² Terán Bonilla, José Antonio, “La formación del gremio de albañiles de la ciudad de Puebla, en el siglo XVI y sus ordenanzas,” Cuadernos arquitectura docencia, 11 (September 1993), 14.Google Scholar

³ For a summary in English and the historiography of the ideas and circumstances of Puebla’s unique founding, see Thomson’s, Guy Puebla de los Angeles, Industry and Society in a Mexican City, 1700–1850 (Boulder: Westview Press, 1989), pp. 1–13.Google Scholar See also Chevalier, François, “La Signification Sociale de la Fondation de Puebla de los Angeles,” Revista de Historia de América 23 (June 1947), 454–487.Google Scholar Hirschberg’s, Julia L. article, “Social Experiment in New Spain: A Prosopographical Study of the Early Settlement at Puebla de los Angeles,” Hispanic American Historical Review 59 (1979), 1–33 CrossRefGoogle Scholar examines demographic records to deal with the myth of Puebla as a city of immigrant Spaniards.

⁴ See Gallego, Julián, Vision y símbolos en la pintura española del Siglo de Oro (Madrid: Ediciones Cátedra, S.A., 1984), p. 131.Google Scholar

⁵ Archivo del Ayuntamiento, Puebla de los Angeles, Actas de Cabildo (henceforth Actas), Libro 19, f. 129v, 130; Libro 25, f. 65, 67, 68; Libro 26, f. 53; Libro 32, f. 71v, 82v; Libro 34, f. 103, 103v, 104, 144v. Often this notice was followed by a real cédula wherein the King officially announced his new viceregal appointment.

⁶ Actas, Libro 19, f. 129, 130, 131v, 157. Miguel Angel Cuenya Mateos, “Fiestas y virreyes en la Puebla Colonial,” Lecturas Históricas de Puebla 29 (1989), 24; Actas, Libro 25, f. 68; Libro 30, f. 87v, 89v, 154v; Libro 32, f. 83v, 86v, 98v; Libro 34, f. 107v, 112v, 119v.

⁷ Actas, Libro 32, f. 88.

⁸ Actas, Libro 30, f. 86v; Libro 32, f. 886v; Libro 25, f. 86v; Libro 26, f. 54v; Libro 30, f. 87v; Libro 32, f. 85; Libro 34, f. 107v, 112v; Libro 19, f. 166.

⁹ Actas, Libro 26, f. 68v; Libro 30, f. 88; Libro 32, f. 88v; Libro 35, f.113v, 117.

¹⁰ Actas, Libro 19, f. 141v; Libro 25, f. 77; Libro 30, f. 88; Libro 34, f. 112.

¹¹ Actas, Libro 25, f. 77; Libro 30, f. 88; Libro 34, f. 112.

¹² Actas, Libro 19, f. 160v; Libro 30, f. 71, 103 v; Libro 26, f. 84 v; Libro 34, f. 107v, 113. In 1686, two commissioners were elected for this task. See Anonymous, , Palma inmarcessible siempre, y frondosa, Symbolo de un Catholico Heroe, Hieroglíphico Expresso de el Exmo. Señor D. Melchor Fernandez, Porto-carrero, Lazo de la Vega; Conde de la Monclova, Cavallero del Habito de Alcantara, Commendador de la Zarza, del Consejo Supremo de Guerra, y su junta de Indias, y comissario General de la infantería y Cavalleria de España… (México: Doña Maria de Benavides, Viuda de Juan de Ribera, 1686), f. 1.Google Scholar

¹³ Actas, Libro 19, f. 147, 160 v; Libro 25, f. 70; Libro 26, f. 54, 63; Libro 30, f. 89; Libro 32, f.85; Libro 34, f. 108, 121; Cuenya, , “Fiestas y virreyes,” pp. 20,Google Scholar 34; Diccionario Porrúa historia, biografía y geografía de México, 5th ed. (México Editorial Porrúa, 1986), p. 2898. These men were paid between 40 and 350 pesos though not in 1664 when they were appreciated for their valor but went unpaid. Actas, Libro 25, f. 70; Libro 30, f. 89, 213; Libro 32, f. 85f. 85v., 92, 92v; Libro 34, f. 113v, 119v.

¹⁴ Actas, Libro 34, f. 115v, 116; Libro 35, f. 116, 116v, 117; Hugo Leicht Las calles de Puebla (México: A. Mijares, 1934), pp. 233, 239; Toussaint, , La catedral y las iglesias de Puebla (México: Porrúa, 1954), p. 132,Google Scholar 210. Traditionally, an arch had been placed at the convent of the Santíssima Trinidad, adjacent to Santa Camarina. See Galindo, Juan Dávila, Atlante alegórico, político deseño del govierno prudente de un principe acertado que la muy ilustre augusta Ciudad de los Angeles dedico en los emblemas, y Poesías de la Real Portada al Excellentissimo Señor Don Juan de Leyva de la Cerda, Conde de los Baños, Marques de Ladrada y Leyva… (Puebla: Viuda de Ivan de Borja y Gandia, 1660), f. 4;Google Scholar de Castilla, Miguel, Geminis alegorico de la casa del cielo de Medina: Triumphal Pompa y festivo diseno de Castor y Pollux, Astros benévolos de superior esfera, brillantes estrellas de la Monarchia Española que la muy noble, y leal ciudad de la Puebla de los Angeles consagró en Poemas y delineó en symbolos á la feliz entrada del Exmo Señor Don Thomas Antonio Loreno Manuel de la Cerda, Monrique de Lara, Enriques, Afan de Rivera, Puerto-Carrero, y Cardenas, Marques de la Laguna, Conde de Paredes (México: Franciso Rodríguez Lupercio, 1681),Google Scholar structura y pintura de la real portada, f. 2; de Medina, Cristóbal Gutierrez, Viaje del virrey Marqués de Villena (México: Imprenta Universitaria, 1947), vol. 1, p. 66;Google Scholar de Bonilla Godinez, Fray Juan, Arco triumphal, disceno politico, consagrado en poemas, y delineado en symbolos a la feliz entrada del Excmo. Señor D. Joseph Sarmiento de Valladares… (Puebla: Herederos del Capitán Juan de Villa-Real en la portal de las flores, 1967), f. 3v.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Actas, Libro 34, f. 115v, 116; Cuenya, , “Fiestas y virreyes,” p. 24;Google Scholar Correa, Antonio Bonet, “La fiesta barroca como práctica del poder,” in El arte efímero hispánico (México: UNAM, 1983), p. 65.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Strong, Roy, Art and Power, Renaissance Festivals, 1450–1650 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 19,Google Scholar 22. See also Weckmann, Luís, La herencia medieval de México (México: El Colegio de México, 1984).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Actas, Libro 19, f. 106v, 138; Libro 25, f. 71, 106; Libro 30, f. 88, 89, 92; Libro 32, f. 87, 87v, 88, 89, 96v; Libro 34, f. 112, 113, 113v, 117; Bonet Correa, “La fiesta barroca,” 53.

¹⁸ Actas, Libro 19, f. 147, 164, 166; Cuenya, , “Fiestas y virreyes,” pp. 10,Google Scholar 22; Curcio, Linda Ann, “Saints, Sovereignty, and Spectacle in Colonial Mexico,” (Ph.D. diss., Tulane University, 1993), p. 69;Google Scholar Silverman, Sydel, “On the Uses of History in Anthropology: The Palio in Siena,” American Ethnologist 6 (1979), 413–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The sum granted was 500 pesos each squadron. Actas, Libro 25, f. 70v; Libro 26, f. 55v; Libro 30, f. 87; Libro 32, f. 84v, 86; Libro 34, f. 111v, 119v.

¹⁹ Cuenya, , “Fiestas y virreyes,” pp. 14–19,Google Scholar 25, 35, cites a total cost of 15,101 pesos for the 1673 entry, a sum which exceeded the city income. He claims an income of about 9000 pesos in 1687 and substantially more than this in the late eighteenth century. In 1687, 1103 pesos were set aside for religious festivities and 2269 pesos for municipal salaries. Also see Actas, Libro 25, f. 85v; Libro 26, f. 54v, 56, 60v, 62v, 63, 76, 111; Libro 30, f. 88, 90v, 92, 211v; Libro 32, f. 72, 82v, 83, 88v, 125, 125v; Libro 34, f. 106v, 108, 108v, 109v, 114v; Archivo General de las Notarías (henceforth Notarías), Notary #4, 1664, f. 748, 1688, f. 1327. In 1640, hacienda owners offered to contribute, but in 1688, wealthy citizens were advised to consider lending support to masked ball planners.

²⁰ Padre Galindo received 100 pesos for the motes and letras for the 1640 arch. (Actas, Libro 19, f. 174). For the 1660 arch, the city council spent 1056 pesos (Actas, Libro 25, f. 173, 173v; Libro 26, f. 115v.). On August 5, 1664, Rodrigo de la Piedra, Antonio Peres, and Juan de Moia were paid 500 pesos for the entry arch of the Marquis of Mancera (Notarías, Notary #4, 1664, f. 720v.). The cost of 1680 arch approximated 1061 pesos (Actas, Libro 30, f. 212). In 1696, the aldermen expended 596 pesos on the arch. See Actas, Libro 19, f. 174; Libro 25, f. 172v, 173, 173v; Libro 26, f. 76, 115v; Libro 30, f. 211v, 212; Libro 34, f. 209. For 1664 and 1680, see Actas, Libro 26, f. 112, 112v, 113 and Libro 30, f. 212, 212v, 213 respectively.

²¹ Actas, Libro 34, f. 123v, 125, 130. This was not the first Hapsburg attempt to curtail spending on the entry. See Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty, and Spectacle,” p. 114.Google Scholar

²² Actas, Libro 34, f. 123, 123v, 130.

²³ Cuenya, , “Fiestas y virreyes,” pp. 28–29.Google Scholar For Mexico City, see Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” pp. 117.Google Scholar Extensive research on eighteenth-century viceregal entry expenses in Puebla has yet to be carried out. See Obelisco que en la ciudad de Puebla de los Angeles celebrando la jura de nuestro rey y sr. d. Carlos III erigió el nobillissimo y leal gremio de sus plateros, quienes en esta estampa lo dedican, y consagran… (Puebla: Real Colegio de San Ignacio, 1763) and Haro, Eduardo Gómez, Historia del Teatro Principal de Puebla (Puebla: Imprenta de J. Franco, 1902), pp. 21, 37.Google Scholar

²⁴ Plattus, Alan, “Passages to the City: The Interpretive Function of the Roman Triumph,” The Princeton Journal: Thematic Studies in Architecture, 1 (1983), 96.Google Scholar

²⁵ de la Peña, José F., Oligarquía y propiedad en la Nueva España, 1550–1624 (México: F.C.E., 1983), p. 166;Google Scholar Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” p. 56;Google Scholar de Medina, Gutiérrez, Viaje, , cited in Curcio, “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” p. 86.Google Scholar

²⁶ Strong, , Art and Power, pp. 22, 28.Google Scholar

²⁷ Leonard, Irving, Baroque Times in Old Mexico (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1966), p. 133,Google Scholar and Seznec, Jean, The Survival of the Pagan Gods (New York: Pantheon, 1953), pp. 146, 285.Google Scholar

²⁸ Correa, Antonio Bonet, “La fiesta barroca como práctica del poder,” p. 51;Google Scholar Vasari, Giorgio, Lives of the Artists (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1987).Google Scholar

²⁹ For discussion of the viceroy as saviour, see Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” p. 54.Google Scholar

³⁰ For studies of emblems see: Praz, Mario, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery (Rome: Edizioni de Storia e Letteratura, 1964), p. 169;Google Scholar Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” p. 89;Google Scholar Campa, Pedro F., An Annotated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem Literature to the Year 1700 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990);Google Scholar López, Santiago Sebastian, “El comentario de Alciato,” in Alciato Emblemas (Madrid: Akal Ediciones, 1985), pp. 19–26;Google Scholar Andrea Alciato and the Emblem Tradition: Essays in honor of Virginia Woods Callahan (New York: AMS Press, 1989); the various essays in Juegos de Ingenio y Agudeza; López, Santiago Sebastián, “La Emblemática en México,” in Actas del X Coloquio Internacional de Historia de Arte (México, 1988).Google Scholar

³¹ Campa, Pedro F., “Diego Lopez’s Declaración Magistral Sobre las Emblemas de Alciato: The View of a Seventeenth-Century Spanish Humanist,” in Andrea Alciato and the Emblem Tradition: Essays in Honor of Virginia Woods Callahan (New York: AMS Press, 1989), p. 225.Google Scholar

³² Buxó, José Pascual, “El resplandor intelectual de las imágenes jeroglifica y emblemática,” in Juegos de Ingenio y Arte, pp. 33,Google Scholar 44; see also Cuadriello, Jaime, “Los jeroglíficos de la Nueva Espana,” in Juegos de Ingenio y Arte, pp. 44–112 Google Scholar and Gállego, , Visión y símbolos, pp. 33–34.Google Scholar

³³ López, Sebastián, “El comentario de Alciato,” p. 21 Google Scholar and “Prólogo,” p. 9. In his essay, “A Bibliographical approach to the illustrations in sixteenth-century editions of Alciato’s Emblemata,” in Andrea Alciato and the Emblem Tradition p. 146, John Manning suggests that Alciato didn’t conceive of his emblems as a tripartite structure and that “the illustrated picture was added on the printer’s initiative.” Whether or not this was the case, the emblem books were perceived by their audience as composite works.

³⁴ López, Sebastián, “Prólogo,” p. 9.Google Scholar

³⁵ The painting mentioned in note 46 exhibits this kind of format.

³⁶ For further interpretation, see Vallejo’s, Manuel Montera introduction to Alciato Emblemas (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1975), pp. 9–26.Google Scholar

³⁷ Pizarro Gomez, Francisco Javier, “Astrologia, Emblematica y Arte efímero,” Goya, Revista de Arte 187–188 (July-October, 1985), 48;Google Scholar Quintana, José Miguel, La astrología en la Nueva España en el siglo XVII (México: Bibliofilos Mexicanos, 1969), pp. 49, 70;Google Scholar Torres, Antonio Hurtado, La astrologia en la literatura del siglo de oro. Indice bibliográfico (México: Publicaciones del Instituto de Estudios Alicantinos, 1984), p. 16.Google Scholar

³⁸ The catalogue of the Biblioteca Palafoxiana in Puebla includes, among others, the following texts on emblems, architecture and ceremonies: a 1618 two-volume Latin version of Alciati’s Emblemata; a 1582 translation of Vitruvius’s De Re Aedificatoria in Spanish, a 1551 book on the architect Palladio in Italian, Sebastiano Serlio’s books on architecture translated into Spanish from 1551 and a book on Roman ceremonies in Italian from 1582. These may have been in Palafox’s personal collection that he donated to Puebla in 1649 which would have made them available for consultation. See also Lopez, Santiago Sebastian, “Influencia de los modelos ornamentales de Serlio en Hispanoamérica,” Boletín del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Estéticas, Caracas (1967).Google Scholar Palladio is referred to in the anonymous text, Palma inmarcessible, f.4.

³⁹ See Serlio quote cited by Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” p. 62.Google Scholar Also see Kraut heimer, , “The Tragic and Comic Scene of the Renaissance: The Baltimore and Urbino Panels” in Studies in Early Christian, Medieval and Renaissance Art (New York: New York University Press, 1969), pp. 345–359;Google Scholar Vidler, Anthony, “The Scenes of the Street: Transformations in Ideal and Reality, 1750–1871,” Anderson, Stanford, ed., On Streets (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1986), pp. 28–32.Google Scholar For further discussions of Serlio in New Spain, see López, Santiago Sebastián, “La influencia de los modelos ornamentales de Serlio en Hispanoamérica,” Boletín del Centro de Investigaciones Historicas y Esteticas, Caracas, 7 (April 1967), 30–67.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ For a summary of the Laws of the Indies, see Crouch, Dora, Spanish City Planning in North America (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1982).Google Scholar

⁴¹ For the only depiction of an ephemeral arch in Puebla, see the reproduction of an eighteenth-century structure in the Cathedral portal provided in de Teresa, Guillermo Tovar, “De fiestas, arquitecturas efímeras, y enigmas,” in Octavio Paz: Los privilegios de la vista (México: Centro Cultural Arte Contemporáneo, March/June 1990), p. 120.;Google Scholar Galindo, Atlante alegórico, f. 4, 5; Castilla, Geminis, f. 86v, 87; Anonymous, Palma inmarcessible, f. 1, lv, f. 2; P. de Valtierra, Manuel, Sol en León, ascendencia esclarecida, Exaltación gozosa. Discurrida en las empressas y symbolos políticos de el Archo Triumphal, que erigió la Ciudad de la Puebla de los Angeles, para el dia diez, y seis de octubre de ochenta y ocho destinado a la Solemne, y feliz entrada de el Exmo. Señor D. Gaspar de la Cerda, Sandobal, Sylva, y Mendoza, Conde de Galve… (Puebla: Imprenta Nueva, 1688),Google Scholar f.2, 2v. Printed descriptions of Cabildo arches make reference to artists Antonio Santander in 1660 and 1680 and Joseph Rodríguez Carnero in 1686 and 1688.

⁴² Serlio, Sebastiano, Tutte L’Opera d’Archittetura et Prospectiva di Sebastiano Serlio Bolognese dove si mettono in disegno tutte le maniere de Edificio, e si trattano di quelle cose, che sono più necessarie à sapere gli architetti (Ridgewood, New Jersey: Gregg Press Incorporated, 1964) pp. 102,Google Scholar 106, 112, 123, 127. And see his Civile, Architettura, Libri Sesto Settimo e Ottavo nei manoscritti di Monaco e Vienna (Milano: Edizioni il Polifilo, 1994),Google Scholar Book VIII, Tav. 18, f. 10; Serlio, , Tutte L’Opera, f. 127.Google Scholar

⁴³ Bonilla Godinez, Arco triumphal, f. 3v.

⁴⁴ López, Sebastián, “La influencia de los modelos ornamentales de Serlio en Hispanoamérica,” p. 55.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Galindo, , Atlante alegórico, f. 4;Google Scholar Castilla, , Geminis alegórico, f. 2;Google Scholar de la Maza, Francisco, La Mitología Clásica en el Arte Colonial de México (México: UNAM, 1968), p. 122.Google Scholar In 1696, the entry arch also measured 36 varas but it was placed along the Calle de los Mercaderes near the plaza. See Bonilla Godinez, Arco triumphal, f. 3v; Valtierra, , Sol en León, f. 2;Google Scholar Anonymous, , Palma inmarcessible, f. 1.Google Scholar A similar expression was also used for the 1680 arch. See Castilla, , Geminis alegórico, f. 86.Google Scholar In each of these entries, a Regidor with the surname de Olmedo was involved with the execution of the entry arch. Though the first name of the 1680 affiliate was Martin Fernández as opposed to Don Silvestre in 1686, perhaps there was a relation between the two men. This might account for the stylistic parallel in the two printed descriptions.

⁴⁶ Anonymous, Palma inmarcessible,.f lv.

⁴⁷ Notarías, Notary # 4, 1664, f. 718v; Salazar, Francisco Pérez, Historia de la pintura en Puebla (México: UNAM, 1963), p. 78;Google Scholar López, Santiago Sebastián, Arte iberoamericano desde la colonización a la independencia (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1985), p. 542.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Anonymous, , Palma inmarcessible, f. 1;Google Scholar Valtierra, Sol en León, f. lv, 2v; Galindo, , Atlante alegórico, f. 5,Google Scholar 5v; Castilla, , Geminis alegórico, f. 87,Google Scholar 87v. Giorgio Vasari (1511–74) was an Italian Renaissance painter and architect who wrote two editions of what some consider the first Renaissance artist biography. The texts are teleologically organized and full of embellished prose and ekphrastic descriptions of paintings.

⁴⁹ Medina, José Toribio, La imprenta en la Puebla de los Angeles, 1640–1821 (México: UNAM, 1991), pp. 71–72.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Maza, , La Mitología Clásica, p. 13.Google Scholar According to Bello, José Luís and Ariza, Gustavo, Pinturas Poblanas, siglos XVII–XIX (México: Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, 1943), p. 142,Google Scholar José Rodríguez Carnero is buried in Puebla.

⁵¹ Maza, , La Mitología Clásica, p. 13.Google Scholar

⁵² Actas, Libro 25, f. 106v. For discussion about multiple arches constructed in Mexico City entries and guild involvement, see Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” pp. 68–69.Google Scholar

⁵³ Medina, , La imprenta en la Puebla, p. 129.Google Scholar This painting is in a private collection in Mexico City. See reconstructions of the 1680 triumphal arch in Kügelgen, Helga von, “Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora, su Theatro de Virtudes Políticas que Constituyen un Príncipe y la estructuración emblemática de unos tableros en el Arco deTriunfo,” in Juegos de Ingenio, pp. 150–161 Google Scholar and Fernández, María A., “The Representation of National Identity in Mexican Architecture: Two Case Studies, 1680, 1889,” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993.);Google Scholar Actas, Libro 25, f. 106v, 119v.

⁵⁴ In 1640, Padre Galindo was paid for the completion of motes and letras for the viceregal entry arch. This also may have a relative. See Actas, Libro 19, f. 174. Medina, La Imprenta, 3, 35 cites a 1640 printed description of a triumphal arch by P. Mateo Salcedo. Medina shows a citation for the same text mentioned here though under the name P. Mateo Galindo. Galindo, Atlante alegorico, f. 1,7, 8v, 17v, 18, 18v.

⁵⁵ Galindo, , Atlante alegórico, f. 1.Google Scholar Claudia Rousseau notes in her article on the Medici wedding of 1539 in All the World’s a Stage, Art and Pageantry in the Renaissance and Baroque, (Pennsylvania State University, 1990) vol. 6, part 2, p. 433, that Thomas Aquinas elaborated a system wherein “nine spheres inhabited by angels were said to exist beyond those of the elements, planets, stars and primum mobile for a total of 22.” The reference here to a republic of angels may bear some relationship to Aquinas’ system.

⁵⁶ Galindo, Atlante alegórico, f. lv, 8, 9v, 19v; Torres, Hurtado, La astrología, pp. 31, 39.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Thomas Gage’s 1625 account in Crónicas de Puebla de los Angeles según testimonios de algunos viajeros que la visitaron entre los años 1549–1960 (Puebla: Gobierno del Estado de Puebla, 1990), p. 21. Also see, in the same volume, the account of Juan Francisco Gemelli Carreri, p. 45.

⁵⁸ Gintole, George, “The Bath as a Reiteration of the Cosmogonie Act,” Princeton Journal: Thematic Studies in Architecture, 1 (1983), 46.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Personal conversation with Linda Curcio-Nagy.

⁶⁰ Galindo, Atlante Alegórico, f. 19v, 20, 20v, 23v, 24.

⁶¹ Leonard, Irving, Baroque Times in Old Mexico (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1966), p. 121;Google Scholar de Robles, Antonio, Diario de sucesos notables (México: Editorial Porrúa, 1946), vol. 1, pp. 28, 29;Google Scholar Rubio Mañe, José Ignacio, Introducción al estudio de los virreyes de Nueva España (México: Ediciones Selectas, 1955), vol. 1, p. 152.Google Scholar

⁶² Anonymous, , Disceno de la alegórica fábrica del Arco Triumphal, que la Santa Iglesia Cathedral de Puebla de los Angeles erigió en aplauso del Excellentissimo Señor DON ANTONIO SEBASTIAN DE TOLEDO, Marques de Mancera: Senor de los 5 Villas, y de la del Marmol… (Puebla: Viuda de Ivan de Borja, 1664);Google Scholar Grant, Michael and Hazel, John, Who’s Who in Classical Mythology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 265–266;Google Scholar Mañe, Rubio, Introducción al estudio de los virreyes, vol. 1, 254.Google Scholar

⁶³ Anonymous, Disceno, introduction; Toussaint, , La Catedral y las iglesias de Puebla, p. 76;Google Scholar Ferguson, George, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art (New York: Oxford University Press, 1954), pp. 260–262.Google Scholar Professor Stafford Poole first raised the question to me of a possible relationship between the angel doctor and St. Thomas Aquinas. Several seventeenth-century sermons currently in the Bancroft Library contain the title “angelico doctor” as a reference to St. Thomas Aquinas. See, for example, f. 1 of Oración panegyrica o cartilla angelica en glorias de el maestro de los Angeles y Angel de los doctores Santo Thomas de Aquino… (México: Viuda de Francisco Rodríguez Lupercio, 1685), f. 1; “Las Aras de R.ma consagro el Panegyris, que con tanto gusto mio, y universal aclamacion de todos, oi en la fiesta, que este Real Convento dedicó a N. Angelico Doctor y Maestro y Santo Thomas de Aquino” and Idea de buen prelado y medio que deve seguir en su govierno que en la solemnidad de capitulo provincial que celebro la muy religiosa provincia de predicadores de la ciudad de Oaxaca predicó el m.r.p.m. fray Juan de Robles (Puebla: Imprenta del Capitan J. de Villa-Real, 1695), f. 5.

⁶⁴ Bello, and Ariza, , Pinturas poblanas, p. 34;Google Scholar Toussaint, , La Catedral y las iglesias de Puebla, p. 73; Anonymous, Disceno, f. lv, 4v, 5.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Anonymous, Disceno, f. 1,2, 3v, 4.

⁶⁶ As indicated in First Kings. Jerusalem Bible. Reader’s Edition (Garden City, New York: Double-day and Co.), chapters 5–8, p. 1968; Anonymous, Disceno, f. 2v. For an excellent account of the event and evolution of Solomonic columns in Puebla and Mexico City, see Fernández, Martha Artificio del barroco: México y Puebla en el siglo XVII (México: UNAM, 1990).Google Scholar For a general summary of solomonic imagery, see Rykwert’s, Joseph, Adam’s House in Paradise: the Idea of the Primitive Hut in Architectural History (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1981).Google Scholar For discussion of the heavenly city, utopianism and religious orders in the New World, see Phelan, John L., The Millenial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), especially pp. 69–77 Google Scholar and 118–125. There are continuing references to the Puebla Cathedral as a Solomonic Temple. See, for example, the sermon by de Torres, Doctor Ignacio, Seliah mystico de la iglesia nuestro esclarescido padre, y senor San Pedro Sermon que predico su dia en la Cathedral de la Puebla (Puebla: Imprenta del Capitan Iuan de Villa Real, 1696).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Anonymous, Disceno, f. 6v; Castilla, Geminis, f. 85v, 93v.

⁶⁸ Maza, , La Mitología Clásica, p. 121;Google Scholar Castilla, , Geminis, title page, f. 88,Google Scholar 91v, 92v, 93v, 94, 96, 97; Ferguson, , Signs and Symbols, p. 67.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Castilla, Geminis, f.91v, 92, 92v,93, 96v, 98v, 105v. See Curcio, , “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle,” p. 104,Google Scholar for references to mineral resources in seventeenth-century Mexico City entry arches. On Puebla’s mineral resources, see Thomson, , Puebla de los Angeles, p. 12.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See Galera Andreu, Pedro A., “La Palmera, Arbor Victoriae, Reflexiones sobre un tema emblemático,” Goya, Revista de Arte, 187–188 (July-October 1985),Google Scholar 63–67; Ferguson, , Signs and Symbols, p. 45.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Anonymous, Palma inmarcessible, f. 3v, 7v, 9.

⁷² Andreu, Galera, “La palmera,” p. 64.Google Scholar

⁷³ For discussion of the Christian symbolism of the hand, see Ferguson, , Signs and Symbols, pp. 65–66, 155.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Andreu, Galera, “La palmera,” p. 66.Google Scholar See also dell’Arco, Maurizio Fagiolo and Carandini, Silvia, L’Effimero barocco. Strutture della festa nella Roma del ’600 (Rome: Bulzoni, 1978).Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Andreu, Galera, “La palma,” pp. 64–66.Google Scholar See also Cañal, Vicente Lleó, Nueva Roma. Mitología y Humanismo en el Renacimiento Sevillano (Seville: Diputación Provincial, 1978), pp. 59–61.Google Scholar The portrait is now in the Prado Museum in Madrid.

⁷⁶ Mañe, Rubio, Introducción al estudio de los virreyes, p. 157;Google Scholar Anonymous, , Palma inmarcessible, dedication p. 3, 4, f. 7v.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Anonymous, Palma inmarcessible f. 3, 3v, 8; Ferguson, , Signs and Symbols, p. 322.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Anonymous, Palma inmarcessible, f. 5v, 6 , 6v, 7, 7v; Ferguson, , Signs and Symbols, p. 60.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Ibid, f. 8v-10, 12, 13V-14, 14v, 15 16v.

⁸⁰ Ferguson, , Signs and Symbols, p. 60.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Valtierra, Sol en León, f. lv, 5v, 7v, 8, 10, 15.

⁸² Kostof, Spiro, The City Shaped: Urban Patterns and Meanings Through History (Boston: Little, Brown and Co, 1991), p. 36,Google Scholar notes that the word political is derived of the Greek polis for city. He quotes Aristotle, “man is a political creature, one suited by nature to live in a city…” Valtierra, Sol en León, f. 16.

⁸³ Seznec, , The Survival of the Pagan Gods, p. 276;Google Scholar Quintana, , La astrologia, p. 35.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Valtierra, Sol en León, f. 1,8, 8v, 9, 9v, 11, 14v, 16v, 17, 17v, 18v, 19v.

⁸⁵ Bonilla Godinez, Arco triumphal, dedication of Joseph de Espinosa; Actas, Libro 34, f. 123v.

⁸⁶ Godinez, Bonilla, Arco Triumphal; Medina, La Imprenta en la Puebla, p. 125;Google Scholar Ibid., f. 4v.

⁸⁷ Grant, , Who’s Who in Classical Mythology, p. 193.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Alonso, Pedro Soler, Virreyes de la Nueva España (México: Secretaría de Educación Pública, 1945), p. 44.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Godinez, Bonilla, Arco Triumphal, f. 1.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Mañe, Rubio, Introducción al estudio de los virreyes, vol. 1, p. 159.Google Scholar At the time he was named viceroy of New Spain, Sarmiento was already widowed of the Condesa de Moctezuma and remarried.

⁹¹ Ibid., aprobación page; f. 3, 4v, 5v, 6v-7, 8v, 9v, 10.

⁹² Cuadriello, , “Los jeroglíficos de la Nueva España,” p. 85;Google Scholar Godinez, Bonilla, Arco Triumphal, f.8,Google Scholar f. l0v.

⁹³ Ibid., f. 3v, 8, 20.

⁹⁴ Doctorde la Parra, Joseph Gómez, Ciertos si felices pronuncios onerosos si honorosos empleos de un heroyco principe al exemplar de la siempre virgen María Señora, Princesa y Reyna en su concepción immaculada que en la solemne fiesta que celebro la Santa Iglesia Cathedral Angelopolitana el dia 4 de Diciembre de 1696 años a la entrada del excelentissimo Señor Don Joseph Sarmiento virrey y capitan general de esta Nueva España y Presidente de la Real Audiencia Discurrió En el Sermon… (Puebla: Herederos del Capitan Juan de Villa Real, 1697);Google Scholar Ibid., f. 1, 7, 9, 10., 17, 21.

⁹⁵ As quoted by Plattus, , “Passages to the City,” pp. 98, 99.Google Scholar