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Militarism and Ethnicity in the Sierra de Puebla, Mexico*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Extract

Perhaps the most enduring image of the Zapatista uprising, which began in Chiapas on 1 January 1994, is the masked figure of Subcomandante Marcos. Running a close second, however, would be the sight of this makeshift army filing past delegates at the opening of the Conventión Nacional Democrática in the Lancandona later the same year. Men, women and youths with their wooden rifles for weapons, dignity and silent determination as ammunition. They were not the first, and I dare say will not be the last, indigenous movement in Mexico to be driven to violence in defense of their rights. The state's firm response to the uprising was predictable and illustrates the most common reaction to the specter of an Indian with a gun in his hand. Ironically, the Mexican army has carried out such repression with a rank and file comprised largely of youths from indigenous backgrounds. These young men see enlistment as one of the few escapes from the rural poverty that did much to foster the Zapatista rebellion in the first place. Thus, an armed Indian per se is not a problem; it is merely when this person acts autonomously that the trouble begins.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1999

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Footnotes

*

I would like to express my thanks to Claire Brewster and David LaFrance for their many constructive suggestions upon how I might improve this article.

References

1 See Boils, Guillermo, Los Militares y la política en México (Mexico: Ediciones “El Caballito,” 1975).Google Scholar

2 Interview with Demetrio Barrios’s son, Vicente Barrios Vargas, 25 November 1993, Zacatlán.

3 Interview with Gabriel Barrios Cabrera’s son, José María Barrios Nava, 6 November 1993, Tonalapa, Tétela de Ocampo.

4 This article does not attempt to engage in the ethereal, albeit important, question of what constitutes an “Indian.” Such a definition is subjective, open to manipulation, and is perhaps best judged in terms of a range of characteristics that distinguish indigenous communities from a mainstream, mestizo, urban-based society. As this article deals with indigenous military recruitment, it assumes a definition most likely held by senior officers in the Guerra y Marina. As such, “Indian” is taken to mean those for whom, by their language, dress, society and culture were seen as being outside both urban and provincial mestizo society. Such a definition might well include groups more accurately seen as mestizo campesinos. In strictly racial terms, Gabriel Barrios should be described as a mestizo because his father was mestizo and his mother, Nahua. Yet he was brought up within a Nahua community, never fully mastered Spanish, understood and respected Nahua values, wore traje de manta, and shunned the trappings of urban life in preference for the rural environment of his childhood. Consequently, local mestizos and military commanders in Puebla City and Mexico City saw him as a Nahua commander of Nahua troops.

5 Archer, Criston, The Army in Bourbon Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1977), p. 292.Google Scholar

6 DePalo, William A. Jr., The Mexican National Army, 1822–1852 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1997), p. 140. Google Scholar

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8 Hu-DeHart, Evelyn, Yaqui Resistance and Survival (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984), p. 9.Google Scholar

9 Archivo de la Defensa Nacional (hereafter ADN), H, XI/333-21/43. Historia de la unidad—46/o BTN. INF. This file provides an overview of the battalion’s military history from 1917 to 1942. See also ADN, C, XI/III/2-1301 and ADN, C, XI/III/2-1145. The army continued to be known as the Brigada Serrana until 1919, when it adopted various titles until becoming incorporated into the federal army as the 46th Infantry Battalion in January 1922.

10 Thomson, , “Popular Aspects,” Mallon, Florencia, Peasant and Nation: The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).Google Scholar

11 See Joseph, Gilbert M. & Nugent, Daniel (eds.), Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1994).Google Scholar

12 Scott, James C., Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985);Google Scholar Taylor, William B., Drinking, Homicide and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979).Google Scholar The degree to which the decision to rebel was moti-vated by opportunism or frustration varied from one case to the next and depended, among other things, upon the success of more peaceful forms of protest.

13 Guardino, Peter, Peasants, Politics, and the Formation of Mexico’s National State: Guerrero 1800–1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 42.Google Scholar

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19 Rus, Jan, “Whose Caste War? Indians, Ladinos, and the Chiapas ‘Caste War’ of 1869” in MacLeod, Murdo J. & Wasserstrom, Robert, Spaniards and Indians in Southeastern Mesoamerica (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), pp. 127168.Google Scholar

20 Although nineteenth-century mestizo migration to Zacapoaxtla did cause a degree of ethnic conflict, this was the exception rather than the rule. See Thomson, Guy P.C., “Agrarian Conflict in the Municipality of Cuetzalán (Sierra de Puebla): The Rise and Fall of ‘Pala’ Agustín Dieguillo, 1861’1894,” Hispanic American Historical Review 71:2 (1991), 205258.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

21 Thomson, , “Popular Aspects,” p. 282.Google Scholar

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23 Joseph, Gilbert M., Revolution front Without: Yucatán, Mexico, and the United States, 1880–1924 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 2022 Google Scholar; Rugeley, , Yucatan’s Maya Peasantry, pp. 181–86.Google Scholar

24 Knight, Alan, The Mexican Revolution, vol. 2 (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska, 1986), p. 79.Google Scholar

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26 Knight, , The Mexican Revolution, vol. 2, p. 375.Google Scholar

27 Camín, Héctor Aguilar, “The Relevant Tradition: Sonoran Leaders in the Revolution,” in Brading, David (ed.), Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p. 95.Google Scholar

28 ADN, C–64: D/III/2–425, tomo 2, f. 384. Any suggestion that Lucas stipulated these conditions seems improbable. He had high hopes for his sons and would have been incensed by the report’s derogatory remarks concerning their characters. Abraham Lucas was deemed too young and unsuited to military command, while Miguel Lucas’s judgement was reputedly adversely affected by his abuse of alcohol.

29 LaFrance, David and Thomson, Guy, “Juan Francisco Lucas: Patriarch of the Sierra Norte de Puebla” in Beezley, William H. and Ewell, Judith, ed., The Human Tradition in Latin America (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1987), pp. 113;Google Scholar Brewster, Keith, Caciquismo in Post-Revolutionary Mexico: The Case of Gabriel Barrios Cabrera in the Sierra Norte de Puebla (Ph.D. diss., University of Warwick, 1995), 30.Google Scholar

30 ADN, H, XI/481.5/224, c. 121, (1918), f. 88. See letter dated 26 February 1918 from Cabrera to Carranza. Cabrera’s criticism may have been partly motivated by what Henderson portrays as a battle of wills between the state governor and the jefe de operaciones militares in Puebla, General Cesáreo Castro. See Henderson, Timothy, The Worm in the Wheat (Durham and London, Duke University Press, 1998), pp. 7879.Google Scholar

31 ADN, C, XI/III/4–5129, tomo 1, f. 211. While, in theory, leadership of the Brigade was split between Barrios and the mestizo officer, Tranquilino Quintero, it soon became clear that the Guerra y Marina favored Barrios. Quintero was given command of a division on the far side of the Sierra and within 15 months had been replaced by Barrios’s brother Demetrio.

32 For more details of Barrios’s background see: Brewster, Keith, “Caciquismo in Rural Mexico during the 1920s: The Case of Gabriel Barrios,” Journal of Latin American Studies 28 (1996), 105128;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Brewster, , Caciquismo in Post-Revolutionary Mexico, pp. 2841.Google Scholar

33 ADN, C, XI/III/2–1145, tomo 1, ff. 223, 236–7, 244–5.

34 ADN, C, XI/HI/2–1145, tomo 1, f. 150.

35 ADN, C, XWII/2–1145, tomo 1, ff. 93–7; ADN, C, XI/III/2–754, tomo 1, ff. 21–46.

36 For a brief analysis of Puebla politics during the 1920s see: López, Rogelio Sánchez, La Institutionalization. Una historia de los derrotados: Puebla 1929–1932 (Master’s thesis, Universidad Autónoma de Puebla: Puebla, 1992).Google Scholar

37 Archivo General de la Nación (hereafter AGN), O–C, 826–H–9. Although his name is usually quoted as Maycotte, headed and signed personal correspondence in 1921 show him using the surname Maicotte. (See letter dated 7 September 1921.)

38 Excélsior, 4 January 1924, no. 2483, p. 1.

39 AGN, O–C, 241–W–L–25; ADN, C, XI/III/2–1145, f. 233; Biblioteca Luis Cabrera, Zacatlán, RHAM archive (hereafter BLC.RHAM), Caja 1924. Telegrammes received March-April 1924.

40 BLC.RHAM. Caja 1927. Telegrammes for October 1927.

41 For a synopsis of her argument see: Mallon, , Peasant and Nation, p. 120.Google Scholar

42 See Brewster, Keith, “Gabriel Barrios Cabrera: The anti-agrarian friend of the Campesino”, Bulletin of Latin American Studies 17:3 (1998), 263283.Google Scholar

43 Mallon, , Peasant and Nation, p. 317.Google Scholar

44 ADN, C, XI/III/2–1145, tomo 3, ff. 610, 651; BLC.RHAM. Caja 1930. Telegrammes for February 1930. See telegramme from Coronel Escobedo to Demetrio Barrios dated 24 February 1930; La Opinión, 25 February 1930, no. 2122, p. 1; La Opinión, 20 April 1930, no. 2174, p. 4; La Opinión, 15 June 1930, no. 2231, p. 4; La Opinión, 28 June 1930, no. 2239, p. 4.

45 La Opinión, 28 May 1930, no. 2213, p. 1.

46 La Opinión, 20 November 1929, no. 2027, p. 1.

47 La Opinión, 19 February 1930, no. 2116, p. 1; La Opinión, 1 April 1930, no. 2157, p. 4.

48 Interview with Vicente Barrios Vargas, 25 November, 1993, Zacatlán; interview with José María Barrios Nava, 6 November 1993, Tonalapa, Tetela de Ocampo.

49 Universal Ilustrado, 4 November 1926, pp. 22, 58; quoted by Timmons, Patrick, The Only Good Indian is an Educated Indian: Cultural Politics and Indigenismo in 1920s Mexico (Master’s diss., University of Cambridge, 1998).Google Scholar

50 Chevalier, Jacques M. and Buckles, Daniel, A Land without Gods: Process Theory, Maldevelopment and the Mexican Nahuas (London: Zed Books, 1995).Google Scholar

51 Such a hypothesis was argued by Díaz, Carlos Tello (author of Chiapas: La rebelión de Las Cañadas (Madrid: Acentro Editorial, 1995)Google Scholar in a seminar at the Centre of Latin American Studies, University of Cambridge, on 2 March 1998.