¹ A comprehensive study on the origins and functioning of these colleges is found in Saiz, Félix, Los Colegios de Propaganda Fide en Hispanoamérica (2d. ed., Lima, n.p., 1992).Google Scholar

² It is no surprise that very little information remains on this Province. The now rare book of Carrillo, Crescencio y Ancona, , Estudio Histórico sobre la Extinción de la Orden Franciscana en Yucatán (Mérida, Yucatán, 1883), is the only source to follow the rapid disappearance of the Franciscans in the early nineteenth century Yucatán.Google Scholar

³ The Franciscan Order had been losing vitality since mid-eighteenth century, but the decline was not as drastic as in nineteenth century. Comparing the data of 1746 with that of 1786 it can be noted that the greater loss had been in the number of monasteries due to the “doctrinas” secularization. There were 251 monasteries in 1746 while in 1786 only 125 remained. Regarding the number of friars, it seems that a certain equilibrium was maintained. Vocations were beginning to decline but there were a considerable number of friars coming from Spain, as it would be pointed out in this article. Cf. Morales, Francisco, “Sociodemografía de la Orden Franciscana en América,” Actas del I Congreso Internacional sobre los Franciscanos en el Nuevo Mundo (Madrid: Editorial Deimos, 1987), pp. 475–510.Google Scholar

⁴ For a survey of present research of Church history in Mexico see Morales, Francisco, “Historia de la Iglesia en México. 20 años de historiografía, 1968–1988.” Memorias del Simposio de Historiografía Mexicanista (México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1990), pp. 438–441.Google Scholar

⁵ García, José Oro presents an excellent survey of these reform movements in “Conventualismo y Reforma,” Historia de la Iglesia en España, vol. 3 (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1980), pp. 211–350.Google Scholar For the influence of these movements on the Franciscans in America see from the same author, Prehistoria y primeros capítulos de la Evangelización de América (Caracas: Editiones Trípode, 1988). West, Delmo in “Medieval ideas of Apocalyptic Mission and the early Franciscans in New Spain,” The Americas 45 (January, 1989), 293–314 CrossRefGoogle Scholar offers an important survey for English readers. Rubial, Antonio, La hermana pobreza. El Franciscanismo: de la Edad Media a la evangelización novohispana (México: UNAM, 1996),Google Scholar studies in particular the case of Mexico.

⁶ Part of these ideals have been documented in Morales, Francisco, “Secularización de doctrinas. Fin de un modelo evangelizador en la Nueva España,” Actas del IV Congreso Internacional sobre Franciscanos en el Nuevo Mundo (Madrid: Deimos, 1992), pp. 465–495.Google Scholar Rubial documents the topic on poverty in La pobreza franciscana, pp. 133–146.

⁷ Take as an example the monumental Franciscan architecture of that period—Cholula, Huejotzingo—though if we are to believe some sixteenth century sources, it should be pointed out that the enthusiasm for large and splendid buildings apparently came not only from the friars, but also from the Indians. Among other documents see the letter from the Caciques of Cholula to Charles V, where it is stated that “At our own expense we have built a Church and monastery for the divine worship, of such sumptuousness and magnitude that it is one of the most costly in all New Spain, more 20,000 golden pesos, not including our work and industry, having spent on it.” Cholula, January 18, 1552. Archivo general de Indias (Seville, Spain. Henceforth AGI), México 94.

⁸ The bibliography on this subject keeps growing. To the classical works of Ricard, Robert, La Conquista Espiritual de México (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1986),Google Scholar and Cañedo, Lino Gómez, Evangelización y Conquista (México: Editorial Porrúa, 1977),Google Scholar we have to add the new approaches such as Gruzinski, Serge, Man-Gods in the Mexican Highlands: Indian power and Colonial Society, 1520–1800 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989),Google Scholar Burkhart, Louise M., The Slippery Earth. Nahua-Christian Moral Dialogue in Sixteenth Century Mexico (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1990),Google Scholar and the excellent chapter on religious life of Lockhart, James, The Nahuas After the Conquest. A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth Through Eighteenth Centuries (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992).Google Scholar

⁹ Cf. Morales, , “Secularización de Doctrinas,” Actas del IV Congreso Internacional, principally pp. 475–495.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Statistics on the number of friars from 1750 on are scattered in Fondo Franciscano, Archivo Histórico, Museo Nacional de Antropología e Historia (Mexico City. Henceforth FF, AHM-NAH) See particularly vol. 134 ff. 1–12, 16–21, 35–38, 40,49, 56–62, and 84–89. On the number of monasteries during the seventeenth century see Morales, Francisco, “Los Franciscanos y los pueblos indígenas en México, siglo XVII.” Actas del III Congreso Internacional sobre los Franciscanos en el Nuevo Mundo (Madrid: editorial Deimos, 1991), pp. 773–811.Google Scholar

¹¹ Real cédula de Fernando VI, el Buen Retiro, October 4, 1749, AGN, Reales Cédulas, vol. 69, exp. 103 and 104.

¹² As an example of the various activities in the Indian towns see the “directorios de conventos” where the friars’ assignments are described in a daily basis. A short “directorio” is published in Morales, ’Franciscanos y pueblos Indígenas,” pp. 805–811.

¹³ Much remains to be said on the new direction the General minister of the Order, fray Francisco de Los Angeles Quiñones, gave to the Order in Mexico. His famous “Obedience” included the following express command: “If you have defrauded anyone [due to your cloistered life] you should now pay back four times as much [with your missionary life] … shedding your blood in the name of Christ, if necessary, for the salvation of souls.” See Meseguer, Juan Hernández, “Contenido misionológico de la Obediencia e instrucción de fray Francisco de los Angeles a los Doce Apóstoles de Mexico,” The Americas, 11 (1955), 473–500.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The case of the Santo Evangelio Province is studied by Morales, Francisco, Ethnic and Social Background of the Franciscan Friars in Seventeenth Century Mexico (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1973), pp. 54–75.Google Scholar For the rest of the Mexican provinces see from the same author, “Sociodemografía de la Orden Franciscana en América,” Actas del I Congreso Internacional sobre los Franciscanos en el Nuevo Mundo (Madrid: editorial Deimos, 1985), pp. 475–510.

¹⁵ This presence was justified by two reasons, the “Alternativa” compromises by which Spanish and native Franciscans agreed to alternate in the principal offices of provincial government, and the continuous advance of the Provinces into the northern New Spain which demanded extra personnel. The “Alternativa” was a common practice not only among the Franciscan provinces in the New World but also in rest of the religious Orders. Unfortunately Latin American historians have put little attention to it. For Mexico, see Morales, , Ethnic and Social Background, pp. 54–75.Google Scholar For Peru see, Tibesar, Antonine, “The Alternativa: A Study in Spanish-Creole Relations in Seventeenth Century Peru,” The Americas, 11 (1955), 229–283.CrossRefGoogle Scholar A study of the distribution of Spanish Franciscans in the Provinces remains to be done. Friars coming from Spain were distributed in accordance to the way in which their travel expenses were paid. Friars traveling at the royal treasurer’s expense had to go the missions for a period of ten years; those traveling at the Provinces’ expense could stay in the cities for the offices of the Alternativa. In 1784 out of the 60 Spanish Franciscans 38 were in the missions (16 in New Mexico and 22 in Panuco). “Nómina de los religiosos de la provincia del Santo Evangelio,” Ms., vol., 134, ff. 259–270, FF AHMNAH.

¹⁶ Borges, Pedro, “Análisis sociológico de las expediciones de misioneros franciscanos a América,” Actas del I Congreso Internacional sobre los Franciscanos en el Nuevo Mundo (Madrid: editorial Deimos, 1985), pp. 443–471.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Santiago de Jalisco province in 1669 had 164 friars out of whom only 51 were Spaniards. The same year Zacatecas province reported 146 members including 36 Spaniards. Data available for Michoacán shows 136 Mexican friars and 26 Spaniards by the end of seventeenth century. Santo Evangelio, during the same century received only 175 Spanish missionaries, while accepted 2,281 novices. Morales, , Ethnic and Social, pp. 73–74.Google Scholar See also FF AHMNAH, vol. 134, ff. 101–102, 106–109, and 116–117.

¹⁸ According to Borges, Pedro 865 Spanish friars came to Mexico between 1750 and 1799, El envío de misioneros a América durante la época Española (Salamanca: Universidad Pontificia, 1977).Google Scholar This is the largest number of friars to arrive in the Mexican provinces during any comparable span of years. That number had only been surpassed during the 75 years of the sixteenth century when 1,095 friars arrived.

¹⁹ A general survey on the Jesuit's replacement by the Franciscans is needed. For Sonora and Arizona see McCarty, Kieran, A Spanish Frontier in the Enlightened Age. Franciscan Beginnings in Sonora and Arizona (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1981).Google Scholar For California Lino Gómez Canedo, Un lustro de evangelización franciscana en Baja California (La Paz, Baja California: Dirección de Cultura, 1983).

²⁰ Data taken from “Libros de profesiones del convento de San Francisco,” FF AHNNAH, vols. 25, 26, and 27.

²¹ The text of this cédula is published by Cuevas, Mariano, Historia de la Iglesia en México, (5 vols., El Paso, Tex.: Editorial de la Revista Católica, 1928), 4:169.Google Scholar See Brading, David A., “Tridentine Catholicism and enlightened despotism in Bourbon Mexico,” Journal of Latin American Studies, 15 (1983), pp. 1–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Similar legislation was in the Franciscan Statutes for the Spanish American provinces at least since 1583. Thus, in that year the General Chapter of Toledo approved the age of 22 for candidates born in America in 1583. Estatutos Generales para la familia cismontana … recibidos y aprobados en el Capítulo General de Toledo, 1583 (México: Pedro Ocharte, 1585). Going through the records of the noviciates in the Mexican provinces we can see that such regulation was seldom put into practice. See Morales, , Ethnic and Social Background, pp. 58–67.Google Scholar

²² Letter of fray Manuel Nájera to the Council of Indies, Mexico, October 20, 1763. AGI, México, 2716.

²³ The ten towns providing more than one candidate are: Toluca 24 novices, Tlaxcala 13, Tezcoco 8, Veracruz 7, Huichiapan 6, Guanajuato 5, Pachuca 4, Atlixco 3, Jilotepec 3, Tlalma-nalco 3, Zacatecas 3, San Juan del Rto 2, Valladolid 2, Tecamachalco 2, Tlalnepantla 2, Atzca-posalco 2, Florida 2. To these we have to add three Spanish cities or probably regions: Viscaya 4 novices, Sevilla 4 and Navarra 2. Data taken from Francisco Antonio de la Rosa Figueroa, “Becerro general y chronológico de … esta santa provincia del Santo Evangelio …” Mss., Ayer Collection, Newberry Library, Chicago.

²⁴ The towns were Tezcoco with 3 candidates, Veracruz 3, Toluca 2, Córdoba 2, Orizaba 2, Huamantla 2, and Cádiz 4. Data from “Libro de Profesiones del convento de san Francisco de México,” FF AHMNAH, vol. 28 and “Libro de informaciones del convento de Puebla,” CodexSp 22, John Carter Brown Library, Providence, RI.

²⁵ A survey on these missions is found in Velarde, Benito López, Expansion goegráfica franciscana en el hoy norte central y oriental de México (México: editorial Progreso, 1964).Google Scholar

²⁶ See McCarty, Rieran, A Spanish Frontier in the Enlightened Age: Franciscan Beginnings in Sonora and Arizona, 1767–1700 (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1981)Google Scholar and Kessel, John L., Friars, Soldiers and Reformers: Hispanic Arizona and Sonora Mission Frontier, 1767–1856 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976).Google Scholar

²⁷ William L. Merril has been researching into this topic from some years. His project “The Life and Death of a Mission. The Franciscan Period in Mexico’s Sierra Tarahumara, 1767–1859” is well along and soon he will begin publishing its results.

²⁸ Cf. Pérez, Antolín Abad, “La reactividad misional en los últimos años del siglo XVIII,” Hispania Sacra, 41 (enero, 1989), 147–157.Google Scholar

²⁹ San Diego province was part of the reformed Franciscan group founded in Spain by Saint Peter of Alcantara in mid-sixteenth century. Their way of life, also known as “stricter observance” was committed to prayer, contemplation and a more rigid observance of the Franciscan poverty. For that reason their pastoral work was very limited. Cfr. “Constituciones de la Santa Provincia de San Diego … recopiladas … en el capítulo provincial del año de 1667,” Ms., Archivo Histórico de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio, Caja 159.

³⁰ The reason for the high percentage of missionary friars from the two Provinces as compared with those of San Fernando College is explained by the fact that the Provinces had to accept a higher number of missions, 28, than San Fernando, 8.

³¹ There is an ample bibliography on this topic. For a general survey cf. Riley, James D., “The Wealth of the Jesuits in Mexico, 1670–1767,” The Americas, 33 (October, 1976), 226–266.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³² For the Lower California Missions cf. Gómez Cañedo, Un lustro de administración franciscana. See also from the same author, Sonora hacia fines del siglo XVIII. Un informe del misionero Franciscano fray Francisco Antonio Barbastro, con otros documentos complementarios (Guadalajara: Libreria Font, 1971).

³³ Cf. “Informe general instruido en cumplimiento de la real orden de 31 de enero de 1794 sobre las misiones del reino de la Nueva España” published by Otto Mass in Las Ordenes religiosas…, 2:103–192.

³⁴ Cf. Archibald, Robert, The Economie Aspects of the California Missions (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1978).Google Scholar

³⁵ To the already mentioned work of Cañedo, Gómez Sonora hacia fines del siglo XVIII, must be added, from the same author, El Reformismo misional en Nuevo México, 1760–1768. Ilusiones secularizadoras del obispo Tamarón (Guadalajara: Universidad Autónoma de Guadalajara, 1981).Google Scholar

³⁶ Trujillo, Manuel María, Exhortación pastoral, avisos importantes, reglamentos útiles que para la mejor observancia de la disciplina regular e ilustración de la literatura en todas las Provincias y Colegios Apostólicos de América y Filipinas expone y publica a sus súbditos el Remo. P. Fr. Manuel María Trujillo … (Madrid: Por la Viuda de Ibarra, 1786), pp. 64–65.Google Scholar Trujillo’s document deserves an ample study. See Soto, José Luis, “Fray Manuel María Trujillo (1728–1814): un reformador Franciscano de la Epoca de la Ilustración,” (unpublished M.A. dissertation, Catholic University of America, 1978).Google Scholar

³⁷ “Nòmina de los religiosos que moran en este convento grande …” FF AHMNAH, vol. 134, ff. 16–21.

³⁸ Ibid., tt. 271.

³⁹ Fernando Ocaranza, Capítulos de la Historia Franciscana [Segunda serie] (Mexico: n.p., 1934), pp. 309–315.

⁴⁰ AGN, cédulas reales, vol. 115, exp. 126 and vol. 196, exp. 78.

⁴¹ Document partially published by Ocaranza, Fernando, Capítulos de la Historia Franciscana [primera serie] (México: n.p., 1933), pp. 441–445.Google Scholar

⁴² Libros de patentes del convento de Texcoco, 1778–1793. Archivo histórico de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio, caja 40.

⁴³ Cf. Ugarte, José Bravo, Historia de México, vol 3 (México: Editorial Jus, 1962), p. 24.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Cf. Matson, Daniel S. and Fontana, Bernard L. (trans, and ed.) Friar Bringas Reports to the King. Methods of Indoctrination on the Frontier of New Spain, 1796–97 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1977), pp. 2–3.Google Scholar For a general view of the Mexican clergy during the independence period see Schmitt, Karl M., “The Clergy and the Independence of New Spain,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 34 (August 1954), pp. 289–312;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Farris, Nancy M., Crown and Clergy in Colonial Mexico, 1759–1821: The Crisis of Ecclesiastical Privilege (London: University of London, Historical Studies, 1968)Google Scholar and Brading, David A., “El clero mexicano y el movimiento insurgente en 1810,” Relaciones. Estudios de historia y sociedad, 2 (Invierno, 1981), pp. 5–26.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Cf. Góngora, Mario, “Estudios sobre el Galicanismo y la ‘Ilustración’ Católica en América Española,” Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografía, 125 (1957), 96–151.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Trujillo, Exhortación pastoral. For additional information on Trujillo’s role as reformer of the Franciscan Provinces in America see FF AHMNH, vol., 119, ff. 181–85. See also the already mentioned M.A. thesis “Fray Manuel María Trujillo” (note 36).

⁴⁷ Casanova, Pablo González, El Misoneismo y la Modernidad Cristiana en el siglo XVIII (México: El Colegio de México, 1948), p. 189.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ de la Torre Villar, Ernesto “Fray Vicente de Santa María,” Actas del IV Congreso Internacional sobre los Franciscanos en América (Madrid: editorial Deimos, 1991) pp. 849–856.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Fray Luis Gonzaga Oronoz, religioso francisco americano, a la Nación Española (México: Imprenta de Ontiveros, 1820).

⁵⁰ In addition to the data of Martínez, Carlos, “Los Franciscanos y la Independencia,” Abside, 24 (Febrero, 1960), pp. 129–166,Google Scholar see the information provided by AGN MJNE, tomos 100 and 101. I thank Dr. William L. Merril for his generosity on allowing me to use his notes on this section of the AGN. With this help I have been able to find in AGN very important data for this article.

⁵¹ AGN MJNE, tomo 100, ff. 325–33.

⁵² Quoted by Ugarte, José Bravo, “El clero y la Independencia. Ensayo estadístico de los clérigos y religiosos que militaron durante la guerra de Indepedencia en las filas insurgentes y en las trigarantes,” Abside, 5 (Octubre 1941), p. 617.Google Scholar Additional information on this friar is found in AGN MJNE, tomo 30, ff. 42–94.

⁵³ Exhortación que el Provincial de San Diego, fray Manuel López Borricón dirige a todos sus súbditos con respecto a los asuntos del día (México: Imprenta de Arizpe, 1811).

⁵⁴ AGN MJNE, tomo 30, ff. 360–64.

⁵⁵ Poesías que se presentaron en la vistosa portería del convento parroquial de N.P.S. Francisco de Toluca, en los tres días de la Jura de nuestra deseada independecia que fueron el 12, 13 y 14 de mayo de 1821. Sutro Collection, Public Library of San Francisco, CA.

⁵⁶ Cf. Casteloe, Michael P., Church and State in Independent Mexico. A Study of the Patronage Debate, 1821–1857 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1978), p. 31.Google Scholar In spite of these discussions, the religious orders survived in Mexico for almost forty years after independence. In other Latin American countries governments suppresed them right after independence. See Tibesar, Antonine, “The suppression of the Religious Orders in Peru, 1826–1830 or the King versus the Peruvian Friars: the King won,” The Americas 39 (1982), pp. 205–239.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁷ Manifiesto sobre la inutilidad de los Provinciales de las religiones en esta América (Puebla: en la oficina de D. Pedro de la Rosa, 1821). Similar ideas were found in the ecclesiastical groups of other Latin American countries after independence from Spain. See the case of Peru in Tibesar, Antonine, “The Peruvian Church at the Time of Independence at the Light of Vatican II,” The Americas, 26 (1970), 349–375.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁸ Rosillo’s assertion on the large numbers of postulants is difficult to sustain. The only resurgence on vacations came during the first five years of the nineteenth century, 1800–1805 when the novitiate of San Francisco in Mexico City, after the decline of the last decades of eighteenth century, reached again the number of ten novices per year. From 1806 on, we see only two or three novices per year; 1819 was the exception with eight novices and 1821 with five. We wonder if Rosillo was referring to these two years, which can be considered bountiful only in reference to the scarcity of previews years. “Libro de profesiones del convento de San Francisco.” FF AHMNAH, vol. 28.

⁵⁹ Núm 2 del Desengaño de preocupados y abatimiento de engreídos (México: Imprenta de Alejandro Valdéz, 1821).

⁶⁰ La Justicia vindicada (México: Imprenta de Alejandro Valdés, 1821).

⁶¹ Núm 2 del Desengaño de preocupados y abatimiento de engreídos (México: Imprenta de alejandro Valdés, 1821).

⁶² Primer Topetón de un borrego disperso de la manada. Al padre Rosillo (México: Imprenta de D. José María Betancourt, 1821).

⁶³ Carta de un ciudadano imparcial en justo desagravio de la comunidad religiosa de franciscos observantes (Puebla, 1821). I am acquainted with the contents of this pamphlet thanks to various references to it in the printing press of that year, but I have not had the opportunity of examining it directly.

⁶⁴ El Amigo de la paz o Carta de un ciudadano imparcial en justo desagravio de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio cuyo honor bulneró en su carta de un ciudadano imparcial en 27 de octubre y en su Representación a la Soberana junta, etc. de 17 de noviembre del año pasado 1821, el P. Fr. Joaquín González (México: Imprenta de doña Herculana del Villar y socios, 1822).

⁶⁵ Informe que en hecho y derecho hizo al tribunal de la Audiencia territorial el M.R.P. Fr. Rafael Meneses, Ministro provincial del orden de san Francisco de esta Provincia de México en el recurso de fuerza introducido por el P. Fr. Joaquín González (México: imprenta de Ontiveros, 1822).

⁶⁶ The influence of the debates of Cadiz in Mexico are studied by Bredlove, James M., “Effect of the Cortes, 1819–1822, on Church Reforms in Spain and Mexico,” Benson, Nettie Lee (ed) Mexico and the Spanish Cortes (Austin: Institute of Latin American Studies, 1966), pp. 113–133.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Cf. Morales, Francisco, Clero y política en México (1767–1834) (México: Septentas, 1975);Google Scholar Staples, Anne, La Iglesia en la primera república federal mexicana (1824–1835) (México: Sepsetentas, 1976)Google Scholar and Costeloe, Michael P., La primera república federal de México, 1824–1835 (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1975).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ The best known case is that of fray Joaquín Arenas, a member of San Diego Province who had had problems with the Bishop of Durango (México) since 1823. There is abundant material on this Franciscan in the Archivo General de la Nación.

⁶⁹ Sims, Harold D., The Expulsion of Mexico's Spaniards 1821–1836 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh, 1990).Google Scholar In this article I have used the Spanish translation of his work, La expulsión de los españoles de México, 1821–1828 (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1974), p. 229.

⁷⁰ Sims, La expulsión de los españoles, pp. 236–39.

⁷¹ Ibid.

⁷² AGN MJNE, tomo 74, f. 124. Comparing the number of friars in 1826 with the one in 1830 there is a drop of 45 percent in this College. See Table 4.

⁷³ AGN MJNE, tomo 49, ff. 199–232. Between 1826 and 1830 this College lost 32 percent of its personnel.

⁷⁴ AGN MJNE, tomo 80, f. 324. This College suffered the highest loss of personnel, 54 percent.

⁷⁵ AGN MJNE, tomo 50, ff. l’58v–160.

⁷⁶ AGN MJNE, tomo 98, ff. 218, 228–231, 238, 252, and 284–296.

⁷⁷ Cuevas, Mariano, Historia de la Iglesia en Meéxico, vol. 5 (5th edition; México: Editorial Patria, 1947), pp. 224–225.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ They were Santos Flores, Agustín Angel Castro, José Ramírez, Manuel Zamora, Rafael Liñán and two other friars from Zacatecas College whose names are not mentioned in the documents which I have used. AGN MJNE tomo 115, ff. 96-98 and tomo 116, ff. 172–177 and 189–198.

⁷⁹ Ibid., tomo 116, f. 189–198.

⁸⁰ The Congregation examined 18 cases in 1829, 7 in 1830 and 15 in 1831. Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Congregazione dei Vescovi e Regolari. So far, I have only been able to review the “Registri Regularium” vols. 228–230 from which this data was taken.

⁸¹ A thorough study of this interesting material is needed. For an initial study see, de Lasala, Fernando, “La Congregación de Obispo y Regulares: Instrucciones y Decretos sobre Religiosos Italianos, Españoles y Latinoamericanos, 1821–1874,” Archivum Historiae Pontificae, 31 (1993), pp. 193–224.Google Scholar

⁸² AGN MJNE, tomo 33, ff. 432–446.

⁸³ Such is the case of Fray Juan Nepomuceno from the Province of San Diego. AGN MJNE, tomo 33, f. 173.

⁸⁴ Fray José Arévalo a Fernando VII. México 18 de diciembre de 1820. AGI, México 1501.

⁸⁵ The common formula used in these documents is: “Preces orantis remissit arbitrio episcopi,” that is the Congregation forwarded the petitioner's request to the Bishop where the friar had his residence for final judgement.

⁸⁶ As indicated above, I have only so far been able to study the “Registri Regularium” of the Vatican archives, that is the registries of the decisions taken by the Congregation. The documents which accompanied the requests are to be found in the “Petitiones” series, or in Mexican diocesan archives where the cases remitted by the Congregation for a final decision, are preserved.

⁸⁷ Ibid. Arévalo to Fernando VII, AGI México 1501.

⁸⁸ Fray Luis Malo, “Recuerdos del claustro o apéndice a la Crónica franciscana del padre fray Agustín Betancourt.” MS. I have used a type-written copy from the Archivo de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio.

⁸⁹ Cf. Carmody, Maurice, The Leonine Union of the Order of Friars Minor, 1897 (St. Bona venture, NY: St. Bonaventure University, 1994), pp. 29–42.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ In 1827 the General Minister of the Order, Giovanni Tecca da Capistrano, summarized the life of the “Franciscan Observant Family” under the following points: meditation, midnight office, cloister, use of the habit, and common life. Carmody, , Leonine Union, pp. 29–30.Google Scholar

⁹¹ AGN MJNE, tomo 48, f. 22.

⁹² Cf. de Valero, Pilar Puertas, “El ex-convento de San Francisco de la ciudad de México, ejemplo de una destrucción sistemática” (unpublished Lic. thesis, México, Centro de Arte Mexicano, 1992).Google Scholar

⁹³ On the last years of these missions see the interesting article of Chavez, Angelico, “A Ninenteenth-century New Mexico Schism,” New Mexico Historical Review, 58 (January, 1983), pp. 35–54.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ According to the information received in the Ministerio de Justicia y Asuntos Eclesiásticos in 1856 there were 133 Mercedarians, 199 Agustinians with two provinces, 79 Carmelites and 141 Dominicans with three provinces, Chiapas, Puebla and Mexico. In this last case the province of Oaxaca is missing. AGN MJNE, tomo 47, ff. 17–23, 282, and 315–335 and tomo 48, ff. 1–2, and 4–6.

⁹⁵ The reason for the friars’ poor involvement in parish work was not the lack of interest in pastoral work, but rather the lack of trust in religious orders on the part of the bishops. This was the result of two centuries of disputes between bishops and friars during colonial times.

⁹⁶ AGN MJNE, tomo 48, ff. 36–37.

⁹⁷ Carmody, , The Leonine Union, pp. 36–42.Google Scholar