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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
Few topics if any have perplexed Peruvian thinkers in the twentieth century as much as why the indigenous population has not been more fully incorporated into the nation. While the question has been posed in a number of ways from a variety of perspectives and disciplines, changing greatly over the decades, all agree that the indigenous population has not, as of the late twentieth century, been granted the rights and dignity implied by the term citizenship. Although the question has been addressed in literature, the social sciences and other academic disciplines, the answer is ultimately historical. Most analysts cast an eye on the colonial period and pay particular attention to the War of Independence. For the indigenous population, continuity more than change marked the Andean republics' rupture with Spain. Well into the republican era, “Indians” continued to pay tribute, euphemistically renamed the Contribution, and thus continued to constitute a unique fiscal and political category.
I would like to thank Adam Warren for his very able research assistance. I would also like to acknowledge the comments and suggestions by Carlos Aguirre, A. J. Bauer, and Frank Safford, as well as the smart recommendations by the two anonymous readers.
1 Alberto Flores Galindo opens his magisterial Buscando un Inca with the following: “Jorge Basadre said that the “toma de conciencia” about the Indian has been the most important contribution of the Peruvian intelligentsia this century. The assertion is irrefutable.” Galindo, Alberto Flores, Buscando un Inca, 3rd ed. (Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1988), pp. 11–12.Google Scholar For quote, Basadre’s, see Perú: Problema y Posibilidad, 4th ed., (Lima: COTECSA, 1979), p. 326 Google Scholar and, for his thoughts on this change, pp. 325–332.
2 Revisionist works include Hünefeldt, Christine, Lucha por la tierra y protesta indígena: las comunidades indígenas del Perú entre Colonia y República (Bonn: Bonner Amerikanische Studien, 1982)Google Scholar; Méndez, Cecilia, “Incas Sí, Indios No. Apuntes para el estudio del nacionalismo criollo en el Perú,” documentos de trabajo, (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1993);Google Scholar Safford, Frank, “Race, Integration, and Progress: Elite Attitudes and the Indian in Colombia, 1750–1870,” Hispanic American Historical Review 71:1 (1991), 1–33;Google Scholar and Thurner, Mark, From Two Republics to One Divided: Contradictions of Postcolonial Nationmaking in Andean Peru (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997).Google Scholar
3 Key works on Liberalism include Hale, Charles A., Mexican Liberalism in the Age of Mora, 1821–1853 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968)Google Scholar; Love, Joseph and Jacobsen, Nils, eds., Guiding the Economic Hand: Economic Liberalism and the State in Latin American History (New York: Praeger, 1988)Google Scholar; Peloso, Vincent C. and Tenenbaum, Barbara A., eds., Liberals, Politics and Power: State Formation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1996);Google Scholar Safford, Frank, “Politics, ideology and society,” in Bethell, Leslie, ed. The Cambridge History of Latin America, vol. 3., (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).Google Scholar
4 Bonilla, Heraclio and Spalding, Karen, “La independencia en el Perú: las palabras y los hechos,” in Bonilla, Heraclio, ed., La Independencia en el Perú (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1972).Google Scholar See also Bonilla, Heraclio, “Estado y clases populares en el Perú de 1821,” in Ibid., 2nd ed., Lima, 1981.Google Scholar The most sophisticated critique was by Basadre, Jorge, El azar en la historia y sus límites (Lima: PVL, 1973).Google Scholar Other historians, many of them collaborators in the massive Colección Documental de la Independencia, reacted with less constraint (and foundation).
5 For a forthright statement on this, see Galindo, Alberto Flores, Aristocracia y plebe: Lima, 1760–1830 (Lima: mosca azul editores, 1984), p. 227.Google Scholar While important works have been published, many important questions remain. Historians have not taken full advantage of the tens of thousands of documents published in the Colección Documental del Perú and the debate prompted by Bonilla and Spalding.
6 Galindo, Flores, Aristocracia y plebe, pp. 207–229.Google Scholar For analyses of the complexity of the “Independence movement” in Mexico, see Guardino, Peter, Peasants, Politics, and the Formation of Mexico’s National State: Guerrero, 1800–1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996),Google Scholar esp. chapter 2; Young, Eric Van, “The Other Rebellion: A Social Profile of Popular Insurgency in Mexico, 1810–1815,” manuscript, 1995,Google Scholar as well as his many published articles. For a review of recent literature on the Independence period, see Uribe, Víctor M., “The Enigma of Latin American Independence: Analyses of the Last Ten Years,” Latin American Research Review 32:1 (1997), 236–255.Google Scholar
7 On the Great Fear, see Macera, Pablo, Tres etapas en el desarrollo de la conciencia nacional (Lima: Ediciones “Fanal,” 1955);Google Scholar and Galindo, Alberto Flores, “Tupac Amaru y la rebelión de 1780,” in Galindo, Flores, Tupac Amaru 11–1780 (Lima: Retablo de Papel Ediciones, 1976), pp. 305–310.Google Scholar On the repression, see this work by Galindo, Flores, and Mannheim, Bruce, The Language of the Inca since the European Invasion (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), pp. 74–77.Google Scholar This section summarizes arguments developed in Walker, Charles, “Voces Discordantes: Discursos Alternativos sobre el Indio a Fines de la Colonia,” in Walker, , ed., Entre la retórica y la insurgencia: las ideas y los movimientos sociales en los andes, siglo XVIII (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1996), pp. 89–112.Google Scholar
8 See Walker, “Voces Discordantes,” for numerous examples.
9 de la Vandera, Alonso Carrió, Reforma del Perú, prologue by Macera, Pablo, (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1966), pp. 4 Google Scholar and 97. Macera emphasizes the influence of the Great Rebellion in La Reforma. Studies on the Mercurio Peruano include Cañizares, Jorge, “La Utopía de Hipólito Unanue: comercio, naturaleza, y religion en el Perú,” in Cueto, Marcos, ed., Saberes Andinos: Ciencia y tecnología en Bolivia, Ecuador y Perú (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1995), pp. 91–108 Google Scholar; Clement, Jean-Pierre, Indices del Mercurio Peruano: 1790–1795, prologue by Nuñez, Estuardo, (Lima: Biblioteca Nacional, Instituto Nacional de Cultura, 1979);Google Scholar Macera, , Tres Etapas, 49–84.Google Scholar
10 “Descripción sucinta de la provincia o partido de Caxatambo, en que se trata por incidencia de la decadencia de las Minas, y de las causas de la despoblación del Reyno,” Mercurio Peruano, July 22, 1792, (Lima: Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, edición facsimilar, 1964), v. 5, p. 194. One curious element of the post-Tupac Amaru racial discourse is the emphasis on the purported passivity of the Indian, odd in light of the massive rebellion that had just shaken the empire and the enduring concern about another uprising.
11 Macera, Pablo, “El indio y sus intérpretes,” and “El indio visto por los criollos y españoles” Trabajos de Historia, 2 (Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura, 1977), pp. 303–316,Google Scholar and 317–324. See also Basadre, , El azar, pp. 199–206.Google Scholar Manuel Gamio used the term “sociological myopia.” Cited in Hale, , Mexican Liberalism, p. 219.Google Scholar See also Muratorio, Blanca, “Introducción: Discursos y Silencios sobre el Indio en la Conciencia Nacional,” in Muratorio, , ed., Imagenes e Imagineros. Representaciones de los Indígenas Ecuatorianos, Siglos XIX y XX (Quito: FLACSO-Ecuador, 1994), pp. 9–24;Google Scholar and Walker, Charles F., Smoldering Ashes: Cuzco and the Creation of Republican Peru, 1780–1840, forthcoming, Duke University Press.Google Scholar
12 On the utilitarian basis of this portrayal of the Indians, see Brading, David, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492–1867 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 477.Google Scholar
13 “Descripción sucinta,” Mercurio Peruano, July 22, 1792.
14 “Descripción de la provincia de Abancay,” Mercurio Peruano, tomo XII, p.151.
15 ibid., pp. 154–55.
16 See the important essay, Macera, Pablo, “Noticias sobre las enseñanza elemental en el Perú durante el siglo XVIII,” in Macera, Trabajos de Historia, 2, pp. 215–301;Google Scholar Eyzaguirre’s text, 283–301.
17 Anna, Timothy, The Fall of the Royal Government in Peru (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979), pp. 57–61;Google Scholar Eyzaguirre, Jaime, “Los sospechosos de infidelidad en la Lima de 1813,” Mercurio Peruano 333 (December 1954), 951–959;Google Scholar Fisher, John R., Government and Society in Colonial Peru: The Intendant System 1784–1814 (London: The Athlone Press, 1970), pp. 219–221.Google Scholar
18 See Eyzaguirre, Jaime, Archivo Epistolar de la Familia Eyzaguirre (Buenos Aires: Impresora Argentina, 1961), p. 161 Google Scholar, November 24, 1811, for an example of the correspondence he received.
19 In 1818, as the dividing line between Royalists and Patriots hardened, Eyzaguirre attempted to travel to Spain to defend himself. Pirates attacked his ship, however, forcing it to return to Peru where he remained until his death in 1821.
20 The quote is from the Sevillian José Pablo Valiente. Cited in Rieu-Millan, Marie Laure, Los diputados americanos en las cortes de Cádiz (Madrid: CSIC, 1990), pp. 111–Google Scholar12, an important source on this subject. See also de Armellada, Fray Cesáreo, La causa indígena americana en las Cortes de Cádiz (Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispánica, 1959).Google Scholar
21 See the works cited in no. 2 as well as Flores Galindo, Buscando un Inca. On Pumacahua, see Lynch, John, The Spanish-American Revolutions, 1808–1826 (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1973), pp. 157–188;Google Scholar Húnefeldt, , Lucha por la tierra, pp. 36–54;Google Scholar Canili, David, “Una visión andina: el levantamiento de Ocongate de 1815,” Histórica 12, 2 (1988), 133–159;Google Scholar Sala i Vila, Nuria, Y se armó el Tole Tole: Tributo indígena y movimientos sociales en el virreinato del Perú, 1784–1814 (Lima: 1ER José María Arguedas, 1996);Google Scholar Cahill, David and O’Phelan Godoy, Scarlett, “Forging their own History: Indian Insurgency in the Southern Peruvian Sierra, 1815,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 11, 2 (1992), 125–167;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Peralta Ruíz, Víctor, “Elecciones, constitucionalismo y revolución en el Cusco, 1809–1815,” in Malamud, Carlos , ed., Partidos Políticos y Elecciones en América Latina y la Península Ibérica, 1830–1930 (Madrid: Instituto Universitario Ortega y Gasset, 1996), vol. 1, pp. 83–111;Google Scholar Walker, , Smoldering Ashes, pp. 97–105.Google Scholar
22 Anna, , The Fall, pp. 176–238.Google Scholar
23 Presidents Santa Cruz (1826–27; 1836–39); José de la Mar (1827–28); and Agustín Gamarra (1829–33; 1838–41) are a few prominent military leaders of the Independence era who became Bolivian or Peruvian heads of state.
24 Throughout this section, I refer to four groups: Absolutists and Moderates within the Spanish camp and, above all, Republican (or Liberals) and Constitutional Monarchists within the Patriot forces.
25 Independence leaders in Argentina exiled him several times for his radical plans, which centered on a dictatorship balanced by a popular assembly. In Lima, he raised the wrath of Spaniards as well as Republicans opposed to his plans for a constitutional monarchy. He was murdered in Lima in 1825. See Basadre, , Historia de la República del Perú, 7th ed., vol. 1 (Lima: Editorial Universitaria, 1983), pp. 61–62.Google Scholar
26 Francisco Javier Mariátegui, cited in Basadre, Jorge, El azar, p. 162.Google Scholar For a review of the members, see Pacheco Vélez, César, “La Sociedad Patriótica de Lima, de 1822,” Revista Histórica XXI (1978), 18–20.Google Scholar
27 Bolívar mentioned a number of other reasons for this attitude towards Monteagudo. The letter is cited in Echagüe, Juan Pablo, Historia de Monteagudo (Buenos Aires: ESPASA, 1950),Google Scholar preface. The best history of this period remains Basadre, Jorge, La Iniciación de la república, 2 vols., (Lima: F. y E. Rosay, 1929).Google Scholar
28 The Society’s proceedings and some of its speeches are found in Odriozola, Manuel de, Documentos Literarios del Perú, tomo XI (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1877), pp. 417–496.Google Scholar The key speeches were published in El Sol del Perú (1822), reprinted in Alberto Tauro, ed., Colección Documental de la Independencia del Perú, (hereafter CDIP) tomo XXIII, vol. 1, Periódicos, (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971), (hereafter CDIP, Periódicos).
29 Vélez, Pacheco, “La Sociedad Patriótica,” p. 25.Google Scholar
30 Born in Arequipa in 1780, he had visited Spain in 1809, and was inspired by the Liberal opposition to Napoleon. See Tauro, Alberto, ed., Francisco Luna Pizarro: Escritos Políticos (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1959),Google Scholar prologue.
31 On Moreno, see Martínez Riaza, Ascención, La Prensa Doctrinal en la Independencia del Perú, 1811–1824 (Madrid: Instituto de Cooperación Iberoamericana, 1985), pp. 69–70.Google Scholar Francisco Javier Mariátegui, who kept the records of the Sociedad, claimed that Moreno was known in Peru for his “godismo, servility and his opposition to everything worthy and capable of exalting man.” He also called Moreno’s speech “long and tiresome.” Mariátegui, Francisco Javier, “Anotaciones a la historia del Perú independiente,” CDIP, 26, 2, Memorias, Diarios y Crónicas, pp. 112 and 113.Google Scholar
32 Odriozola, , Documentos Literarios, 11, p. 424.Google Scholar
33 CDIP, Periódicos, El Sol del Perú, no. 3, March 28, 1822, p. 2 (360). Bernardo Monteagudo made many of these same points, the essence of Conservative thought well into the republic, in his memoirs. For example, he contended that “The happiness of the various races that populates Peru does not consist in them having a more or less immediate part in the exercise of national power, but rather in living under a government that favors the development of their abilities, that facilitates the means to purchase, and guarantees them the security to enjoy the fruit of their talents, efforts, and work.” Monteagudo, Bernardo, Memoria sobre los principios políticos que seguí en la administración del Perú y acontecimientos posteriores a mi separación (Mexico, Imprenta de la Testamentaria del Finado Valdés, 1834).Google Scholar Series title: “La sombra de Moctheuzoma Xocoyotzin, suplemento num. 1.”
34 CDIP, Periódicos, El Sol del Perú, no. 3, March 28, 1822, pp. 2–3 (360–361).
35 On Garcilaso de la Vega’s influence on late colonial thinkers, see Galindo, Alberto Flores, Buscando un Inca, pp. 49–53 Google Scholar and 130–133, and Rowe, John H., “El movimiento nacional inca del siglo XVIII,” in Galindo, Flores, Tupac Amaru II, pp. 13–66.Google Scholar Brading called the publication of the second edition of the Comentarios in 1722 “an incendiary event” for the Indian gentry. Brading, The First America, p. 490.
36 Pérez de Tudela defended many important figures accused of conspiring against the Spanish, including Manuel Ubalde, El Conde de la Vega del Ren, and José Mariano de la Riva Agüero. For years, the colonial state had suspected him of Patriot sympathies. Like many republicans, he had studied at Colegio San Carlos. Anna, , The Fall, p. 42;Google Scholar Tauro, Alberto, Diccionario Enciclopédica del Perú, tomo II, (Lima: Editorial Mejía Baca, 1966), pp. 525–526.Google Scholar
37 Vélez, Pacheco, “La Sociedad Patriótica,” p. 28.Google Scholar Jorge Basadre argued that the Patriotic Society constituted the first victory upon Independence of a Liberal opposition against the fatalist arguments of those “from above.” He also emphasized the important role of the audience which loudly supported the Liberals. Jorge Basadre, prologue to Távara, Santiago, Historia de los Partidos, edited by Basadre, Jorge and Luna, Félix Denegri, eds., (Lima: Editorial Huascarán, 1951),Google Scholar LI.
38 CDIP, Periódicos, El Sol del Perú, no. 4, April 4, 1822, p. 3 (365).
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid. The publication of the detailed summary of this speech prompted controversy and censorship. Monteagudo confiscated this issue of El Sol and had another issue no. 4 printed, dated April 12. The new issue included an article about the dangers of “excessive freedom of the press.” Vélez, Pacheco, “La Sociedad Patriótica,” pp. 31–32;Google Scholar for the new edition, see CDIP, Periódicos, El Sol del Perú, pp. 367–370.
41 CDIP, Periódicos, El Sol del Perù, no. 4, April 4 1822, p. 3 (365). Light metaphors are ubiquitous in this period.
42 Born in 1782, Arce’s support for the more radical elements of the Pumacahua Rebellion had earned him exile to Chile in 1815. Tauro, , Diccionario Enciclopédia, tomo I, p. 113.Google Scholar On Arce, see Barrenechea, Raúl Porras, Los ideólogos de la Independencia (Lima: Editorial Milla Batres, 1974), pp. 49–114.Google Scholar
43 Odriozola, , Documentos Literarios, 11, p. 431.Google Scholar
44 Ibid., p. 432. Arce is referring to Ferdinand VII, who when restored to the throne in late 1814, quickly dismantled Liberal reforms and aspirations that had taken hold during the resistance to the French.
45 Vélez, Pacheco, “La Sociedad Patriótica,” p. 31.Google Scholar
46 On Sánchez Carrión, see Barrenechea, Porras, Los ideólogos, pp. 1–48;Google Scholar Basadre, Jorge, Peruanos del siglo xix (Lima: Rikchay Perú, 1981), pp. 185–193;Google Scholar CDIP, Tomo 1, Los Ideólogos, vol. 9, “Sánchez Carrión, José Faustino,” edited by Tamayo, Augusto Vargas and Vélez, César Pacheco, eds., (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971).Google Scholar Basadre dismisses speculation that Sánchez Carrión had Monteagudo murdered and that Bolívar had poisoned Sánchez Carrión.
47 The first paragraph was published in the Correo Mercantil, Político y Literario but Monteagudo stopped its complete publication. It was subsequently released in the newspaper La Abeja Republicana (August 15, 1822). On its reading, see Vélez, Pacheco, “La Sociedad Patriótica,” pp. 34–35.Google Scholar
48 CDIP, Los Ideólogos, vol. 9, “Sánchez Carrión,” p. 353.
49 Ibid., p. 356.
50 Macera, Pablo, “El Periodismo en la Independencia” Trabajos de Historia, 2, pp. 338–39.Google Scholar This paper was published from the Royalists' last refuge in the San Felipe Castle in the port of Callao.
51 El Triunfo de la Nación, no. 32, June 1, 1821, in CDIP, Periódicos, p. 147. La Serna took power in the name of the Spanish Constitution. For an intelligent discussion of terms such as país and nación, see Quijada, Mónica, “Que nación? Dinómicas y dicotomías de la nación en el imaginario hispanoamericano del siglo XIX,” in Guerra, Francois-Xavier y Quijada, Monica, Imaginar la nación. (Munster, Hamburg: AHILA, 1994).Google Scholar
52 CDIP, Periódicos, p. 427. This volume includes El Pacificador, El Triunfo de la Nación, El Americano, Los Andes Libres, and El Sol del Perú.
53 Riaza, Martínez, La Prensa, pp. 199–206.Google Scholar See also Macera’s articles cited above; Méndez, “Incas Sí.”
54 See Galindo, Alberto Flores, “Soldados y Montoneros,” for an examination of the invocation of the Incas in the War of Independence. Galindo, Flores, Buscando un Inca, pp. 243–256.Google Scholar
55 On the eighteenth century, see Brading, The First America, pp. 553–58; Pagden, Anthony, Spanish Imperialism and the Political Imagination (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), pp. 91–153.Google Scholar For debates in the Independence period and their repercussions, see de Losada, Cristobal Aljovín, “Representative Government in Peru: Fiction and Reality, 1821–1845,” Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1996 Google Scholar, esp. chapter 4.
56 Los Andes Libres, no. 2, July 31, 1821. CDIP, Periódicos XXIII, pp. 1 and 261.
57 Macera, , “El Periodismo”; Riaza, Martínez, La Prensa.Google Scholar
58 Anna, , The Fall, p. 17.Google Scholar
59 Anna, The Fall, passim, and Galindo, Flores, Aristocracia y plebe, esp. 209–229.Google Scholar
60 For an important overview, see Jacobsen, Nils, “Liberalism and Indian Communities in Peru, 1821–1920,” in Jackson, Robert H., ed., Liberals, the Church, and Indian Peasants: Corporate Lands and the Challenge of Reform in Nineteenth-Century Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), pp. 123–170.Google Scholar
61 See Hale, , Mexican Liberalism; Safford,Google Scholar “Race, Integration.”
62 On Indians in the early republican Peru, see Méndez, “Incas Sí”; Thurner, From Two. For interesting comparisons, see Platt, Tristan, Estado boliviano y ayllu andino (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1982);Google Scholar Safford, “Race, Integration.”
63 Favre, Henri, “Bolívar y los indios,” Histórica 10, 1 (1986), 1–18;Google Scholar Pagden, , Spanish Imperialism, pp. 133–153.Google Scholar