I thank Kevin Terraciano, Stafford Poole, John Chuchiak, Susan Schroeder, and the anonymous reviewers and editors of The Americas for their invaluable suggestions, formal and informal, during the incubation, conceptualization, and realization of this article. I am also indebted to the Lilly Library at Indiana University, the Huntington Library, and the John Carter Brown Library for supporting this research with resources and materials.

1. Licensing proceedings of José Mariano Sanchez de Salazar Zitlalpopoca, Mexico City, January 11, 1773, through March 26, 1774, Salazar Family Papers, Miscellaneous Manuscript Collections, U.S. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., ff. 78r–89v. On “infamy,” see Poole, Stafford, Juan de Ovando: Governing the Spanish Empire in the Reign of Philip 2 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004), p. 19;Google Scholar and Poole, , “The Politics of Limpieza de Sangre: Juan de Ovando and his Circle in the Reign of Philip II,” The Americas 55:3 (1999), pp. 369, 388.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Merits of José Mariano Sánchez de Salazar Zitlalpopoca, Mexico City, June 31, 1773, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 82r–82v.

3. Examination of José Mariano Sánchez de Salazar Zitlalpopoca, Mexico City, March 26,1774, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 87v–89v; Certification of José Mariano Sánchez de Salazar Zitlalpopoca, Mexico City, August 27, 1773, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 85r–85v.

4. Carrasco, Pedro, “Indian-Spanish Marriages in the First Century of the Colony,” in Indian Women in Early Mexico, Schroeder, Susan, Wood, Stephanie, and Haskett, Robert, eds. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), pp. 92–101;Google Scholar Ladd, Doris, The Mexican Nobility at Independence, 1780–1826 (Austin: University of Texas Institute of Latin American Studies, 1976).Google Scholar

5. Pérez-Rocha, Emma and Tena, Rafael, eds., La nobleza indigena del centro de Mexico después de la conquista (Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 2000);Google Scholar Gibson, Charles, “The Aztec Aristocracy in Colonial Mexico,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 2 (1960), pp. 169–196.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. Archbishop Manuel José de Rubio y Salinas to Fernando VI, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain: Mexico 1937, ff. 88–90.

7. Communities of “Indian conquistadors” dotted New Spain. See Matthew, Laura E. and Oudijk, Michel R., eds., Indian Conquistadors: Native Allies in the Conquest of Mesoamerica (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2007);Google Scholar Wood, Stephanie, Transcending Conquest: Nahua Views of Spanish Colonial Mexico (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003);Google Scholar Asselbergs, Fiorine, Conquered Conquistadors: The Lienzo de Quauhquechollan: A Nahua Vision of the Conquest of Guatemala (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2008);Google Scholar and Sousa, Lisa and Terraciano, Kevin, “The Original Conquest’ of Oaxaca: Nahua and Mixtee Accounts of the Spanish Conquest,” Ethnohistory 50:2 (2003), pp. 349–400.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. For accounts of some early iterations of this discourse, see Haskett, Robert, “Dying for Conversion: Faith, Obedience, and the Tlaxcalan Boy Martyrs of New Spain,” Colonial Latin American Review 17:2 (2008), pp. 186–187;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Kranz, Travis Barton, “Visual Persuasion: Sixteenth–Century Tlaxcalan Pictorials in Response to the Conquest of Mexico,” in The Conquest all Over Again: Nahuas and Zapotees Thinking, Writing, and Painting Spanish Colonialism, Schroeder, Susan, ed. (Portland, Ore.: Sussex Academic Press, 2010), pp. 41–73.Google Scholar

9. Tlaxcaltequidad was “an alternative discourse—of a nationalist and differentiating nature—which in itself represented an ideological possibility for renegotiation (or liberation?) in the midst of a context of‘domination.’” Cuadrillo, Jaime, The Glories of the Republic ofTlaxcala: Art and Life in Viceregal Mexico, Follett, Christopher J., trans. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004), p. xxi.Google Scholar

10. Cabildo of Tlaxcala, 1810, “El ayuntamiento de Tlaxcala ofrece todos sus recursos para combatir la revolución iniciada por el cura Hidalgo,” in Colección de documentos para la historia de laguerra de independencia de México de 1808 a 1821, Hernández Dávalos, Juan E., ed. Vol. 2, no. 73, (accessed June 29, 2011), p. 2.Google Scholar

11. I focus on men because women were forbidden from positions of authority in the church and state. And as I focus on bloodlines rather than estate–holding as the primary intergenerational link, this article speaks in terms of a “lineage” rather than a “house,” following John K. Chance’s distinction between the two. Chance, “The Noble House in Colonial Puebla, Mexico: Descent, Inheritance, and the Nahua Tradition,” American Anthropologist 102: 3 (2000), pp. 485–502.

12. Bachelor in Civil Law of Bernardino de Sanchez y Salazar, Mexico City, June 18, 1746, Salazar Family Papers, f. 49r; Genealogy of José Mariano and Ygnacio Miguel Sánchez de Salazar Zidalpopoca, Mexico City, January 11, 1773, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 78r–79r.

13. Historians of Latin America today account for colonial practices and cultures with reference to local and regional traditions that often predate the arrival of Europeans. According to James Lockhart, “by the late eighteenth century [in central Mexico], almost nothing in the entire indigenous cultural ensemble was left untouched, yet at the same time almost everything went back… to a preconquest antecedent.” Lockhart, , The Nahuas After the Conquest: A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth Through Eighteenth Centuries (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), p. 5.Google Scholar The pattern holds generally true in other areas of relatively intense Spanish colonization, and is observable in all manner of religious, cultural, and social practices. See among others Burkhart, Louise, The Slippery Earth: Nahua–Christian Moral Dialogue in Sixteenth-Century Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1989);Google Scholar Terraciano, Kevin, The Mixtees of Colonial Oaxaca: Ñudzahui History, Sixteenth Through Eighteenth Centuries (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001);Google Scholar Haskett, Robert, Indigenous Rulers: An Ethnohistory of Town Government in Colonial Cuernavaca (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1991);Google Scholar and Nesvig, Martin A., ed., Local Religion in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006).Google Scholar

14. Díaz, Monica, Indigenous Writings from the Convent: Negotiating Ethnic Autonomy in Colonial Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009), pp. 9–16, quote from p. 11.Google Scholar

15. Fisher, Andrew B. and O’Hara, Matthew D., “Racial Identities and Their Interpreters in Colonial Latin America,” in Imperial Subjects: Race and Identity in Colonial Latin America, Fisher, and O’Hara, , eds. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2009), pp. 2–3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

16. Ibid., pp. 15–23; Cope, R. Douglas, The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660–1720 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994).Google Scholar

17. Lockhart, , The Nahuas after the Conquest, pp. 592–593 n59.Google Scholar I use the term “Hispanic” linguistically, to refer to primarily Spanish–speaking people of all backgrounds.

18. Lockhart, , The Nahuas after the Conquest, pp. 94–140;Google Scholar Estratificación social en la Mesoamérica prehispánica, Pedro Carrasco and Johanna Broda et al., eds. (Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1976), pp. 21–23; Carrasco, , “The Civil-Religious Hierarchy in Mesoamerican Communities: Pre-Span-ish Background and Colonial Development,” American Anthropologist 63 (1961), pp. 483–497;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Haskett, Robert, “Living in Two Worlds: Continuity and Change among Cuernavaca’s Colonial Indigenous Ruling Elite,” Ethnohistory 35:1 (1988), pp. 34–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19. Experiences varied. The Zapotee lords of the Oaxaca valley, for example, collectively owned more land than Spaniards, while the noble class all but disappeared in some nearby mountain communities. Taylor, William, “Cacicazgos coloniales en el Valle de Oaxaca,’ Historia Mexicana 20:1 (1970), pp. 1–41;Google Scholar Chance, John, Conquest of the Sierra: Spaniards and Indians in Colonial Oaxaca (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), pp. 125–132.Google Scholar

20. Borah, Woodrow, Justice by Insurance: The General Indian Court of New Spain and the Indian Aides of the Half-Real (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983);Google Scholar Zeitlin, Judith Francis and Thomas, Lillian, “Spanish Justice and the Indian Cacique: Disjunctive Political Systems in Sixteenth-Century Tehuantepec,” Ethnohistory 39: 3 (1992), pp. 285–315;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Owensby, Brian, Empire of Law and Indian Justice in Colonial Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008).Google Scholar

21. “Letter from the Nahua Nobles of Xochimilco to the King of Spain, 1563,” in Mesoamerican Voices: Native-Language Writings from Colonial Mexico, Oaxaca, Yucatan, and Guatemala, Matthew Restali, Lisa Sousa, and Kevin Terraciano, eds. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p. 67. Lockhart cautions against the uncritical acceptance of such protestations of poverty. Lockhart, The Nahuas after the Conquest, pp. 111–114.

22. Medrano, Ethelia Ruiz and Kellogg, Susan, eds., Negotiation within Domination: New Spain’s Indian Pueblos Confront the Spanish State (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2010).Google Scholar

23. “Grant of Cortés to doña Isabel Moctezuma,” in Mexico, and the Life of the Conqueror Temando Cortés by Prescott, William, Vol. 2 (New York: Peter Fenelon Collier, 1898), pp. 440—143;Google Scholar “Varios principales de la ciudad de México,” in Pérez-Rocha and Tena, La nobleza indigena del centro de Mexico, pp. 99–102.

24. Fernández de Recas, Guillermo S., Cacicazgos y nobiliario indigena de la Nueva España (Mexico: Instituto Bibliográfico Mexicano, 1961);Google Scholar López Sarrelangue, Delfina Esmeralda, La nobleza indígena de Pátzcuaro en la época virreinal (Mexico: Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 1965);Google Scholar Haskett, Robert, “Paper Shields: the Ideology of Coats of Arms in Colonial Mexican Primordial Titles,” Ethnohistory 43:1 (1996), pp. 99–126;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and de la Paz, Maria Castañeda, “Central Mexican Indigenous Coats of Arms and the Conquest of Mesoamerica,” Ethnohistory 56:1 (2009), pp. 125–161.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25. Yannakakis, Yanna, “The Indios Conquistadores oí Oaxaca’s Sierra Norte: From Indian Conquistadors to Local Indians,” in Matthew and Oudijk, Indian Conquistadors, pp. 227–253.Google Scholar

26. Owensby, , Empire of Law, pp. 212–216.Google Scholar

27. Haskett, , Indigenous Rulers, Haskett, “Indian Town Government in Colonial Cuernavaca: Persistence, Adaptation, Change” Hispanic American Historical Review 71:3 (1987), pp. 203–231;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Lockhart, , The Nahuas After the Conquest, pp. 28—11, 112;Google Scholar Lockhart, James, Berdan, Frances, and Anderson, Arthur J.O., The Tlaxcalan Actas: A Compendium of the Records of the Cabildo of Tlaxcala (1545–1627), (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1986), pp. 11–12;Google Scholar and Ouweneel, Arij, “From ‘Tlatocayotl’ to ‘Gobernadoryotl’”: A Critical Examination of Indigenous Rule in 18th-Century Central Mexico,” American Ethnologist 22:4 (1995), pp. 756–785.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28. See Diaz, Indigenous Writings from the Convent; O’Hara, Matthew, A Flock Divided: Race, Religion, and Politics in Mexico, 1749–1857 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010);Google Scholar Martinez, Maria Elena, Genealogical Fictions: Limpieza de Sangre, Religion, and Gender in Colonial Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), pp. 91–122;Google Scholar and Haskett, , “Living in Two Worlds: Continuity and Change among Cuernavaca’s Colonial Indigenous Ruling Elite,” Ethnohistory 35:1 (1988), pp. 34–59.Google Scholar

29. The “primordial titles” produced by native community leaders toward 1700 are archetypal expressions of these concerns. Wood, Stephanie, “The Social vs. Legal Context of Nahua Ttulos,” in Native Traditions in the Postconquest World, Boone, Elizabeth Hill and Cummins, Tom, eds. (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2003);Google Scholar Haskett, Robert, Visions of Paradise: Primordial Titles and Mesoamerican History in Cuernavaca (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2005);Google Scholar Florescano, Enrique, Historia de las historias de la nación mexicana (Mexico: Taurus, 2002), pp. 208–245;Google Scholar and Caballero, Paula López, ed., Los títulos primordiales del centro de México (Mexico: CONACULTA, 2003).Google Scholar

30. Gibson, Charles, Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1952), pp. 62–63.Google Scholar

31. Lockhart, , Berdan, , and Anderson, , The Tlaxcalan Actas, p. 3.Google Scholar

32. Baber, R. Jovita, “Empire, Indians, and the Negotiation for the Status of City in Tlaxcala,” in Ruiz-Medrano, and Kellogg, , Negotiation within Domination, p. 31.Google Scholar

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34. “Only with a well-organized native government, backed by an alert community and versed in the special processes of Spanish law, could the series of Tlaxcalan campaigns for privilege have been successfully undertaken.” Gibson, , Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 158–194,Google Scholar quote from p. 161. See also Borah, , Justice by Insurance, pp. 302–304.Google Scholar

35. An entire section of the great compilation of Spanish law in the Americas was dedicated to defining the special place of Tlaxcala within the crown. Recopilación de las leyes de las Indias, Book VI, Title 1, Laws 39–45, 1680, Archivo Digital de la Legislación en el Perú, Congreso de la República del Perú, http:// www.congreso.gob.pe/ntley/LeylndiaP.htm (accessed June 28, 2011).

36. Jovita Baber argues that sixteenth-century Tlaxcalans “contributed to an imperial system that emerged as a fluid convergence of negotiated interests.” Baber, “Empire, Indians, and the Negotiation for the Status of City in Tlaxcala,” p. 20.

37. Poole, Stafford, “Church Law on the Ordination of Indians and Castas in New Spain,” Hispanic American Historical Review 61:4 (1981), pp. 637–650;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Martinez, Maria Elena, “Interrogating Blood Lines: ‘Purity of Blood,’ the Inquisition, and Casta Categories,” in Religion in New Spain, Schroeder, Susan and Poole, Stafford, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2007), pp.196–217;Google Scholar Cañedo, Lino Gómez, La educación de los marginados durante la época colonial: escuelas y colegios para indios y mestizos en la Nueva España (México: Editorial Porrúa, 1982);Google Scholar and Aizpurú, Pilar Gonzalbo, Historia de la educación en la época colonial: el mundo indigena (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1990).Google Scholar

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40. Serge Gruzinski offers a different, but not incompatible way of understanding such individuals, whom he describes as active agents of colonial oppression: “completely taken over by the Church,” educated caciques exhibited “the scandalized and scornful attitude of the enlightened West” toward the popular cultures of Mexico’s Indians, whom they viewed as Others. Gruzinski, , Man-Gods in the Mexican Highlands: Indian Power and Colonial Society, 1520–1800, Corrigan, Eileen, trans. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989), pp. 171–172.Google Scholar

41. Sicroff, Albert A., Los estatutos de limpieza de sangre: controversias entre los siglos XV y XVII, Armiño, Mauro, trans. (Madrid: Taurus, 1985);Google Scholar Martínez, , Genealogical Fictions, pp. 25–88;Google Scholar and Nesvig, Martin A., Ideology and Inquisition: The World of the Censors in Early Mexico (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), pp. 30–64.Google Scholar

42. Salvador, Rodolfo Aguirre, El mérito y la estrategia: clérigos, juristas, y médicos en Nueva España (Mexico: Plaza y Valdés, 2003), p. 11.Google Scholar See also the social histories of the colonial Church: Schwaller, John Frederick, The Church and Clergy in Sixteenth-Century Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press);Google Scholar and Taylor, Magistrates of the Sacred.

43. Merits of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, Cuapiaxtla, 1707, Salazar Family Papers, f. 47r. According to tradition, Tlahuicole was captured but offered liberty in return for military service to Tenochtitlan. A Tlaxcalan patriot, he chose death instead; tied to a large stone, he killed eight and wounded 20 Mexica warriors before succumbing himself. Camargo, Diego Muñoz, Historia de Tlaxcala, edited by Alfredo Chavero (Mexico: Oficina tip. de la Secretaría de Fomento, 1892), pp. 125–128.Google Scholar

44. Camargo, Muñoz, Historia de Tlaxcala, p. 112;Google Scholar Gibson, , Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 13–14.Google Scholar

45. Salazar Genealogy, Mexico City, 1735, Salazar Family Papers, f. 74r.

46. Lockhart, Berdan, and Anderson, pp. 12, 22, 130; Juan Buenaventura de Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica de la Noble Ciudad de Tlaxcala, Luis Reyes García and Andrea Martínez Baracs, trans. (Tlaxcala: Universidad Autónoma de Tlaxcala, 1995), p. 128.

47. Don Miguel Aparicio Sánchez de Salazar recorded this name in 1735 as “Tziuteco Sautzin.” This is clearly a corruption from classical Náhuatl. Salazar Genealogy, f. 74r.

48. Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica, pp. 243–245.

49. Salazar Genealogy, f. 74r; Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica, p. 683 n2S7.

50. Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica, p. 395.

51. “Memorial of the governor and caciques of Tlaxcala,” Tlaxcala, August 16, 1666, Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain: Mexico 41, N39.

52. Townsend, Here in this Year, p. 26; Salazar Genealogy, f. 74r; estate information of doña Felipa Isabel Flores, Cuapiaxtla, September 29, 1695, in Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica, pp. 684–688. Fer–nando Paso y Troncoso reported that doña Felipa was the daughter of the governor don Juan de los Santos, but his information seems to have been based only on common surnames. Troncoso, Paso y, introduction to Invención Ac la Santa Cruz por Santa Elena by Manuel de los Santos y Salazar (Mexico: Museo Nacional, 1890), pp. ii–iii.Google Scholar

53. Frances Krug and Camilla Townsend, “The Tlaxcala-Puebla Family of Annals,” in Sources ani Methods for the Study of Postconquest Mesoamerican Ethnohistory, James Lockhart, Lisa Sousa, and Stephanie Wood, eds., University of Oregon Wired Humanities Project, http://whp.uoregon.edu/Lockhart/index.html, 2007 (accessed June 29, 2011); Townsend, Here in This Tear, pp. 21–27.

54. Bibliothèque nationale, Paris, Méxicain 212, collection E. Eug. Goupil, Ancienne Collection J.M.A. Aubin.

55. Townsend, Here in this Year, pp. 21–26.

56. Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica, p. 601.

57. García, Reyes and Baracs, Martínez, introduction to Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica, pp. 15–29, 52–53;Google Scholar Webb, David Edward, “ Historia chronológica de la Noble Ciudad de Tlaxcala: A Study of Juan Buenaventura Zapata y Mendoza’s Nahua Annals from Seventeenth-Century Mexico” (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 2003), pp. 79–84;Google Scholar and Krug and Townsend, “The Tlaxcala-Puebla Family of Annals,” p. 6.

58. Townsend, , “Don Juan Buenaventura Zapata y Mendoza and the Notion of a Nahua Identity,” pp. 154–160;Google Scholar Lockhart, , The Nahuas after the Conquest, pp. 391–392.Google Scholar

59. Mendoza, Zapata y, Historia cronológica, p. 211.Google Scholar

60. Ibid., p. 623.

61. Baracs, Martínez, Un gobierno de indios, p. 23.Google Scholar See also Webb, , “Historia chronológica de la Noble Ciudad de Tlaxcala,” p. 81;Google Scholar and Lockhart, , The Nahuas After the Conquest, p. 384.Google Scholar

62. Fray Luis de Garro to don Bernabé Antonio de Salazar, October 23, 1675, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 4–5.

63. Morales, Francisco, OFM, Ethnic ani Social Background of the Franciscan Friars in Seventeenth-Century Mexico (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1973), pp. 15–17, 38—42.Google Scholar

64. Fray Luis de Garro to Bernabé Antonio de Salazar, April 15, 1676, Salazar Family Papers, f. 6.

65. Riley, James D., “Priests and the Provincial Social Order in Tlaxcala,” in Schroeder and Poole, Religion in New Spain, pp. 301–324.Google Scholar

66. Borah, , Justice by Insurance, pp. 34–54.Google Scholar

67. Figuera, Guillermo, La formación del clero indígena en la historia eclesiástica de América, 1500–1810 (Caracas: Archivo General de la Nación, 1965), p. 366;Google Scholar Menegus, and Aguirre, , Los indios, el sacerdocio, y la universidad, pp. 103–107;Google Scholar Martínez, , Genealogical Fictions, pp. 204–206;Google Scholar and O’Hara, , A Flock Divided, pp. 57–71.Google Scholar

68. Montenegro, Alonso de Peña, Itinerario para panchos de indios, vol. 1 (Amberes: Henrico y Cornelio Verdussen, 1698), p. 139.Google Scholar

69. Konetzke, Richard, ed., Colección de documentos para la historia de la formación social de Hispanoamérica, vol. 2, tom. 2 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1958), pp. 759–764,Google Scholar and vol. 3, torn. 1 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1962), p. 15.

70. Gazeta de México (Mexico City) 13, December 1728, in Bibliografia mexicana del siglo XVIII, pt. 2, sec. 1, Nicolás de León, ed. (Mexico: J. I. Guerrero, 1902–1908), pp. 84–85.

71. Salvador, Aguirre, El mérito y la estrategia, p. 85.Google Scholar

72. Decree of Charles II, March 26,1697, Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (hereafter AGN): Reales Cédulas (RC) 27, Exp. 114.

73. Decree of Charles III, September 11, 1766, AGN, RC 89, Exp. 42.

74. Bishop Fernández is best known today as “Sor Filotea,” the pseudonym he adopted during a public polemic with the famed poet–nun Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz in 1690. Paz, Octavio, Sor Juana, or, the Traps of Faith, Margaret Sayers Peden, trans. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988), p. 398.Google Scholar

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76. Bachiller of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, Mexico City, May 7, 1684, Salazar Family Papers, f. 3. In later decades grados awarded a título de idioma were scorned as loopholes allowing people of inferior rank, education, and means to call themselves bachelors. Taylor, Magistrates of the Sacred, pp. 95–96.

77. Merits of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, ff. 47r–47v; Manuel Fernández de Santa Cruz to the Consejo de Indias, Puebla, January 17, 1679, in La Puebla de los Angeles en el siglo XVII, Mariano Cuevas, ed. (Mexico: Editorial Patria, 1945), pp. 162–163. The chantry’s founder was a doña Juana de Solís; Daniel Salvador Vázquez Conde has recently published documents pertaining to a contemporary of the same name whose life circumstances suggest she may have been the same person, but I cannot confirm this. Conde, Vázquez, “Doña Juana de Solís y Vargas: testimonio de una mujer novohispana desconocida,” Legajos: Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación ser. 7, no. 5 (2010), pp. 41–56.Google Scholar

78. Ordination of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, Puebla, October 6–10, 1685, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 1–2, 7–8. A useful guide to the elaborate Tridentine Catholic hierarchy is in Poole, Stafford, Pedro Moya de Contreras: Catholic Reform and Royal Power in New Spain, 1571–1591, 2nd ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2011), pp. 279–284.Google Scholar

79. Townsend, , Here in this Tear, p. 187.Google Scholar

80. Merits of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, ff. 47r–47v; Mendoza, Zapata y, Historia cronológica, p. 682 n253;Google Scholar Appointment of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar to San Lorenzo Cuapiaxtla, Puebla, July-August 1693, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 15r–19r. The bishop’s review found that Cuapiaxtla consisted of 12 haciendas and 416 independent families of all castes and languages.

81. Merits of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, 1707, Salazar Family Papers, f. 48v.

82. Riley, , “Priests and the Provincial Social Order,” p. 305.Google Scholar

83. Appointment of Manuel del los Santos y Salazar to Santa Cruz de Tlaxcala, Puebla, 1709–10, Salazar Family Papers, ff. llr–13v; Salazar Genealogy, f. 74r; Reyes Garcia and Martinez Baracs, introduction to Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica, p. 19.

84. Ordination of Nicolás Simeon de Salazar, Puebla, 1692–1693, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 24r–26r.

85. Merits of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, ff. 47r–47v. The frontispiece of the logbook of the Confraternity of Jesus of Nazareth of the Three Falls, established in Cuapiaxtla by don Manuel in 1694 and confirmed by Bishop Fernández, is reproduced in Reyes Garcia and Martinez Baracs, introduction to Mendoza, Zapata y, Historia cronológica, p. 22.Google Scholar

86. Services of Vicar Nicolás Simeon de Salazar, Cuapiaxda, 1699, Salazar Family Papers, f. 29.

87. Parish appointment of Nicolas Simeon de Salazar to San Lorenzo Cuapiaxtla, 1694, Salazar Family Papers, f. 27r.

88. Merits of Nicolás Simeon de Salazar, Cuapiaxtla, 1713, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 32r–32v.

89. Riley, , “Priests and the Provincial Social Order,” p. 317;Google Scholar Salazar Genealogy, f. 74r–74v; Estate of Lie. Luis de Santiago Salazar y Tapia, Tepeaca, April 12, 1724, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 51r–52v.

90. Grados and Ordination of Antonio Marcial de Salazar, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 39r–45r; Salazar Genealogy, f. 74v.

91. Br. Agustín Flores Corona Citlalpopoca, introductory sonnet to Directorio de confessores que ofrece a los principiantes y nuevos ministros de el sacramento de la penitencia… (Puebla: Viuda de Miguel de Ortega Bonilla, 1715).

92. Salazar Genealogy, f. 74v. For information on indigenous nuns in the eighteenth century, see Lavrín, Asunción, Brides of Christ: Conventual Life in Colonial Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), pp. 244–274;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Diaz, Indigenous Writings.

93. Leonard, Irving, Baroque Times in Old Mexico, 3rd ed. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1971), esp. pp. vii–x and 21–36;Google Scholar Brading, David A., The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492–1867 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 213–421;Google Scholar Ross, Kathleen, The Baroque Narrative of Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 17–39;Google Scholar and Paz, Sor Juana.

94. A new English translation by Louise M. Burkhart with assistance from Sell, Barry D. is in Náhuatl Theater, Vol. 4: Nahua Christianity in Performance, Sell and Burkhart, eds. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2009), pp. 281–311.Google Scholar

95. For literary analysis, see Horcasitas, Fernando, ed., Teatro náhuatl: épocas novohispana y moderna, 2nd ed. (Mexico: UNAM, 2004), pp. 630–633;Google Scholar Burkhart, Louise M., “Pageantry, Passion, and Punishment: Eighteenth-Century Náhuatl Community Theater,” in Nahuatl Theater, Vol. 4, pp. 30–39;Google Scholar and Lockhart, , The Nahuas After the Conquest, pp. 400–401, 410.Google Scholar

96. Salazar, Santos y, Invención de la Santa Cruz, p. 44.Google Scholar

97. Ibid., p. 32.

98. Burkhart, , “Pageantry, Passion, and Punishment,” p. 37.Google Scholar

99. Merits of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, f. 48r. I have been unable to find more information about this item. The “Good Death” (bona mors) was a religious ideal emphasizing dying in righteousness. See Schroeder, Susan, “Jesuits, Nahuas, and the Good Death Society in Mexico City, 1710–1767,” Hispanic American Historical Review 80:1 (February 2000), pp. 43–76;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Burkhart, Louise M., “Death and the Colonial Nahua,” in Nahuatl Theater, Vol. 1: Death and Life in Colonial Nahua Mexico, Sell, Barry D. and Burkhart, , eds. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004), pp. 47–52.Google Scholar

100. Nicolás de Salazar Flores Cidalpopoca, preface to Directorio de confessons, n.p. The bibliographer José Mariano Beristaín de Souza indicated that don Nicolás also published Consultas morales with the same printer in 1718, calling him “Nicolás Salazar Mazihcatzin Citlalpopoca.” de Souza, Beristaín, Biblioteca hispano–americana septentrional, vol. 3 (Mexico: Alejandro Valdés, 1821), p. 92.Google Scholar

101. Salazar Flores Citlalpopoca, preface to Directorio de confessores, n.p.

102. Francisco de Aèdo y Peña, approbation to Directorio de confessores, by Salazar Flores Cidalpopoca, n.p.

103. Agustín Flores Corona Citlalpopoca, introductory sonnet to Salazar Flores Cidalpopoca, Directorio de confessores, n.p.

104. Mendoza, Zapata y, Historia cronológica, pp. 245, 307, 311, 423, 629.Google Scholar

105. Salazar Genealogy, ff. 74r–74v.

106. Webb, , “Historia chronological,” pp. 83–84;Google Scholar Krug, and Townsend, , “The Tlaxcala-Puebla Family of Annals,” p. 6;Google Scholar Reyes Garcia and Martinez Baracs, introduction to Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica, pp. 48–52.

107. Salazar, Santos y, Invención de la Santa Cruz, pp. 32, 43.Google Scholar

108. Veytia, Mariano Fernández Echeverría y, Los calendarios mexicanos (Mexico: Museo Nacional, 1907), plate 5.Google Scholar

109. Salazar, Manuel de los Santos y (unattributed), “Computo cronológico de los indios mexicanos,” in Documentos para la historia de México, ser. 3, torn. 1 (Mexico: Vicente García Torres, 1856), pp. 226–284.Google Scholar

110. Salazar, Santos y, “Computo cronológico,” pp. 226–235.Google Scholar

111. Ibid., pp. 236–243. Sigüenza’s original was the lost Tratado de la ciclografla mexicana, known today only through references by contemporaries who claimed to have seen it. Trabulse, Enrique, Los manuscritos perdidos de Sigüenza y Góngora (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1988), p. 41;Google Scholar Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora, introduction to “Noticia chronológíca de los gobernantes mexicanos,” 1680, Lilly Library, Bloomington, Ind., n.p.

112. Salazar, Santos y, “Computo cronológico,” p. 235.Google Scholar

113. Ibid., p. 236.

114. Ibid., p. 243.

115. de Florencia, Francisco, Narración de la maravillosa aparición que hizo el arcángel San Miguel a Diego Lázaro de San Francisco, 2 vols. (Seville: Tomas López de Haro, 1692);Google Scholar Cuadrillo, , The Glories of the Republic of Tlaxcala, pp. 161–171.Google Scholar

116. Salazar, Santos y“Computo cronológico,” p. 226.Google Scholar

117. Merits of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, Salazar Family Papers, f. 47.

118. Mendoza, Juan de Palafox y, “Prayers for Confessors,” in Directorio de confessores by Salazar Flores Citlalpopoca, appendix 2, n.p.Google Scholar

119. Baptism of Miguel Aparicio de Sánchez y Salazar, Teolocholco, April 30, 1691, Salazar Family Papers, f. 77r; Bachelor in Arts of Miguel Aparicio de Sánchez y Salazar, Puebla, February 25, 1711, Salazar Family Papers, f. 64r; Merits of Miguel Aparicio Santos y Salazar, Puebla, 1711, in de Martínez, Celia Medina M., “Indios caciques graduados de bachiller en la universidad,” Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación 10:1,2 (1969), p. 36.Google Scholar

120. Bachelor in Sacred Canons of Miguel Aparicio de Sánchez y Salazar, Mexico, May 20, 1715, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 68r–68v; Certification as Abogado of Miguel Aparicio de Sánchez y Salazar, Mexico, July-October 1717, Salazar Family Papers, f. 69r, 75r–76r.

121. Acts of the Council of the Royal University of Mexico, November 4–10, 1718, Mexico, Salazar Family Papers, 46r–46v; Title of Abogado of Miguel Aparicio de Salazar, July 14–19, 1717, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 69r, 75r.

122. Marriage certificate of Miguel Aparicio Sanchez de Salazar and María Laureana de Ortega, May 10, 1732, Salazar Family Papers, f. 80; Merits of don José Mariano Sánchez Zidalpopoca de Salazar, f. 79r.

123. Salazar Genealogy, f. 74r; Information of Miguel Aparicio Santos y Salazar, 1711, in Medina M. de Martinez, p. 36. In a marginal note on the genealogy, don Miguel notes that his mother inherited lands in “Chiahuctla” from don Bernabé.

124. Chance, John K., “The Urban Indian in Colonial Oaxaca,” American Ethnologist 3:4 (1976), pp. 603–632;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Velasco-Murillo, Dana, “Urban Indians in a Silver City: Zacatecas, Mexico, 1546–1806” (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 2009).Google Scholar

125. Information of Miguel Aparicio Santos y Salazar, in Medina M. de Martínez, p. 36.

126. I thank Susan Schroeder for suggesting “Tlaxcalteca hidalgo” as a succinct way to understand don Miguel’s multilayered identity.

127. Information of Miguel Aparicio Santos y Salazar, in Medina M. de Martínez, p. 37.

128. Ibid., p. 38.

129. Merits of Manuel de los Santos y Salazar, f. 48v.

130. Bachelor in Arts of Miguel Aparicio Santos de Salazar y Quapiotzin, Puebla, February 23, 1711, Salazar Family Papers, f. 72. In earlier documents his name is usually listed as Miguel Aparicio Santos y Salazar, yet by the 1730s he has replaced “Santos” with “Sánchez,”recognizing his father’s surname. In the genealogy of 1735, he states his name as “Lic. don Miguel Aparicio Sánches de Salazar.” Salazar Genealogy, f. 74r.

131. Salazar Genealogy, ff. 74r–74v.

132. Cuadrillo, , The Glories of the Republic of Tlaxcala, pp. 15–30.Google Scholar The names of the four lords differ widely across the sixteenth-century sources; in fact, following records he found in the cabildo, don Manuel de los Santos in the Computo cronológico called the lord of Tizarían “don Bartolomé Xicotencatl.” Yet by the eighteenth century the names had become standardized as Vicente Xicotencad, Gonzalo Tlehuexolotzin, Lorenzo Maxixcatzin, and Bartolomé Cidalpopoca. Salazar, Santos y, “Computo cronológico,” p. 243;Google Scholar Gibson, , Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 89–93.Google Scholar

133. Miguel Aparicio Sánchez de Salazar, “The Invincible and Christian King don Vicente Xicotencatl,” Mexico, July 1, 1762, Salazar Family Papers, f. 56. Presumably, don Miguel mistook don Vicente Xicotencatl (known as “the Elder”) for his son, Xicotencatl “the Younger,” as the former was half-blind in 1519 and died before the conquest was complete. Ironically, Xicotencatl II is mostly remembered today for his execution by Cortés on charges of treason. Gibson, , Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 25–26.Google Scholar

134. Miguel Aparicio Sánchez de Salazar, “The Distinguished and Catholic King don Gonzalo Tlehuexolotzin,” Mexico, July 1, 1762, Salazar Family Papers, f. 58.

135. Miguel Aparicio Sánchez de Salazar, “The Very Christian King don Lorenzo Mazihcatzin, Mexico, July 1, 1762, “Salazar Family Papers,” f. 57. The original reads, “Aseptasteisgustoso,/Creer en Dios que es lo primero, /Tdespués con tal esmero,/En señal de agradesido,/A su ley has prometido, Reducir un mundo entero.”

136. Miguel Aparicio Sánchez de Salazar, “To the Very Loyal and Christian King don Bartholomé Sitlalpopoca,” Mexico, July 1, 1762, Salazar Family Papers, f. 59. The original reads: “El fìdelissimo y christianissimo rey don Bartholomé Sitlalpopoca—/Con qué pudiera elogiarte/Tnvicto Bartolomé /Quando en la conquista fue/Tu valor más que el de Marte,/Si algún nombre pudo darte. /Sólo será sin segundo, /No en poca razón lo fundo/Si, en aquél amor subsinto/Conque diste a Carlos Quinto/Quanto ensierra un Nuevo Mundo.”

137. The story of the regiment’s failure is in Baracs, Martínez, Un gobierno de indios, pp. 480–502.Google Scholar

138. Power of Attorney to Miguel Aparicio Sánchez de Salazar, Mexico, January 31, 1727, Salazar Family Papers, ff. 65r–66v.

139. It is significant that the Salazars proposed the militia while facing challenges to their continued prominence within Tlaxcalan politics. See Baracs, Martínez, Un gobierno de indios, pp. 494–502;Google Scholar also Riley, , “Priests and the Provincial Social Order,” p. 323–324 n39.Google Scholar

140. Bachelor of Civil Law of Bernardino de Sánchez y Salazar, Mexico, June 18, 1746, Salazar Family Papers, 49r.

141. Enlistment of José Mariano Salazar in the Regiment of Commerce, Mexico, March 23, 1771, Salazar Family Papers, f. 70r.

142. Merits of José Mariano Sánchez de Salazar Zidalpopoca, f. 78r–79r.

143. For example, Br. don Nicolás Faustino Mazihcatzin y Calmecahua, a contemporary regidor, alcalde, and Tlaxcalan patriot, did not speak Náhuatl. de Orozco, Federico Gómez, introduction to “Descripción del Lienzo de Tlaxcala” by Calmecahua, Mazihcatzin y, Revista mexicana de estudios históricos 1:2 (1927), p. 61.Google Scholar

144. Burial of María Laureana de Ortega y Castro, Mexico, March 25, 1777, Salazar Family Papers, f. 55r; Children of doña Veronica de Salazar, Salazar Family Papers, unnumbered.

145. Note of Manuel de Jesus Sánchez Rodriguez, September 29, 1794, Salazar Family Papers, unnumbered.

146. Góngora, Carlos de Sigüenza y, Teatro de virtudes, in Colección de documentos para la historia de Mexico, p. 28;Google Scholar Sigüenza y Góngora, “Noticia cronológica de los governadores mexicanos”; Brading, , The First America, pp. 362–364.Google Scholar

147. Florencia to Bishop Manuel Fernández de Santa Cruz, in Narración de la maravillosa aparición, vol. 1, n.p.

148. Benaduci, Lorenzo Boturini, Idea de una nueva historia de la América Septentrional (Madrid: Juan de Zúñiga, 1746), pp. 1–7,151–52;Google Scholar Glass, John B., The Indian Museum of Lorenzo Boturini, 2 vols. (Lincoln Center, Mass.: Conemex Associates, 1981);Google Scholar and Brading, , The First America, pp. 381–388.Google Scholar

149. Benaduci, Lorenzo Boturini, Catálogo del museo histórico indiano (Madrid: Juan de Zúñiga, 1746), pp. 31–32, 59, 62, 78;Google Scholar Gaibrois, Manuel Ballesteros, introduction to Boturini, Historia General de la América Septentrional (1949; Mexico: UNAM, 1990), pp. xii, 309–312.Google Scholar As he had inherited many of don Manuel’s papers it is also possible that don Miguel Aparicio himself gave them to Boturini.

150. Boturini, , Idea de una nueva historia, p. 150;Google Scholar Cuadrillo, , The Glories of the Republic of Tlaxcala, pp. 236–243.Google Scholar

151. Lorenzana, Francisco Antonio, Historia de la Nueva España escrita por su esclarecido conquistador Hernán Cortés (Mexico: Imprenta del Superior Gobierno, 1770), p. 2.Google Scholar Lorenzana altered the orientation of the wheel and truncated some of the glosses.

152. Galvez, José Joaquín Granados y, Tardes americanas (1778; Mexico: Porrua, 1987), p. 229, quote from p. 237.Google Scholar On Granados y Gálvez’s creole sympathies, see Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge, How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth–Century Atlantic World (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), pp. 230–234.Google Scholar

153. Baudot, Georges, “Las antigüedades mexicanas del padre Díaz de la Vega, OFM,” Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl 8 (1969), pp. 223–256, esp. 230 and 251.Google Scholar

154. On the connections between elite Indian and creole historiographies, see Cañizares-Esguerra, , How to Write the History of the New World, p. 224;Google Scholar and Rojo, Danna Levin, “Historiografía y separatismo étnico: el problema de la distinción entre fuentes indígenas y fuentes españolas,” in Levin, and Navarrete, , Indios, mestizos y españoles, p. 48.Google Scholar

155. Cañizares-Esguerra, , How to Write the History of the New World, pp. 148–155, 225–230.Google Scholar

156. Boturini, , Catálogo del museo histórico indiano, pp. 59–60.Google Scholar The original, the “Rueda calendarica de los 18 meses” by fray Francisco de las Navas in collaboration with the Indian governor don Antonio de Guevara, erred in the ordering of the months; don Manuel corrected this mistake. Sugawara, Masae, “Boturini y los manuscritos históricos sobre Tlaxcala,” in La escritura pictográfica en Tlaxcala, García, Luis Reyes, ed. (Tlaxcala: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Tlaxcala, 1993), pp. 219–221, 284.Google Scholar

157. Others similarly inhabited both the elite indigenous and Hispanic worlds in the eighteenth century, at least temporarily. The Mazihcatzins, also of Tlaxcala, were cabildo officers, priests, and advocates of tiaxcaltequidad as writers, historians, and art patrons. The de la Motas came from a line of Indian governors of Mexico City; three brothers went into the priesthood and one sister into a convent. Don Domingo José de la Mota, an ally of Archbishop Lorenzana, is notable for his pro-imperial, Christian zeal: his finger was bitten off by an angry "idolator" during an extirpation campaign. On the Mazihcatzins, see Cuadrillo, The Glories of the Republic of Tlaxcala; and Nicolas Faustinos de Mazihcatzin y Calmecahua, “Descripción del Lienzo de Tlaxcala.” On the De la Motas, see Lorenzana, Historia de Nueva-España, p. 176;

Gruzinski, Man-Gods, pp. 170-172

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