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Continuing the Bleeding of These Pueblos Will Shortly Make Them Cadavers: The Potosi Mita, Cultural Identity, and Communal Survival in Colonial Peru*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Ward Stavig
Ward Stavig*
Affiliation:
University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida
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Extract

The exploitation of Andean villagers under the forced labor regime for the mines of Potosi is almost as infamous as the silver they extracted from the cerro rico is famous. Established by Viceroy Toledo in the 1570s, the mita, as the system of forced labor was known, remained in place until the smoke and shot of Latin American independence struggles were in the air. For over two centuries, Spain forced thousands upon thousands of naturales (a common colonial term for indigenous people) from communities throughout the southern Andean highlands to lend their muscle and sweat, and all too often their blood and their lives, to keep Potosi's veins open and flowing. Through this work the mitayos and their communities not only drove the colonial economy, but also were a major force in sustaining the Spanish empire and in helping forge the modern world's dominant economic system. Conversely, mita exploitation threatened the very survival of the communities subject to it. The mita was so onerous that virtually all indigenous peoples subject to the labor draft, regardless of ethnicity or class, raised an almost continuous voice of protest from their communities against the mita and its abuses. Tensions created by the mita also severely strained the bonds that linked community, curaca, and the state, which were primary ingredients in the social glue that kept colonial Andean society from coming apart. To avoid descending into the mines, and to escape such horrors as laboring over mercury vapors, many people permanently fled their communities, giving up the status of originarios (community members with rights such as access to land and subject to state obligations) to become forasteros (indigenous person not living in community of origin, or descendant of the same, without communal rights but exempt from many state obligations). In this way the mita, one of the few forces that had potential for uniting Andean peoples in opposition to the state also fractured them. Communal solidarity was severely strained and neither the shared experience of the mita nor the commonality of experience in Potosi created sufficient cohesion to overcome the ethnic and regional differences that divided them.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 56 , Issue 4 , April 2000 , pp. 529 - 562
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2000

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Footnotes

*

I would like to thank Arnold Bauer, Dan Calhoun, and Rollie Poppino for comments on early versions and Ella Schmidt and the helpful anonymous readers for their useful suggestions on later versions. Parts of this article have appeared in Ward Stavig, The World of Túpac Amaru (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999).

References

1 Potosi is properly written with an accent on the “i” but it is so commonly written without the accent that I have opted for the convenience of not using the accent.

2 The situations of originarios and, especially, forasteros varied significantly from place to place and over time. Space does not allow for a more complex definition here. One might look at Wightman, Ann Indigenous Migration and Social Change: The Forasteros of Cuzco 1570–1720 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990);CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Powers, Karen “Resilient Lords and Indian Vagabonds: Wealth, Migration, and the Reproductive Transformation of Quito’s Chiefdoms, 1500–1700,” Ethnohistory 38:3 (1991).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3 There is a growing literature on Potosi and the mita. One might begin by examining the following: Bakewell, Peter Miners of the Red Mountain: Indian Labor in Potosí, 1545–1650 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984);Google Scholar Cole, Jeffrey A. The Potosi Mita 1573–1700: Compulsory Indian Labor in the Andes (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985);Google Scholar Tandeter, Enrique Coercion and Market. Silver Mining in Colonial Potosí, 1692–1826 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993).Google Scholar For early works see Cobb, Gwendolin Supply and Transportation for the Potosi Mines, 1545–1640,” HAHR 29:1 (1949);Google Scholar Crespo Rodas, Alberto “El reclutamineto y los viajes en la ‘mita’ del Cerro de Potosí, in La Minería Hispana e Ibero Americana (Leon, 1970);Google Scholar René-Moreno, Gabriel “La Mita de Potosi en 1795,” Revista del Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas de la Universidad Tomás Friás, Potosi 1, (1959–60).Google Scholar

4 For another regional study of the mita see Choque Canqui, Roberto “El papel de los capitanes de indios de la provinci Pacajes’en el entero de la mita’ del Potosi,” Revista Andina 1:1 (1983).Google Scholar

5 For a discussion of these issues one might begin with Thompson, E.P. “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth century,” Past and Present, 50 (February 1971).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a more updated view of Thompson’s thoughts on moral economy as it has come to be used in other fields, especially peasant studies, see “Moral Economy Reviewed” in Customs in Common (London, 1991) especially pages pp. 339–351. Much of this discussion is drawn from an article of mine in the Hispanic American Historical Review ( Stavig, Ward “Ethnic Conflict, Moral Economy, and Population in Rural Cuzco on the Eve of the Thupa Amaro II Rebellion,” HAHR, 68:4 (November 1988).Google Scholar A conversation with Brooke Larson at the 1986 CLASCO conference in Lima and the paper she presented, “‘Exploitation’ and ‘Moral Economy’ in the Southern Andes: A Critical Reconsideration,” were helpful to me. Also on the Andes, see Platt, Tristan Estado boliviano y ayllu andino (Lima, 1982) and Langer, Erick D. “Labor Strikes and Reciprocity on Chuquisaca Haciendas,” HAHR, vol. 65:2 (1985).Google Scholar In Mexico see Gosner, Kevin Soldiers of the Virgin (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1992).Google Scholar Also see Scott, James L. The Moral Economy of the Peasants: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (Yale University Press: New Haven, 1976)Google Scholar and Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (Yale University Press: New Haven, 1985). Thompson has been criticized for not differentiating between sectors of the “community,” a differentiation that is fundamental to my argument.

6 Massey, Doreen “Double Articulation. A Place in the World” in Displacements: Cultural identities in Question (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), pp. 110–121.Google Scholar

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13 Arzáns, , Historia, 3, 85;Google Scholar Cañete y Dominguez, Pedro Vicente Guía Histórica, Geográphica, Física, Política, Civil y Legal del Gobierno e Intendencia de la Provincia de Potosí (Potosi: Editorial Potosi, 1952), p. 38.Google Scholar

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15 Miguel Glave, Luis “La producción de los trajines: coca y mercado interno colonial,” HISLA, No. 6 (Lima, 1986), p. 30.Google Scholar

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17 Hemming, John The Conquest of the Incas, (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich [Harvest Book], 1970), p. 407;Google Scholar Domínguez, Cañete y Guía Histórica, pp. 106–107;Google Scholar Rodas, Alberto Crespo “El Reclutamiento y los Viajes en la ‘Mita’ del Cerro de Potosí,” pp. 471–475.Google Scholar The provinces included in the mita were Porco, Chayanta, Paria, Carangas, Sicasica, Pacajes Omasuyos, Paucarcolla, Chuquito (these last four are on the shores of Lake Titicaca) Cavana and Cavanilla, Quispicanches, Azangaro and Asilla, Canes and Canches.

18 Glave, Luis Miguel Vida símbolos y batallas. Creación y recreación de la comunidad indígena. Cusco, siglos XVI–XX. (Lima, 1992), p. 64.Google Scholar

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20 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 60, 1601–1677. 1655. Pomacanche mita. Maestro del Campo Joseph de los Rios y…

21 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 61, 1679–1705. 1687. Mita de Papres.

22 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 60, 1601–1677. 1646. Mita de Quispicanchis. ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 61, 1679–1705. 1690. Mita. Pomacanche, Sangarará.

23 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 61, 1679–1705. 1687. Mita de Papres.

24 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 60, 1601–1677. 1646. Mita de Quispicanchis.

25 Cuzco 1689. Economía y sociedad enei sur andino. Informes de los párrocos al obispo Molliendo, Villanueva Urteaga, Horacio prólogo y transcripción (Cuzco: Centro Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1982), pp. 127–173 and 236–252.Google Scholar

26 ANB. E.C. 1770, p. 81. Don Manuel Maruri, regidor de Potosi y receptor del derecho de alcabalas, sobre que se continuan el pago de las que estan obligados a pagar los enteradores de mita y sus segundos de los efectos de comestibles y ropa de la sierra que introducen en la villa para su expendido en las tiendas, plazas y canchas.

27 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 61, 1679–1705. 1690; Mita. Pomacanche. For a discussion of the transfer of wealth out of the communities see Sánchez-Albornoz, Nicolas Indios y tributos en el Alto Perú (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1978).Google Scholar

28 Sánchez-Albornoz, , Indios y tributos, pp. 142–149.Google Scholar

29 Sánchez-Albornoz, , Indios y tributos, p. 103;Google Scholar Rowe, John “The Inca under Spanish Colonial Institutions,” HAHR 37:2 (1957), p. 176.Google Scholar The amount required varied according to distance from Potosi, and it also changed with the passage of time. In general, the further one went from Potosi the greater the cost of a substitute.

30 ADC. Intend. Ord. Leg. 41, 1797. Expedte seguido por Mateo Gamarra sobre que el Subdo se releve del cargo de nombramento de Capitan enterador a la mineria del trapiche de la Villa de Potosi.

31 Ibid.

32 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 60, 1601–1677. 1633. Don Diego Arqui yndio viejo natural de Pichigua (hurinsaya).

33 Sánchez-Albornoz, , Indios y tributos, p. 144.Google Scholar

34 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Crim. Leg. 81, 1776–84. 1780. Coporaque. Criminal contra Jose Chaco o Ylachaco por usurpacion de RS. tributos al Rey, y a los yndios quando fue cobrador de este ramo en el ayllo Ancocagua de este mismo pueblo.

35 Sánchez-Albornoz, , Indios y tributos, p. 144.Google Scholar

37 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 60, 1601–1677. 1646. Mita. Quispicanchis. ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 60, 1601–1677. 1674. Mita. Marcaconga.

37 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 61, 1679–1705. 1690. Mita. Pomacanche, Sangarará.

38 Capoche, Luis (1585), “Relación General de la Villa Imperial de Potosí,” in Relaciones históricas literarias de la América Meridional (Madrid: Biblioteca de autores españoles, (1959), p. 135.Google Scholar

39 Mercurio Peruano, 1792. Edicion Fuentes, I, 208 as cited in René-Moreno, Gabriel “La Mita de Potosí en 1795,” p. 8.Google Scholar

40 ANP. Superior Gobierno (S. Gob.) L.8, C. 146, 1729. Expediente promovido ante el Superior Gobierno, sobre la regulacion de los tributos de la Provincia de Canas y Canches, para que se les pague a los indios del servicio de minas, la bonificación de leguaje, cuando concurren a lugares apartados. ANB. MSS2 (Ruck). 1603. Para que el corregidor de Potosí y los demás …hagan pagar lo que se ocupan en yr y bolver a sus pueblos, fl53–154v).

41 Hemming, Conquest of the Incas, p. 407; Dominguez, Cañete y Guía histórica, pp. 106–07;Google Scholar Rodas, Crespo “El reclutamineto,” pp. 471–75.Google Scholar

42 Cuzco 1689, p. 243.

43 Cuzco 1689, p. 241. For a similar policy in the Lake Titicaca region see BNP. B585.1673. Despacho de la mita de Potosi. Puno, 2 November 1673.

44 AGN. B. A. Sala 9, 6–2–5, 22. Memi de las Provincias y Pueblos qe estan obligados a enuiar yndios para la mita del cerro de Potosi con distinción de quales son buenos medianos y malos, 2 fs.

45 Sánchez-Albornoz, Nicolás “Mita, migraciones y pueblo. Variaciones en el espacio y en el tiempo. Alto Perú, 1573–1692,“ Historia Boliviana, 3 (1983), p. 59;Google Scholar For percentages of all provinces see Stavig, Ward “The Indian Peoples of Rural Cuzco in the Era of Thupa Amaro,” Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, Davis (1991), p. 351.Google Scholar

46 Tandeter, , Coercion and Market, p. 19.Google Scholar

47 AHP. C.R. 26. Yanaconas. In the late sixteenth century several people with origins in the upper Vilcanota were registered in Potosi as yanacona of the crown. Among those who took such action were: Domingo Ato, aged thirty, from Tinta and married; Francisco Guaneo, a twenty-year-old man from Sicuani who had lived in Potosi since he was a small child; and Juan Saucani from Guaro(c), whose father had been a huayrador, and who was married and had a four-month-old baby.

48 ANP. Derecho Indigena (D.I.) L.XXIV C.706. 1786. Autos promovidos en virtud del decreto expedido por el Superior Gobierno para que se empadronasen a los indios llamados ausentes con los originarios … Contains 1692 materials. For totals see Stavig, , “The Indian Peoples,” p. 354.Google Scholar

49 ANP. D.I. LXX1V C. 706. 1756, 1692. Autos promovidos en virtud del decreto expendido por el Superior Gobierno para que se empadronasen a los indios llamados ausentes con los originarios …; Monter, , Perfil de la Sociedad Rural del Cuzco, p. 144.Google Scholar

50 ANP. D.I. LXXIV C. 706. 1756. Autos promovidos en virtud del decreto expedido por el Superior Gobierno para que se empadronasen a los indios llamados ausentes con los originarios.

51 Cuzco 1689, p. 241.

52 Sánchez-Albornoz, , Indios y tributos, pp. 142–149.Google Scholar

53 Austin Cole, Jeffrey “The Potosi Mita Under Hapsburg Administration. The Seventeenth Century,” (Ph.D dissertation, University of Massachusetts, 1981), pp. 222–223.Google Scholar

54 ANB. Minas 7. 126. no. 8 1798. Don Bartolomé Uancoiro y don Sebastian Condori, enteradores de la mita del pueblo de Acopia … sobre que los hermanos Baltasar y Agustin Ramos exhiben sus partidas de bautizo, por donde constará la obligacion que tienen de servir la mita de Potosi, como originarios de dicho pueblo.

55 Evans, Brian “Census Enumeration in Late 17th Century Alto Peru: The Numeracion General of 1683–1684,” Studies in Spanish American Population History, Robinson, David ed. (Boulder: Westview Press, 1981).Google Scholar

56 ANB. M147 (Minas no.Ill) Mano de obra minera no. 686. 1692. IV, 27, Lima. Repartimiento general de indios de mita para las minas e ingenios de Potosi hecho al orden del conde de la Mondava, virrey del Peru. And ANB 147 (Minas 1392) 1736. VI, 24–1736 Xl.i Potosi. Entrega de indios de mita: El capitán general de ella a los interesados de las provincias de Porco, Canas y Canches, Chuquito.

57 Domínguez, y Cañete, Guía Histórica, p. 112.Google Scholar

58 Tandeter, Enrique “Propiedad y gestión en la minería potosina de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII,” Paper presented at El Sistema Colonial en Mesoamérica y los Andes. VII Simposio Internacional. Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLASCO) Comision de Historia Economica. Lima. 1986.Google Scholar

59 Rodas, Crespo “La Mita,” pp. 17–18.Google Scholar Cole, Jeffrey A. “An Abolitionism Born of Frustration: The Conde de Lemos and the Potosi Mita, 1667–73,” HAHR 63:2 (1983).Google Scholar The Conde de Lemos, one of the viceroys most sympathetic to the plight of the workers, ordered mitayos be allowed to leave at the end of the day to sleep in their own residences. But this regulation seems not to have been enforced once the viceroy's term of office was up, if it was ever enforced to any extent.

60 du Biscay, Acarete An Account of a Voyage up the River de La Plata and Thence Over Land to Peru, (n.p.: 1698), p. 50.Google Scholar

61 Capoche, , Relación General, pp. 158–159.Google Scholar

62 Acosta, , Natural & Moral History, p. 212.Google Scholar

63 Thierry Saignes provided me with the information based on Repartimiento General del Marques de Montesclaros, 1610, Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, ms. espagnol n. 175, ff., pp. 257–318 and AGI. Charcas 51(?). 1617 Lista de mitayos presentes y faltos en Potosi; For totals see Stavig, , “The Indian Peoples,” pp. 361–362.Google Scholar

64 ADP. San Pablo 1749–1787. 1750, 6v.

65 Capoche, , Relación General, pp. 173–176.Google Scholar

66 Padden, R.C. Tales of Potosi (Providence: Brown University Press, 1975), pp. 117–118.Google Scholar

67 Capoche, , Relación General, p. 175.Google Scholar

68 de Espada, Jiminez Relaciones Geográficas, p. 373.Google Scholar

69 La Audiencia de Charcas, Correspondencia de presidentes y oidores, Levillier, Roberto ed. (Buenos Aires, 1922), 1, pp. 68–70;Google Scholar For a later period see Abercrombie, Thomas “Q’achas and La Plebe in ‘Rebellion’: Carnival vs. Lent in 18th Century Potosi,” Journal of Latin American Anthropology 2:1 (1996).Google Scholar

70 ANB. M.T. 147. (Minas 1367a, Mano de obra minera 721a). Potosi. Extracto de las provincias que vienen a mitar a esta Villa de Potosi, su Cerro Rico y Rivera, con los pueblos que cada uno tienen…los curatos a quienes tocan los indios.…

71 ADP. San Pablo. 1749–1787. Difunciones.

72 ANB. M125, no. 13. f.220–229. Mitayos.

73 de Leon, Cieza Travels, p. 392.Google Scholar

74 La Audiencia de Charcas, III, pp. 27 and 86; Cobb, , “Potosi and Huancavelica,” p. 82;Google Scholar ANB. CPLA. (MC92) 1565. IX, p. 19, Potosi. Acuerdo del cabildo … curacion de los indios … de romadizo …; ANB. CPLA. t.5, f.410. (MC296a) 1589. XII, p. 20, Potosi. Acuerdo del cabildo … la peste de viruelas y sarampion entre los indios …; ANB. CPLA. t. 5, f. 407 (MC294a [ord]) 1589.XI, p. 23, Potosi. Acuerdo del cabildo … Se habian hecho processions …; ANB. CPLA. t.5, f.406 (MC294c) 1589. XI, p. 16. La Plata. Provision de la audiencia de Charcas … teniendo noticia de la pestilencia de viruelas; Dobyns, Henry F. “An Outline of Andean Epidemic History to 1720,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, no. 6 (November-December, 1963), p. 510;Google Scholar Arzáns, , Historia, 2, pp. 427,Google Scholar 447 and 467–468 and III, pp. 17–18, 25 and 43.

75 Arzáns, , Historia 3, pp. 82–96.Google Scholar

76 Ibid., p. 92.

77 ADR Defunciones. San Sebastian, Concepción.

78 ANB. E. Can. no.68 1.126, no.XIII (M9291). 1719. XII, 15. Carangas. Don Juan Bautista Uri-Siri alcalde mayor y capitan enterador de la mita…en nombre de los demas capitanes enteradores…sobre que se suspenda la mita hasta que cese la peste en Potosi.

79 ANP. L. 10 C. 234. 1727. Diligencias que se actuaron en orden a la revisita y numeracion que de los indios tributarios de los repartimientos de Lampa, Azangaro, Canas y Canches …; ANB. M147 (Minas 1365) 1733. VI, p. 15, Lima. Nueva numeracion general de indios sujetos a la mita de Potosi …; ANB. (Minas 1392) 1736. VI, 24– 1736. XI, p. 1. Entrega de indios de mita … En la Retasa del Pueblo de Cullupata huvo ciento sesenta, tributarios los ciento veinte, y siete originarios (should be 142), y los dies y ocho Forasteros de que revajan treinta, y tres los dies, y ocho por Forasteros, y quinse para el servicio de la Yglesia República, y Restan para la deduccion de la mita ciento veinte, y siete Yndios originarios, cuia septima parte son diez, y ocho Yndios, y seis para de continuo trabajo con dos descansos. ANB. M. t. 147 (Minas 1367 y Mano de Obra No. 7219). 1733. Extracto de las provincias que vienen a mitar a esta villa de Potosi su, cerro Rico y Rivera …; See also Tandeter, Enrique “Trabajo forzado y trabajo libre en el Potosí colonial tardio,” Desarrollo Económico, 80 (1981), p. 516.Google Scholar

80 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 69, 1772–75. Yauri. Diego Merma, yndio del Pueblo de Yauri contra Mateo Lima y Thomas Pallani indios del mismo pueblo por ciento y viente ovejas.

81 ADC. Intend. Prov. Ord. Leg. 94, 1797–99. 1797. Siquani. no. 44. Robo en Pichigua. Lucas Chancayarni.

82 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 71, 1780–84. 1780. Siquani. Ordinaria contra los bienes de Pasqual Quispe a pedimto a Dn Domingo Anco por 28 ps que este demanda.

83 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 70, 1776–79. 1777. Sicuani. Antonio Hanco (Ancco), indio del Aillo Lari contra Doña Thomasa Requelme sobre un solar. …

84 Intend. Prov. Ord. Leg. 99, 1807–08. 1809 Marangani. Adjudicazn de las tierras de Querera a favor de los yndios de Marangani y Ayllo Lurucachi. Felix Poco y Thomas Poco.

85 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 61, 1679–1705. 1705. Marcaconga. Don Juan Tanqui.

86 David Cook, Noble The People of the Colca Valley: A Population Study (Boulder: Westview Press, 1982), pp. 65–79.Google Scholar

87 ANB. Minas 127, no.6 (MC1517) 1750–1754. Ill, 26. Mita. El doctor don Martin de Landaeta, cura propio del beneficio de Ambana, provincia de Larecaja, contra Sebastian Palli y Diego Palli originarios del pueblo de Marangani provincia del Cuzco.

88 Glave, , Vida símbolos y batallas, p. 88.Google Scholar

89 Glave, , Vida símbolos y battalas, p. 68.Google Scholar

90 Wightman, , Indigenous Migration, pp. 133–134.Google Scholar

91 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Criminales Leg. 80, 1773–75. 1773. Marangani. Criminal sobre la muerte de Diego Sunca.

92 ANP. L.10 C.234. 1727. Diligencias que se actuaron en orden a la revista y numeracion que de los indios tributarion de los repartimientos de Lampa, Azangaro, y Canas y Canchis.

93 All references come from the ANB. ANB. CPLA. t.5 f.436v (MC301). 1590. VII, 1 Lima. Provision del virrey … corregidores que con su descuido ocasion la continua desercion de mitayos …; ANB.MSS 9. no. 97, fs. 294–311. 1616. ; ANB. CPLA. 16, fl69–169v (MC600) 1619. XI, 3. Potosi. Acuerdo del Cabildo. Viendose la proposicion, inserta, presentada por los azogueros sobre los nuevos inconvenientes contra el entero de la mita.; ANB. Minas 125, no. 1. 1640. Título conferido por don José…de Elorduy, corregidor de Potosi … para el entero de la mita.; ANB. Minas t. 145, no. 4 (MC 879) 1660. X, 7. Madrid. Copia de real cédula dirigida a esta Audiencia de la Plata: Enviese relación de los corregidores y demás encargados de ella.

94 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Leg. 70, 1776–79. 1777. Antonio Hancco, indio del Aillo Lari contra Doña Thomasa Requelme sobre un solar.

95 BNP. C373. 1789. Representacion hecha por los caciques de este partido de Tinta, e informes de sus respectivos curas sobre extinguie la mita que va a la villa de Potosi.

96 Ibid.

97 Ibid.

98 Tandeter, , Coercion and Market, p. 19.Google Scholar

99 BNP. C373. 1789. Representacion hecha por los caciques de este partido de Tinta, e informes de sus respectivos curas sobre extinguie la mita que va a la villa de Potosi.

100 In most regions of Peru and in Mexico, though certainly not all, free labor rather quickly came to play a more significant role.

101 ANB. MSS (Ruck) 575, t.9 f. 135–136v. 1791. IX, 10. Lima. Despacho del conde Lemos, virrey del Peru; de conformidad con el auto acordado de la Audiencia de Lima, de 1791. VII, p. 22. que se expidió en consideración a lo que pidieron los caciques del partido de Tinta para que se extingue la mita.

102 ADC. Inten. Ord. Leg. 43, 1798. Sicuani. Expedte. iniciado pr. Clemte Sulca solicitando no turnar en ir a la mita de Potosi.

103 de Certeau, pp. 31–32.

104 Stavig, , “Ethnie Conflict,” p. 743.Google Scholar

105 ADC. Inten. Ord. Leg. 53, 1802–03. 1803. Layo. Autos seguidos por el yndio Lucas Cano contra el cacique Gabriel Guamán y Alcalde mayor Ventura Sarvia del Pueblo de Layo sobre prision y embargo de sus ganados injustamente.

106 ADC. Intend. Ord. Leg. 52, 1802. Langui. Expediente promovido por el yndio Matias Aquino sobre no volver a turnar la mita de Potosi y libertad de pagar por los profugos.

107 ADC. Intend. Ord. Leg. 52, 1802. Langui. Expediente promovido pr el yndio Matías Aquino sobre no bolber a turnar la mita de Potosi y libertad de pagar pr los prófugos.

108 Ibid.

109 ADC. Corrg. Prov. Crim. Leg. 80, 1773–75. 1775. Coporaque. Quejas de los caciques de Coporaque por el mal tratamiento que sus indios reciben en la mita de Potosi.

110 Ibid.

111 Rowe, John “The Inca under Spanish Colonial Institutions,” HAHR, v.37 (1957), p. 176.Google Scholar

112 I encountered little evidence about the mita during or in the wake of the 1780 rebellion.