* The author wishes to thank Harold D. Sims, John Markoff, Mark Szuchman, Noble David Cook, John Lynch, and two anonymous reviewers for providing comments on earlier versions of this paper. He is also particularly indebted to Professors George Reid Andrews, John E. Kicza and Timothy Anna who, in addition to judicious criticisms, provided generous assistance and encouragement. Finally, he thanks Eleanor Lahn for valuable copy editing. For support of the research upon which this article is based, the author gratefully acknowledges the Tinker Foundation, the Andrew Mellon Foundation and the Fundación para la Promoción de la Investigación y la Teconología of Colombia’s Banco de la República.

¹ Bolívar, Simón, “Reply of a South American to a Gentleman of this Island [Jamaica],” in Bierck, Harold, ed., Selected Writings from Bolivar, 2 vols. (New York: Bolivarian Society of Venezuela, 1951), 1:103–22.Google Scholar

² de Pineda, Francisco Núñez y Bascuñán, , Cautiverio felíz y razón individual de las guerras dilatadas del Reino de Chile [c. 1673] (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1973);Google Scholar de Ulloa, Jorge Juan and de Ulloa, Antonio, Noticias secretas de América [1748] (Bogotá: Banco Popular, 1983);Google Scholar von Humboldt, Alexander, Ensayo político sobre el reino de la Nueva España [1811], 5 vols. (Mexico: Robredo, 1941);Google Scholar Alamán, Lucas, Historia de México desde los primeros movimientos que prepararon su independencia en el año de 1808, hasta la época presente, 5 vols. (Mexico: Impr. de J. M. Lara, 1849–1852), 1:58–59;Google Scholar Colmenares, Germán, ed., 3 vols. Relaciones e informes de los gobernantes de la Nueva Granada (Bogotá: Biblioteca de Cultura Popular, 1989);Google Scholar Silvestre, Francisco, Descripción del Nuevo Reino de Santafé de Bogotá [1789] (Bogotá: Universidad Nacional, 1968);Google Scholar Konetzke, Richard, “La condición legal de los criollos y las causas de la independencia,” Estudios Americanos 2:5 (1950), 31–54;Google Scholar Burkholder, Mark A., Politics of a Colonial Career. José de Baquijano and the Audiencia of Lima (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1980), 22, 27, 100, 118, 121.Google Scholar See numerous other references in Humphreys, R.A. and Lynch, John, eds., The Origins of Latin American Revolutions, 1808–1826 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965), 243–300;Google Scholar and see also notes 32 and 37.

³ Safford, Frank, The Ideal of the Practical: Colombia’s Struggle to Form a Technical Elite (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1974), 7;Google Scholar Guiñazú, Enrique Ruiz, La magistratura indiana (Buenos Aires: n.p., 1916);Google Scholar Uribe, Victor M., “The Lawyers and New Granada’s Late Colonial State,” Journal of Latin American Studies, forthcoming.Google Scholar

⁴ Little is yet known about lawyers’ intervention in Latin America’s independence. See Levene, Ricardo, “La historia de los abogados en el Río de la Plata y su intervención en la Revolución de Mayo,” Revista Jurídica Argentina La Ley, 41 (January-March, 1946);Google Scholar Cutolo, Osvaldo Vicente, “Los abogados en la Revolución de Mayo,” in Tercer congreso internacional de historia de América (Buenos Aires, n.p., 1961), 5:199–212.Google Scholar

⁵ For historical assessments of New Granada’s independence and its background see Restrepo, José Manuel, Historia de la revolución de la república de Colombia, 6 vols. (Bogotá: Biblioteca Popular de Cultura Colombiana, 1942);Google Scholar Samper, José Maria, Ensayo sobre las revoluciones políticas y la condición social de las repúblicas colombianas (Paris: E. Thunot, 1861);Google Scholar Hoyos, Rafael Gómez, La revolución granadina. Ideario de una generación y de una época (Bogotá: Editorial Temis, 1962);Google Scholar López, Javier Ocampo, El proceso ideológico de la emancipación (Tunja: Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia, 1987);Google Scholar Gilmore, Robert, “The Imperial Crisis, Rebellion, and the Viceroy: New Granada in 1809,” Hispanic American Historical Review (hereafter HAHR), 40 (1960), 1–24;CrossRefGoogle Scholar McFarlane, Anthony, “El colapso de la authoridad española y la génesis de la independencia en la Nueva Granada,” Desarrollo y Soceidad 7 (1982), 99–120.Google Scholar See also the general comparative works by Graham, Richard, Independence in Latin America: A Comparative Approach (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972);Google Scholar Domínguez, Jorge I., Insurrection or Loyalty: The Breakdown of the Spanish American Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Lynch, John, The Spanish American Revolutions (New York: W. W. Norton, 1983);Google Scholar Idein, , ed., Latin American Revolutions, 1808–1826. Old and New World Origins (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994);Google Scholar Anna, Timothy E., Spain and the Loss of America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983);Google Scholar Bethell, Leslie, ed., The Independence of Latin America (London: Cambridge University Press, 1987);CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Kinsbruner, Jay, Independence in Spanish America: Civil Wars, Revolutions and Underdevelopment, 2nd ed., (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), esp. pp. 22–23.Google Scholar One of the most forceful academic works helping to refine the exclusion-from-office thesis is Burkholder, Mark A. and Chandler, D.S., From Impotence to Authority: The Spanish Crown and the American Audiencias, 1687–1808 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1977).Google Scholar

⁶ On the move to create a junta in New Granada’s capital and other regions see Lynch, , Spanish American Revolutions, esp. 238.Google Scholar

⁷ “Informe del Oidor Carrión y Moreno al Consejo de Regencia,” in Ricaurte, Enrique Ortega, ed., Proceso histórico del 20 de julio de 1810. Documentos (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 1960), 199–209.Google Scholar See also “Un español narrador de los sucesos del 20 de julio,” Boletín de Historia y Antigüedades (hereafter BHA) 19:222 (1932), 423–35.

⁸ “Oficio del Virrey a la Audiencia, 15 Octubre, 1809,” in Proceso histórico del 20 de julio, 1–2; “Declaración del Dr. Pedro Salgar, Noviembre 2, 1809,” in Ibid., 10–13.

⁹ For the occupational structure of late colonial Santafé de Bogotá see McFarlane, Anthony, Colombia Before Independence: Economy, Society, and Politics Under Bourbon Rule (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 55;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Vargas, Julián, La sociedad de Santafé (Bogotá: Cinep, 1989).Google Scholar

¹⁰ José, M. Restrepo, S. and Rivas, Raimundo, Genealogías de Santafé de Bogotá (Bogotá: n.p., 1928);Google Scholar Arboleda, Gustavo, Diccionario biográfico y genealógio del antiguo departamento del Cauca (Bogotá: Librería Horizontes, 1962);Google Scholar de Alba, Guillermo Hernández, Cómo nació la república (Bogotá: n.p., 1965).Google Scholar

¹¹ In the case of the Cartagena junta, lawyers Germán Gutiérrez de Piñéres, José María García de Toledo, José María del Castillo, José Antonio Ayos, Eusebio María Canabal, Basilio del Toro de Mendoza, Ramón Ripoll, Ignacio Cavero, and the lawyer-priest Manuel B. Rebollo acted as leading figures. So did Miguel Díaz Granados somewhat later. See Ricaurte, Ortega, Proceso del 20 de Julio, 257.Google Scholar In Cali the role of the lawyers José María de Cuero y Caicedo, Joaquín de Caicedo y Cuero, José María Alomia, José Antonio Borrero, and the lawyer-priest Fray José Joaquín de Escobar was no less noteworthy. See Zawadzky, , Ciudades confederadas del Valle del Cauca. Historia, actas, documentos (n.p.: Imprenta Bolivariana, 1943), 111;Google Scholar Uribe, Victor M., “Rebellion of the Mandarins: Lawyers, Political Parties, and the State in New Granada, 1780–1850” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1993),Google Scholar Appendixes A, C.

¹² Uribe, “The Lawyers and New Granada's Late Colonial State”; idem, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A. See also Silva, Renán, “Escolares y catedráticos en la sociedad colonial,” (Ms., Bogotá: Banco de la República, 1985), 156.Google Scholar

¹³ Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” chap. 2.

¹⁴ A detailed narrative of the events preceding Bogota's July 1810 junta can be found in Gilmore, “Imperial crisis.” See also McFarlane, “El colapso de la autoridad.” On the creation of Juntas Supremas throughout the American colonies (Caracas in April, Buenos Aires in May, Bogotá in July, and Santiago de Chile in September, 1810) see Lynch, , Spanish American Revolutions; Domínguez, Insurrection or Loyalty, 152;Google Scholar McKinley, Michael P., Pre-revolutionary Caracas: Politics, Economy, and Society, 1777–1811 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1986), chap. 7;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Berruezo, Maria T., La lucha de Hispano-América por su independencia en Inglaterra 1800–1830 (Madrid: Ediciones de Cultura Hispánica, 1989), 111, 181.Google Scholar

¹⁵ On September 15, 1810, the junta enacted a comprehensive bando (decree) that reiterated previous measures and prescribed that “Será juzgado como Reo de un grave delito, y como traidor a la Patria todo hombre que forme tumultos sediciosos, o conbocare [sic] a las gentes del Pueblo inspirándolas ideas perjudiciales al bien público.” It went on to express regret that the whole people could not be heard; but, it said, this was impossible, and would impose restrictions on the freedom of action of a sovereign body such as the junta. Therefore, “se previene a todos los habitantes de esta Capital, que eviten las referentes reuniones que pretendan comprimir y quitarle la libertad, sin la cual no puede estar ningún Cuerpo Soberano.” See “Documentos de la independencia,” , BHA , 47:543–44 (1960), 98–112; Posada, Eduardo, El 20 de Julio. Capítulos sobre la revolución de 1810 (Bogotá: Imprenta de Arboleda y Valencia, 1914), p. 168–88.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The elite figures appointed by the junta were Ignacio Umaña, in the neighborhood of Las Nieves; lawyer Manuel Ignacio Camacho Rojas, in Santa Barbara; the lawyer-bureaucrat Felipe Vergara, in San Victorino; and the lawyer Domingo Camacho, in La Catedral. See “Bando, 25 julio, 1810,” in Posada, , El 20 de Julio, 181;Google Scholar Pardo, Camilo, Umaña, Haciendas de la sabana (Bogotá: Villegas Editores, 1988), 220;Google Scholar Restrepo, S. and Rivas, , Genealogías de Santafé, 193;Google Scholar Delgado, Luis Martínez, Noticia biográfica del procer don Joaquín Camacho (Bogotá: Editorial Pax, n.d.), 362;Google Scholar de la Guardia, Antonio J. García, Kalendario manual y guía de forasteros en Santa Fé de Bogotá capital del Nuevo Reino de Granada para el año de 1806 (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 1988);Google Scholar Cuervo Márquez, Carlos, Vida de José Ignacio de Márquez, 2 vols. (Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional, 1917), 1:17.Google Scholar

¹⁷ “Acta de Febrero 14, 1811,” in Zawadzky, Alfonso, Las Ciudades confederadas, 109.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ibid., 129.

¹⁹ Caballero, José María, Diario de la independencia (Bogotá: Biblioteca Popular, 1974), pp. 70–78.Google Scholar

²⁰ Restrepo, José M., Documentos importantes de Nueva Granada, Venezuela y Colombia, 2 vols. (Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional, 1969), 1:20, p. 21.Google Scholar

²¹ A vivid narrative of these events was written in 1818 by one of the monks involved. A copy is reproduced in Rodríguez Plata, Horacio, La antigua provincia del Socorro y la independencia (Bogotá: Publicaciones Editoriales, 1963), p. 247–65.Google Scholar

²² Arboleda, Gustavo, Historia contemporanea de Colombia. Desde la disolución de la república de ese nombre hasta la época presente, 2d ed., 3 vols. (Calí: Editorial América, 1933), 1:47.Google Scholar See also Lievano Aguirre, Indalecio, España y las luchas sociales en el Nuevo Mundo (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1972), p. 283–98.Google Scholar

²³ Reproduced in Restrepo, , Documentos importantes, 1:75.Google Scholar See also Lynch, John, Simón Bolívar and the Age of Revolution (London: University of London Institute of Latin American Studies, 1983), pp. 18–19;Google Scholar Lombardi, John, The Decline and Abolition of Negro Slavery in Venezuela, 1820–1854 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1971), pp. 36–46;Google Scholar McKinley, , Pre-revolutionary Caracas, chap. 7;CrossRefGoogle Scholar de Alba, Guillermo Hernández comp., Archivo Nariño, 6 vols. (Bogotá: Biblioteca Presidencia de la República, 1990), 2:331–332.Google Scholar

²⁴ Restrepo, , Documentos importantes, 1:73–74.Google Scholar On the participation of pardos and blacks in the royalist guerrilla troops recruited by José Tomás Boves in Venezuela, see Stoan, Stephen, Pablo Morillo and Venezuela, 1815–1820 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1974), pp. 50–58;Google Scholar Lievano Aguirre, Indalecio, Bolívar (Bogotá: Editorial La Oveja Negra, 1971), pp. 80–90, 179, 190;Google Scholar and Hamnett, Brian, “Popular Insurrection and Royalist Reaction: Colombian Regions, 1810–1823,” in Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon New Granada and Peru, ed. Fisher, John, Kuethe, Allan J., and McFarlane, Anthony, (Baton Rouge: Lousiana State University Press, 1990), pp. 292–326, esp. 312.Google Scholar

²⁵ “Cartas inéditas de J. M. Restrepo,” in Repertorio Histórico 3:3–4 (December 1919), 97; Osorio, Alejandro, “Memoria presentada por el ministro de guerra y hacienda,” Gazeta de Santa Fé de Bogotá 25 (January 16, 1820), 26 (January 23, 1820), 27 (January 30, 1820).Google Scholar See Bolívar’s similar opinions in Aguirre, Lievano, Bolívar, pp. 153–160.Google Scholar

²⁶ Vergara y Vergara, Julio Cesar, Don Antonio Vergara Azcárate y sus descendientes, 2 vols. (Madrid: Imprenta J. Pueyo, 1952), vol. 1:272,Google Scholar emphasis added. On this elite historian's social background see Uribe “Rebellion of the Mandarins.”

²⁷ “José Acevedo Gómez,” Papel periódico ilustrado 1:5 (1881), 71. See also Lievano Aguirre, Indalecio, Los grandes conflictos sociales y económicos de nuestra historia, 6th ed. (Bogotá: Ediciones Tercer Mundo, 1974), 297–98.Google Scholar

²⁸ Maingot, Anthony, “Civil and Military Relations in a Political Culture of Conflict” (Ph.D. diss., University of Florida, 1967);Google Scholar idem, “Social Structure, Social Status, and Civil Military Conflict in Urban Colombia, 1810–1858,” in Thernston, Stephan and Sennett, Richard, eds.,. Nineteenth-Century Cities: Essays in the New Urban History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969), 297–355.Google Scholar

²⁹ The revolutionary participation of the lower sectors is, regrettably, still an understudied and certainly a controversial topic. See Chaunu, Pierre, “La participación de las clases populares en los movimientos de Independencia de America Latina”, in Spalding, Karen and Bonilla, Heraclio, eds. La independencia en el Peru, 2nd Ed., (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1981);Google Scholar Tovar Pinzón, Hermes, “Guerras de opinión y represión en Colombia durante la independencia (1810–1820),” Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura (hereafter ACHSC) 11 (1983), 187–232;Google Scholar Colmenares, Germán, ed., La independencia. Ensayos de historia social (Bogotá: Instituto Colombiano de Cultura, 1986);Google Scholar Young, Eric Van, “The Raw and the Cooked: Elite and Popular Ideology in Mexico, 1800–1821,” in Szuchman, Mark D., ed., The Middle Period in Latin America: Values and Attitudes in the 17th-19th Centuries (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1989), 75–102;Google Scholar Hamnett, , “Popular Insurrection”; Safford, Frank, “Race, Integration and Progress: Elite Attitudes and the Indian in Colombia” HAHR, 71:1 (Feb. 1991), 1–33;Google Scholar Aguilera, Mario and Vega Cantor, Renán, Ideal democrático y revuelta popular. Bosquejo histórico de la mentalidad política popular en Colombia (Bogotá: Ismac, 1991), 65–96;Google Scholar Garrido, Margarita, Reclamos y representaciones: Variaciones sobre la política en el Nuevo Reino de Granada, 1770–1815 (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 1993);Google Scholar Warren, Richard, “Vagrants and Citizens: Politics and the Poor in Mexico City, 1808–1836,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1994).Google Scholar

³⁰ Phelan, John L., The People and the King: The Comunero Revolution in Colombia, 1781 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978);Google Scholar de Alba, Guillermo Hernández, El proceso de Nariño a la luz de documentos inéditos (Bogotá: Editorial A.B.C., 1958);Google Scholar Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” chap. 2.

³¹ Uribe, “The Lawyers and New Granada’s Late Colonial State.”

³² Reproduced in López, Ocampo, Proceso ideológico, 552.Google Scholar

³³ “America’s government officials, especially the ones who occupy the highest posts, have all, or a great majority, come from the metropolis....Spain has believed that the doors to obtaining honors and jobs must be shut down for Americans.” Camilo Torres, “Representación del Cabildo de Santafé, Capital del Nuevo Reino de Granada, a la Suprema Junta Central de España, en el año de 1809,” in de Alba, Hernández, Como nació la república, 26, 30.Google Scholar See also Garrido, , Reclamos y representaciones, pp. 93–109.Google Scholar

³⁴ A detailed narrative of his mission to New Granada can be found in Dolores Monsalve, José, Antonio de Villavicencio (el protomartir) y la revolución de la independencia, 2 vols. (Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional, 1920), 1:1–9.Google Scholar See also Restrepo, José M., Biografías de los mandatarios y ministros de la Real Audiencia (Bogotá: Editorial Cromos, 1952), pp. 357–59.Google Scholar

³⁵ Villavicencio, Antonio “Representación del Comisario Regio D. Antonio Villavicencio al Virrey de Bogotá,” in Ricaurte, Ortega, Proceso del 20 de julio, 126–31.Google Scholar

³⁶ The lawyers Usted were Joaquín Cabrejo, José Munive y Mozo, Francisco Javier de Vergara, Camilo Torres, Joaquín Camacho, Frutos Gutiérrez, Antonio José de Ayos, Miguel Díaz Granados, José María Real, José María del Castillo y Rada, Germán Gutiérrez de Piñéres, and the lawyer-priest Manuel B. Rebollo. Ibid. On the lives and careers of these lawyers see Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendixes A, C. Almost all of those listed actually became leaders of the 1810 movement in the different regions of New Granada, and several were executed by the Spaniards in 1816 (See table 6).

³⁷ Various of the cases referred to bureaucrats; e.g., the teniente asesor-auditor de guerra of Panama, Joaquín Cabrejo, and the agente fiscal de lo civil at the Bogotá Audiencia, lawyer Francisco Javier de Vergara, who had remained from thirty to fifty years in the same jobs without a promotion. Ricaurte, Ortega, Proceso del 20 de julio, p. 126.Google Scholar

³⁸ “Americans have always been deprived of honorific jobs, and completely excluded from the fiscal bureaucracy.” Camilo Torres and Frutos Gutiérrez, “Exposición de los motivos que han obligado al Nuevo Reino de Granada a reasumir los derechos de la soberanía, remover las autoridades del antiguo gobierno, e instalar una suprema junta bajo la sola denominación y en nombre de nuestro soberano Fernando VII y con independencia del Consejo de Regencia y de cualquier otra representación” [1810], in Proceso histórico del 20 de julio. Documentos (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 1960), p. 211.

³⁹ Thus are the documents interpreted by Gómez Hoyos, La revolución granadina; Lynch, , Simón Bolívar and the age of revolution; idem, Spanish American Revolutions, 7–24;Google Scholar and Ocampo López, El proceso ideológico. See also notes 2 and 5. Conspicuous exceptions to the “exclusion from office” thesis are Eyzaguirre, Jaime, Ideario y ruta de la emancipación chilena (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1957);Google Scholar Stoan, Pablo Morillo; McKinley, Pre-revolutionary Caracas, chap. 7; Domínguez, , Insurrection or Loyalty, 243;Google Scholar and Barbier, Jacques A., Reform and Politics in Bourbon Chile, 1755–1796 (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1980).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The sole native-born oidor was Joaquín Mosquera y Figueroa, who joined the audiencia in 1787. He then served in the audiencia of Mexico, and later the Spanish Consejo de Indias. In addition, only three native permanent fiscales were appointed, in 1776, 1779, and 1790, respectively. Burkholder, and Chandler, , From Impotence to Authority, Appendix X, esp., pp. 221–224.Google Scholar The figures mentioned in the text seem to contradict those in a specialized source that lists 41 new oidores from 1654 to 1778, only 7 of whom are alleged to have been creóles. See Restrepo, Biografías de los mandatarios. See also Melo, Jorge O., “Francisco Antonio Moreno y Escandón: retrato de un burócrata colonial,” in Melo, , ed., Indios y mestizos en la Nueva Granada afínales del siglo XVIII (Bogotá: Nueva Biblioteca Colombiana de Cultura, 1985), p. 8;Google Scholar Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁴¹ Burkholder and Chandler, From Impotence to Authority, Appendix X; Burkholder, , Politics of a Career, pp. 100, 118;Google Scholar Lynch, , Spanish American Revolutions, pp. 17–19.Google Scholar

⁴² Restrepo, , Biografías de los mandatarios, p. 387.Google Scholar

⁴³ See Molinares, Gabriel Jiménez, Linajes cartageneros, 2 vols. (Cartagena: Imprenta Departamental, 1958), 2:7;Google Scholar Tovar, Hermes, “El estado colonial frente al poder local y regional,” Nova Americana, Torino, , 5 (1982);Google Scholar Restrepo, , Biografías de los mandatarios, 387;Google Scholar “José María García de Toledo,” BHA , 31:362–362 (1944), 1134–37; Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁴⁴ This lawyer’s name is not listed in the letter, though Villavicencio, writing from Cartagena, where García de Toledo was at the time the leading social and political figure, could hardly have forgotten him. Villavicencio, , “Representación,” pp. 126–31.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Indeed, he was never labeled as revolutionary for his participation in the Cartagena junta. Ortiz, Sergio E., “Eusebio María Canabal,” BHA , 58 (1971), 15;Google Scholar Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix C.

⁴⁶ His wife, Teresa Legina, owned a store devoted to the sale of imported fabrics from Castile, or “generos de Castilla.” Molinares, Jiménez, Linajes cartageneros, 1:153–168;Google Scholar Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁴⁷ García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual.

⁴⁸ Restrepo, , Documentos importantes, 2:75.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Uribe, “The Lawyers and New Granada’s Late Colonial State”; idem, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁵⁰ Some data can be found in Ots, José María y Capdequí, , Las instituciones del Nuevo Reino de Granada al tiempo de la independencia (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1958);Google Scholar Vergara, Vergara y, Don Antonio Vergara Azcárate; Linda Arnold, Bureaucracy and Bureaucrats in Mexico City, 1742–1835 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1988);Google Scholar Socolow, Susan M., Bureaucrats of Buenos Aires, 1796–1810: Amor al Real Servicio (Durham: Duke University Press, 1987);Google Scholar Deans-Smith, Susan, Bureaucrats, Planters, and Workers: The Making of the Tobacco Monopoly in Bourbon Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992).Google Scholar

⁵¹ One of them, Nicolás Mesía Caicedo, was oidor in Manila; two more, Joaquín Mosquera y Figueroa and Manuel del Campo y Rivas, in Mexico; another, Luis de Robledo y Alvarez, Fiscal del crimen in Mexico; and three more, Francisco Xavier Moreno y Escandón, Ignacio Tenorio, and Andrés José de Iriarte y Rojas, were oidores, and fiscal, respectively, in Quito. García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual; Burkholder and Chandler, From Impotence to Authority; Restrepo, , Biografías de los mandatarios; Arboleda, Diccionario biográfico, 426;Google Scholar Torres Peña, José Antonio, Memorias sobre la independencia (Bogotá: Editorial Kelly, 1960);Google Scholar Villena, Guillermo Lohman, Los ministros de la Audiencia de Lima en el reinado de los Borbones (1700–1821) (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1974);Google Scholar Stoan, Pablo Morillo; Bohórquez, Ali López, Los ministros de la Real Audiencia de Caracas, 1786–1810 (Caracas: Academia Nacional de Historia, 1984).Google Scholar

⁵² Documentos de la Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia (hereafter DBNC), F. Pineda, 1066; Burkholder, Mark A., “Relaciones de Méritos y Servicios: a Source for Spanish-American Group Biography in the Eighteenth Century,” Manuscripta 19 (1977), 97–104;Google Scholar Socolow, Bureaucrats of Buenos Aires, chap. 4 and 5; Uribe, “The Lawyers and New Granada’s Late Colonial State.”

⁵³ de Alba, Guillermo Hernández, Vida y escritos del Dr. José Félix Restrepo (Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional, 1935);Google Scholar “Grados, ejercicios literarios, méritos y servicios del Doctor Tomás Tenorio Carvajal” [c. 1817] DBNC, F. Pineda, 1066. For other cases see Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A. The well documented case of the Peruvian José de Baquijano, who pursued the job of oidor for about twenty five years until he captured it in 1797, offers further evidence. See Burkholder, Politics of a Career.

⁵⁴ See especially the memoir of the New Granada’s contemporary creole lawyer and priest José Antonio Torres Peña, pointing the significant presence of creoles in the colonial bureaucracy. Torres Peña, Memorias sobre la independencia, 46–47. That New Granada was an “infertile ground for revolution from the 1790s to the 1810s” is shown by McFarlane, , Colombia Before Independence, p. 291.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ McFarlane, , Colombia Before Independence, 328–29;Google Scholar Garrido, , Reclamos y representaciones, pp. 93–100.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ The first, attributed to lawyer Camilo Torres, was the “Representación del Cabildo de Santafé a la Suprema Junta Central de España.” The second, written by Torres and lawyer Frutos J. Gutiérrez, was the “Exposición de los motivos.” They are reproduced in their entirety in de Alba, Hernández, Cómo nació la república, pp. 13–39;Google Scholar and Proceso histórico del 20 de julio, pp. 85–108, 210–49. See notes 33 and 38.

⁵⁷ On the August 1809 jailing of several members of the elite who organized a junta in Quito, and New Granadans’ reaction, see Cevallos, Pedro Fermín, Resumen de la historia del Ecuador desde su origen hasta 1845, 4 vols. (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1870), 3:51–70;Google Scholar Monsalve, Antonio de Villavicencio; Gilmore, “Imperial Crisis”; Lynch, , Spanish American Revolutions, pp. 235–37.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ The document also reminded the Spanish Junta Central y Gubernativa that had Great Britain been more liberal, it would not have lost its North American colony. See Torres, , “Representación del cabildo,” p. 38 Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ McFarlane, , Colombia Before Independence, pp. 327–28;Google Scholar de Piñérez, Eduardo Rodríguez, La vida de Castillo y Rada (Bogotá: Academia de Historia, 1949);Google Scholar Restrepo, , Documentos importantes, 2:15–19;Google Scholar Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix C; Garrido, , Reclamos y representaciones, pp. 93–100.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ de Alba, Hernández, Archivo Nariño, 2:331–61;Google Scholar McFarlane, , Colombia Before Independence, pp. 334–37;Google Scholar Domínguez, , Insurrection or Loyalty, pp. 246, 248, 254–55;Google Scholar Garrido, , Reclamos y representaciones, p. 105.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Domínguez, , Insurrection or Loyalty, p. 342;Google Scholar Lynch, , Spanish American Revolutions, 238;Google Scholar Rodríguez Plata, La antigua provincia del Socorro; Monsalve, , Antonio Villavicencio, 1:54–67.Google Scholar

⁶² For an account of peninsular Spaniards' sympathies toward the French and the opposite reaction by creóles in Caracas, see Arcaya, Pedro, El cabildo de Caracas (Caracas: Ediciones Librería Historia, 1968), pp. 117–19.Google Scholar An interpretation that stresses Spanish Americans’ fear of French domination as a key cause of independence can be found in Enrique Gandia, “Los orígines de la independencia americana según el General Daniel Florencio O’Leary.” Revista de Indias 67 (1967), 59–86.

⁶³ McFarlane, , Colombia Before Independence, 328–46;Google Scholar On the events in Quito see Cevallos, , Resumen de la historia del Ecuador, 3:71–77;Google Scholar Monsalve, , Antonio Villavicencio; Gilmore, “The Imperial Crisis.”Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See Torres, and Gutiérrez, , “Exposición de los motivos,” p. 238.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ibid.; Gómez Hoyos, La revolución granadina; and McFarlane, “El colapso de la autoridad española.”

⁶⁶ Structural analysis of the revolution can be found in Andrews, George Reid, “Spanish American Independence: A Structural Analysis,” Latin American Prespectives 12:1 (1985), 105–132;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Bousquet, Nicole, “The Decolonization of Spanish America in the Early Nineteenth Century: A World Systems Approach,” Review, 9:4 (1988), 497–531.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins.”

⁶⁸ On the significance of the failure of political bargaining and coalition building see Domínguez, Insurrection or Loyalty; on legalism as a reason to act see letter of Camilo Torres to his uncle, oidor Ignacio Tenorio, in early 1810, in Proceso del 20 de Julio, pp. 54-68. See also Gómez Hoyos, La revolución granadina.

⁶⁹ Tilly, Charles, From Mobilization to Collective Action (Reading: Addison-Wesley, 1978).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ During the period of revolutionary turmoil they maintained continuous correspondence, reproduced in Vásquez, Hilvanes históricos; see also Zawadzky, Ciudades confederadas.

⁷¹ Vallecilla’s father, regidor of the Cali cabildo, and various of Vallecilla’s brothers and sisters married into different branches of the influential Caicedo clan: the Caicedo Tenorio, the Caicedo y Cuero, and the Caicedo de la Llera families. See Arboleda, Diccionario biográfico; Escorcia, José, Desarrollo social, politico y económico, 1800–1854 [Valle del Cauca] (Bogotá: Biblioteca Banco Popular, 1983);Google Scholar Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁷² Zawadzky, , Ciudades confederadas, 101;Google Scholar Arboleda, , Diccionario biográfico; McFarlane, Colombia Before Independence, pp. 243–44.Google Scholar

⁷³ Escorcia, Desarrollo social, político y económico.

⁷⁴ On Herrera’s unsuccessful bureaucratic aspirations see Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁷⁵ On Herrera y Vergara’s disputes with the local authorities see Ricaurte, Ortega, Proceso histórico del 20 de Julio, pp. 26–28;Google Scholar on Vallecilla’s disputes with Tacón see Zawadzky, Ciudades confederadas.

⁷⁶ Colmenares, Germán, Cali: terratenientes, mineros y comerciantes. Siglo XVIII (Bogotá: Biblioteca Banco Popular, 1983), pp. 143–54;Google Scholar Escorcia, José, Desarrollo político, social y económico, pp. 45–61, 97–116;Google Scholar Marzahl, Peter, “Creoles and Government: The Cabildo of Popayán,” HAHR 54:3 (1974), 636–56;Google Scholar Mcfarlane, , Colombia Before Independence, pp. 136, 243–44.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ See “Torres y Tenorio, Jerónimo,” BHA 2:15 (1903), 144–46; “Carta de Jerónimo Torres a su Hermano Camilo. Popayán, octubre 10, 1807,” Repertorio Colombiano 20:3 (1899). Camilo, for his part, married into the elite Bogotano clan Prieto Ricaurte. See Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁷⁸ See Delgado, Martínez, Noticia biográfica, pp. 106–7, 123.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Plata, Rodríguez, La antigua provincia del Socorro, pp. 173–175;Google Scholar Delgado, Martínez, Noticia biográfica, 263–294;Google Scholar Gómez, Adolfo L., El tribuno de 1810 (Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional, 1810), p. 223.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ See Plata, Rodríguez, La antigua provincia del Socorro, 190;Google Scholar José Acevedo y Gómez to Antonio Villavicencio, Santa Fé de Bogotá, July 19, 1810, in Gómez, , El tribuno, pp. 221–25;Google Scholar McFarlane, , “Economic and Political Change in the Viceroyalty of New Granada, With Special Reference to Overseas Trade, 1739–1810,” (Ph.D. diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 1977), p. 304.Google Scholar

⁸¹ In a “muy reservada” communication written in October 1809, Viceroy Amar y Borbón noted that the elites of Bogotá had the support of “fifteen hundred [men] from Socorro who will be gathered by the administrador de aguardientes, Don Miguel Tadeo Gómez, who is in continuous communication with Bogotá cabildo member José Acevedo.” See Ricaurte, Ortego, Proceso Histórico del 20 de julio, p. 1;Google Scholar Rodríguez Plata, La antigua provincia del Socorro; de Alba, Hernández, Archivo Nariño, 2:332.Google Scholar On the Valenzuela group see Camacho, Joaquín, “Relación territorial de la provincia de Pamplona,” [1809] in Semanario del Nuevo Reino de Granada, 3 vols. (Bogotá: Biblioteca Popular de Cultura Colombiana, 1942), 2:1–21;Google Scholar Posada, Eduardo, El precursor (Bogotá: Imprenta Nacional, 1903), p. 134;Google Scholar Delgado, Martínez, Noticia biográfica, 297–308;Google Scholar Lafaurie, Bernardo Ortega, “Don Crisanto Valenzuela,” BHA , 24:273 (1937), 406–417;Google Scholar José, M. Restrepo, S., “La familia de Nariño,” BHA 41:473–474 (1954), 247;Google Scholar Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁸² See de la Guardia, García, ¡Calendario manual, 76;Google Scholar Molinarez, Jiménez, Linajes cartageneros, 2:7.Google Scholar On Castillo y Rada see Guerra, José J., “José Nicolas de Rivas,” BHA , 3:30 (1905), 343–66;Google Scholar Restrepo, S. And Rivas, , Genealogías de Santafé, p. 242;Google Scholar Rodríguez de Piñéz, La vida de Castillo y Rada; Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix C.

⁸³ Millán, Beatríz Patiño, “Factores de unidad en el Nuevo Reino de Granada y la posterior formación del estado nacional,” in Estudios Sociales, Fundación Antioqueña para los Estudios Sociales [FAES] (1988), 105; idem, Criminalidad, ley penal y estructural social en la Provincia de Antioquia, 1750–1820 (Medellín: Instituto para el Desarrollo de Antioquia, 1994), pp. 154–164;Google Scholar Uribe, María T. and Alvarez, Jesús M., “El parentesco y la formación de las elites en la provincia de Antioquia,” Estudios Sociales, FAES, 3, (1988), 92;Google Scholar Restrepo, José M., Autobiografía: Apuntamientos sobre emigración de 1816, e indices del ‘Diario Político’ [1816–1818] (Bogotá: Empresa Nacional de Publicaciones, 1957);Google Scholar Twinam, Ann, Miners, Merchants, and Farmers in Colonial Colombia (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982);Google Scholar McFarlane, , “Economic and Political Change,” pp. 329–330;Google Scholar Restrepo Sáenz, José M., Gobernadores de Antioquia (Bogotá: Iprenta Nacional, 1944).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Glick, Thomas, “Science and Independence in Latin America (with special references to New Granada),” HAHR 71:2 (May 1991), 307–34;Google Scholar Garrido, Reclamos y representaciones, chap. 1.

⁸⁵ On the cabildos as judicial, political, and legislative institutions and their control by elite families, see Vargas, Julián, “El muy ilustre Cabildo de Santafé de Bogotá. Finanzas y administración económica,” in Vargas, , La sociedad de Santafé Colonial (Bogotá: Cinep, 1989), pp. 189–257;Google Scholar García, Luis Navarro, “El privilegio de los regidores en el abasto de Cartagena de Indias,” Anuario de Estudios Americanos 38 (1981), pp. 174–214;Google Scholar Liehr, Reinhard, Ayuntamiento y oligarquía en Puebla, 1787–1810 (Mexico: Sepsetentas, 1976);Google Scholar Arcaya, , El cabildo de Caracas, p. 121;Google Scholar Preston Moore, John, The Cabildo in Peru Under the Hapsburgs (Durham: Duke University Press, 1954);Google Scholar idem, The Cabildo in Peru Under the Bourbons (Durham: Duke University Press, 1966); García, Juan Agustín, La ciudad indiana (Buenos Aires: Angel Estrada y Cia, 1909), chap. 8;Google Scholar Robledo, Emilio, Bosquejo biográfico del Señor Oidor Juan Antonio Mon y Velarde. Visitador de Antioquia, 1785–1788, 2 vols. (Bogotá: Banco de la República, 1954);Google Scholar Twinam, , Miners, Merchants;Google Scholar Uribe, Rafael Uribe, “Orígenes del poder municipal,” BHA 5:63 (1910), 189–202; 64 (1910), 209–41;Google Scholar Ots y Capdequí, José M., Historia del derecho español en América y del derecho indiano (Madrid: Aguilar, 1968);Google Scholar Julio Alemparte, R., El cabildo en Chile colonial (orígines municipales de las repúblicas hispanoamericanas (Santiago: University de Chile, 1940);Google Scholar Bayle, Constantino, Los cabildos seculares de América española (Madrid: Sapientia, 1952);Google Scholar McFarlane, , Colombia Befare Independence, pp. 238, 243–44, 328–40.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Brading, David A., Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763–1810 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971);Google Scholar Restrepo S. and Rivas, Gevealogías de Santafé.

⁸⁷ Silvestre, Descripción del Reyno de Santafé; John L. Phelan, The People and the King.

⁸⁸ It started, in November, 1812, by downgrading New Granada from a viceroyalty to a captaincy general, which lasted until April 1816. Amnesties and pardons were granted to the revolutionaries in December 1812, May 1816, December 1817, and March 1819. These measures and their meaning are studied in Ots y Capdequí, José María, “The Impact of the Wars of Independence on the Institutional Life of the New Kingdom of Granada,” The Americas, 17:2 (1960), 111–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See Also Costeloe, Michael P., Response to Revolution. Imperial Spain and the Spanish American Revolutions, 1810–1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Ots y Capdequí, “Impact of the Wars”; Stoan, Pablo Morillo; Costeloe, Response to Revolution, chaps. 3–4.

⁹⁰ See Restrepo, , Biografías de los mandatarios, pp. 423–26;Google Scholar Caballero, , Diario de la independencia, pp. 218–19.Google Scholar Other institutions, like the Tribunal or Junta Superior de Hacienda, had also been moved to Panama. A detailed discussion of the institutional arrangements before and after the “reconquest” is offered by Ots y Capdequí, “Impact of the Wars.”

⁹¹ See García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual; Courvel, Luis Páez, “Precursos, martires y proceres santandereanos de la independencia colombiana,” BHA , 34:393–95 (1947), 176–94;Google Scholar Morillo, , “Relación de las principales cabezas de la rebelión en este Nuevo Reino de Granada, que Después de formados sus procesos y vistos detenidamente en el Consejo de Guerra Permanente, han sufrido por sus delitos la pena capital en la forma que se expresa [1816],” BHA 19:222 (1932), 435–70.Google Scholar On these individuals’ social background see Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁹² Ibáñez, Pedro M., “José Marí Salazar,” Papel periódico ilustrado 5:166 (1886), 146.Google Scholar The Royal Audiencia, meeting in Cartagena in August 1816, decided to form a list of all the lawyers in public service there, who would have to present their títulos and proof that they had been pardoned. Capdequí, Ots y, “Impact of the Wars,” p. 133.Google Scholar

⁹³ “Ya he expresado mis deseos a V.E. de mandar Misioneros, ahora añado la necesidad de mandar igualmente telogos y abogados de España. Si el Rey quiere subyugar a estas provincias, LAS MISMAS MEDIDAS SE DEBEN TOMAR QUE AL PRINCIPIO DE LA CONQUISTA….” See Morillo, Pablo, “Oficio,” Gaceta de la Ciudad de Bogotá April 2, 1820, p. 136,Google Scholar emphasis and capital letters in the original.

⁹⁴ See Vargas, Carlos Cortés, “De la época del terror,” BHA 29:327 (1942), 85–103;Google Scholar Morillo, , Manifiesto a la nación española, 25–27;Google Scholar Vergara y Vergara, Julio C., Vida de Estanislao Vergara, 1790–1855 (Bogotá: Editorial Iqueima, 1951), p. 19.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Morillo, Pablo, Manifiesto que hace a la nación española el teniente general Don Pablo Morillo … con motivo de las calumnias e imputaciones atroces y falsas publicadas contra su persona en 21 y 28 del mes de abril último en Gaceta de la Isla de León (Madrid: Imprenta de la Calle Greda, 1821), pp. 45, 50, 54.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ That was apparently the case of lawyer Enrique Umaña Barragán, who, after having supposedly received a death sentence, was absolved by Morillo. Umaña's wife told Morillo that she was the daughter of a former friend and protector of his, Captain Gregorio Sánchez Manzaneque. See Umaña, Pardo, Haciendas, 234;Google Scholar Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A. Intriguing cases of pardon include lawyers José Maria del Castillo, Alejandro Osorio and Eusebio María Canabal. See del Castillo y Rada, Jose María, “Memorias,” Lecturas Populares, Suplemento Literario de El Tiempo, Bogotá, 40–41 (1914?), 489.Google Scholar On Osorio, see Ortíz, Venancio, “Alejandro Osorio,” Colombia Ilustrada, 4–5 (1889), 59.Google Scholar On Juan Jurado, his protector, see Sáenz, Restrepo, “Juan Jurado,” BHA 13:149 (1920), 271–300.Google Scholar On Canabal see Ortíz, Sergio E., “Eusebio María Canabal,” BHA 58 (1971), 13–23.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ “Recuerdos … ” 1935., 512–28; Restrepo, José M., Gobernadores y proceres de Neiva (Bogotá: Editorial A.B.C., 1941), 486–89;Google Scholar Gandia, , “Orígines de la independencia,” 62.Google Scholar Several lawyers, including Joaquín Ortíz Nagle, Ignacio Herrera, Luis E. Azuola, Dionisio Gamba, José María del Castillo, Jose Sáenz de Santamaría and the lawyer-priest Andrés M. Rosillo, were sent to prisons and held for several years. See Ortíz, Juan F., Reminiscencias de D. Juan Francisco Ortiz (opusculo autobiográfico 1808–1861) (Bogotá: Libreria Americana, 1907), pp. 36–43.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Just a few of the most notable cases: 52-year-old Tomás Tenorio y Carvajal, a lawyer since 1786, rose from fiscal de la renta de correos to member of the counterrevolutionary Consejo de Purificación and Junta de Secuestros and fiscal interino of the Royal Audiencia. José Ignacio San Miguel, a lawyer for about 30 years, removed by the crown from a governorship in 1809, in 1817 was given the job of teniente letrado y corregidor of La Mesa. Francisco José de Aguilar, 46, lawyer with 21 years in the profession, former escribano de cámara of the Royal Audiencia, was appointed member of the Consejo de Purificación and Junta de Secuestros. Young Eusebio María Canabal, an 1807 law graduate, rose from administrador of the renta de aguardientes in Cartagena to fiscal of the Real Hacienda and later fiscal of the Superior Gobierno de Cartagena, and was also supported by ex-viceroy Amar y Borbón in his pursuit of an audiencia position in 1818. Tomás Barriga, a 37-year-old lawyer with just 9 years in the profession, was appointed relator of the Real Audiencia. See Restrepo, , Biografías de los mandatarios, 282;Google Scholar Arboleda, , Diccionario biográfico, 427;Google Scholar Restrepo, and Rivas, , Genealogías de Santafé, 14, 98–99;Google Scholar Ortíz, , “Eusebio María Canabal,” 15;Google Scholar Arrubla, Gerardo, “Viejos papeles,” BHA 5:54 (1908), 342–54;Google Scholar Tovar Pinzón, “Guerras de opinión”; Uribe, “Rebellion of the Mandarins,” Appendix A.

⁹⁹ Aguierre, Lievano, Bolívar, 153–62;Google Scholar Maingot, “Social Structure and Civil Military Conflict”; Mcfarlane, Colombia Before Independence, chap. 12, epilogue.