pp. 2–3.
6 The second Revilla Gegedo, Viceroy of New Spain wrote in his instructions to his successor: “The fortunes … would not remain in the soil in which they were created, and commonly would go sooner or later to Spain, if they had not been invested in the opulent foundations of convents, colleges, chaplaincies, and other classes of pious works which abound in these kingdoms.” Juan Vicente Güemes Pacheco de Padilla, Conde de Revilla Gigedo, Instruction reservada que el Conde de Revilla Gigedo dió a su successor en el mando … (Mexico: Imprenta de C. A. Guiol, 1831), p. 33; Doris Ladd describes the ways in which various members of the Mexican nobility contributed to philanthropies, and founded and utilized chaplaincies, and initiated new philanthropic projects. Doris Ladd, “The Mexican Nobility at Independence: 1780–1826,” Diss. Stanford 1971, pp. 96–105.
7 de Villafranca y Cárdenas, José Ruiz, Llanto de la Religión derramado en la muerte del Señor Don Pedro Romero de Terreros … (México: Zúñiga y Ontiveros, 1796).Google Scholar
8 Castro de Santa Anna, José María, Documentos históricos de México (México: Juan Navarro, 1854) IV, 122–23.Google Scholar
9 Obregón, Gonzalo, “La Capilla de los Medina Picazo en la Iglesia de Regina Coeli”, Departamento de Monumentos Coloniales, No. 24 (México: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1971) p. 21.Google Scholar Sister Ann Miriam Gallagher, “The Family Backgrounds of the Nuns of Two Monasterios in Colonial Mexico: Santa Clara de Querétaro and Corpus Christi, Mexico City (1724–1822),” Diss. Catholic University, 1972, pp. 42; 240. RT, “Testamento de Juan Vázquez Romero de Terreros,” Artículo 27 provides 3000 pesos to construct a “celda” for his daughter. This sum should have enabled her to live in relative comfort, since her father’s house, in which he conducted his business and which had many rooms, was valued at only $9,000 pesos. Ibid.
10 Costeloe, Michael, Church Wealth in Mexico: A Study of the ‘Juzgado de Capellanias’ in the Archbishopric of Mexico: 1800–56. (London: Cambridge University Press, 1967) pp. 1–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Knowlton, Robert J., “Chaplaincies and the Mexican Reform,” HAHR 48, (August, 1968), 421–423 Google Scholar; Lavrin, Asunción, “The Role of the Nunneries in the Economy of New Spain in the Eighteenth Century,” HAHR 46, (November, 1968) pp. 371–381.Google Scholar
11 de la Torre, Josefina Muriel, Conventos de Monjas en la Nueva España (México: Editorial Santiago, 1946) passim.Google Scholar
12 Archivo de Manuel Romero de Terreros, hereafter referred to as RT, “Primeros Condes de Regla.” The document describes the lot on the eastern edge of the lands belonging to San Fernando, which had been donated to the Colegio in 1743 by its síndico Ignacio Gómez.
13 The exact amount of his contribution to San Fernando is still uncertain. Alamán, Lucas in “Disertaciones sobre la historia de la República Mejicana”, in Obras de D. Lucas Alamán ed. Aguayo Spencer, de Rafael, VIII (México: Editorial Jus, 1942) 370–71 Google Scholar, notes that the Count gave 1000 pesos a week. Francisco Gamboa, Javier, Comentarios a ordenanzas de minas dedicados al cathólico rey, Nuestro Señor don Carlos III (Madrid: Ibarra, 1761) p. 379.Google Scholar It is possible that he contributed this money in informal exchange for the land; Domínguez, Miguel Lic., Manifesto del derecho que asiste al Conde de Regla, al Marques … (México: Zuñiga y Ontiveros, 1795) p. 99 Google Scholar states that during the time they were completing the Church of San Fernando, the Count contributed 500 pesos a week. The cornerstone of the church was laid in October, 1735 and it was completed in April of 1755, making a total contribution of 40,000 pesos. A brief description of the church of San Fernando can be found in Armstrong Baird, Joseph Jr., The Churches of Mexico (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962) p. 97.Google Scholar
14 Geiger, Maynard, “The Internal Organization and Activities of San Fernando College in Mexico City, (1734–1858)”, The Americas, VI, 5, 18 Google Scholar. Francosco de Jesus Terreros was guardian from 1736–39. Also, INAH, FF 12; 297v. 432.
15 Gallagher, Ann Miriam, “The Indian Nuns of Mexico City’s Monasterio of Corpus Christi: A Study based on their Informaciones de Limpieza de Sangre … (1724–1821)” in Lavrin, Asunción, ed. Historical Perspectives on Latin American Women, Manuscript pp. 5, 18–20.Google Scholar
16 Anna, Castro Santa, Documentos, VI, 34–35.Google Scholar
17 The statement by the Friar Juan Joseph de Moreyra, signed September 7, 1756, of the Observant Franciscans can be found in the Biblioteca Nacional, Fondo Franciscano, Mss. 2/52 (14). There is another copy in RT, “Los Segundos Condes de Regla. …”
18 Asuncion Lavrin, “The Economic Role of the Nunneries…,” pp. 384–385.
19 Statement of Fr. Juan Joseph Moreyra, Biblioteca Nacional, Fondo Franciscano, ff. 2 v.
20 Domínguez, Manifiesto. … p. 99, states that he gave dowries and the expenses of entrance amounting to more than 4000 pesos to forty-seven girls; amounting to an average of 4,255 pesos each. In Castro Santa Anna, the contemporary chronicler, I have found only seven listed, but with total dowries of 60,000 pesos. In other accounts, the figure ranges from 144,000 to 190,000 pesos. Since the Count kept no regular balance sheet, it is difficult to determine the amount that he did contribute to nuns over the course of nearly thirty years. The 200,000 pesos referred to in the Manifiesto of Lic. Domínguez was probably based upon various amounts given to individual nuns, mostly relatives, who wrote requesting assistance, when their resources proved insufficient to provide minor luxuries such as chocolate. RT, “Cartas de Monjas …” passim.
21 One new convent of the first order of Clares did open in Oaxcaca in 1775. Muriel de la Torre, Conventos de monjas, p. 247.
22 Carmen Velázquez, María del, “Estableciemiento y pérdida del Septentrión de Nueva España” Centro de Estudios Históricos N.S. (México: El Colegio de Mexico, 1974)Google Scholar. Bolton, Herbert Eugene, “The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanish American Colonies,” American Historical Review 23 (Oct. 1971) 42–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
23 BN/FF no. 15 “Testimonio do los Autos fecho a pedimento de Dn. Pedro Romero de Terreros, cavallero del Militar Ordn de Calatrava sobre que se le admite la obligacn que haze de mantener de todo lo necessario las Missiones que se fundaren en los confines, y terminos de la Prov. de Cohaguila siguiendo el rumbo del Norte bajo de las condiciones que expresa—1756–58.”
24 Edward Dunn, William, “The Apache Mission on the San Sabá River: Its Founding and Failure,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 17 (1913–14), 379–414 Google Scholar; Weddle, Robert S., The San Sabá Mission: Spanish Pivot in Texas (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964).Google Scholar
25 It has been suggested that Romero de Terreros offered to support the missions because he had an interest in the possible exploitation of silver mines in the region of San Sabá. It has now been proved that he could not have known of this resource until after he had already supported the mission. See Byrd Simpson, Lesley, ed. The San Sabá Papers: A Documentary Account of the Founding and Destruction of the San Sabá Mission, Tr. Nathan, Paul A. (San Francisco: J. Howell Books, 1959) p. 151.Google Scholar “Miranda’s Inspection of Los Alambres,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 24, No. 2 (October, 1970) 223–254.
26 RT, “Libro de Caja,” f. 164.
27 BN, FF #12. “Testimonio do los Autos fechos a pedimento de D. Pedro Romero de Terreros…. sobre que se le admita la obligación … de mantener de todo lo necessario las Missiones … 1756–58.” 9v–10r.
28 UT, Hackett Transcripts: Box 394, Vol 321. Letter from Arriaga and Amarillas to the King dated 13 September, 1758. Also AGN, Correspondencia Virreyes, April 21, 1759.
29 Doris Ladd, “The Mexican Nobility …,” p. 98, and Hector Samperio Gutiérrez, “El Colegio apostólico de San Francisco de Pachuca y sus segundas ‘Constituciones Municipales’,” Teotlalpanl (Enero-Abril, 1973) 59.
30 Eugene Bolton, Herbert, Texas in the Mid-Eighteenth Century (New York: Russell & Russell, 1962) p. 13.Google Scholar
31 The chantry was founded on March 9, 1764. PCR, Folder 94.
32 RT, “Los Segundos Condes de Regla …” At least once during his life, Pedro Romero de Terreros had sought the names of all of his Spanish relatives and sent them each a gift graduated according to the degrees of consanguinity. He gave away 4600 pesos in this way. RT, “Los Primeros Condes de Regla …” 1803 copy of document.
33 Santa Anna, Castro, Documentos …, IV, 123–24.Google Scholar
34 Doris Ladd, “The Mexican Nobility …” p. 100; RT, “Cartas de Marqués de Croix a Conde de Jala,” Nov. 1791. AGN, Vinculos, 59, exp. 6.
35 Macias, Anna, Génesis del gobierno constitucional en México: 1808–1820 (México: SepSetentas, 1973), pp. 59–60.Google Scholar
36 PCR, Folder 94.
37 Manuel Romero de Terreros, El Conde de Regla …, pp. 120–121. RT, “Los Primeros Condes de Regla…” 14 of March, 1769. Bucareli a Don Julian de Arriaga, 27 de Agosto 1773, en Romulo Velasco y Ceballos, ed. La Administración de … Bucareli, I, 162–63.
38 Rumeu de Armas, Historia de la previsión social, pp. 418–419.
39 Lucas Alamán, “Disertaciones…” en Obras VIII, 382. Concepción Pajarón Parody en José Antonio Calderón Quijano, ed. Los Virreyes de Nueva España en el reinado de Carlos III (Seville: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Hispano-Americanos, No. 177, 1967) Vol.II, pp.582–586.
40 Villamil, Antonio, El Monte de Piedad (México: Ignacio Escalante, 1877).Google Scholar AGN, Historia contains four legajos dealing with the foundation and the bureaucratic operations of the Monte de Piedad; Vols. 275, 276, 303, 322.
41 Villamil, El Monte de Piedad, p. 44.
42 Rubio, Dario, El Nacional Monte de Piedad, (México: Talleres Gráficos de la Cía Editora, 1949) pp. 23–26.Google Scholar
43 Statement by Mariano Velasco, Sub-Director of the Monte de Piedad; AGN, Historia, ffs 303, 334 r.
44 Marroquí, José, Historia de la Ciudad de Mexico III Vols. (México: La Europea de Aguilar, 1900–1903) II, 449–451.Google Scholar
45 RT, “Cartas de Monjas …” Contains a series of requests for assistance, and thanks for the assistance which was received. His contributions to the building of the chapel at Guadalupe. RT, “Primeros Condes de Regla …” In his funeral oration, it was noted that “there were few establishments in Mexico that have not received proof of his generosity …” Ruiz de Villafranca, Llanto de la religión.
46 RT, “Primeros Condes de Regla …” Also, the contribution to Querétaro is listed in his ledger, or Libro de Caja, f:111 v. Manuel Romero de Terreros, El conde de Regla, pp. 119–120.
47 de Regla, Duque, Biografía de don Pedro Romero de Terreros, Primer Conde de Regla (Madrid: 1851)Google Scholar; Benito Pérez Galdos, Trafalgar, p. 219. Tr. by Clara Bell (New York: Gottesberger, 1884). RT, “Cartas de Marques de San Cristobal,” of 1786, when he writes of his trip to the village of Regla near Havana to view the battleship. Manual Romero de Terreros, El Conde de Regla, pp. 136–38.
48 Azcue Mancera, Luís, et al. Catálogo de construcciones religiosas del estado de Hidalgo, II Vols. (México: Tallares Gráficos de la Nacion, 1942) II, 56 Google Scholar: The library was allegedly lost in a storm at sea. The Pachuca Franciscans originated in the strict discalzed order, and the severity of the original architecture reflected this. The Count of Regla used his influence in having the friary transformed into a colegio. He had their statutes printed in Madrid in 1772, and was appointed their síndico in the same year. Samperio, Hector, “El Colegio … de San Francisco de Pachuca …” and Bullas apostolicas a favor de los missionieros del Orden seraphico … expensas del Senor Conde de Regla, Don Pedro Romero de Terreros y solicitud del Colegio apostólico de N. Padre San Francisco de Pachuca en la Nueva España con los estatutos y ordenaciones de dicho colegio. (Madrid: Francisco Xavier Garcia, 1772).Google Scholar
49 RT, Libro de Caja.
50 The larger figure includes 200,000 pesos for the battleship Regla, which is included only in one statement of merits and services. Other sources indicate that the amount is not known. Only research in Spain can resolve this question. The following list summarizes the contributions:
1. 144,000 for dowries.
2. 40,000 for San Fernando.
3. 43,000 for Texas missions.
4. 80,000 to the Pachuca Colegio.
5. 3000 to the construction of the Mexico City Sagrario church.
6. 4000 to the hospicio.
7. 200,000 for the battleship?
8. 300,000 for the Monte de Piedad.