^* Research for this essay was made possible by grants from the American Philosophical Society and the College of Graduate Studies, Cleveland State University.

¹ While Frank Tannenbaum’s Slave and Citizen (New York, 1947) was the catalyst for this recent interest, the work of G. Carter Woodson, which appeared in the Journal of Negro History of which he was both editor and publisher, is an important forerunner of Tannenbaum’s study. I am grateful to Dr. Jacquelin Goggan for bringing Woodson’s work to my attention.

² This is particularly evident in the extensive work of Freyre, Gilberto whose Casa-grande & sezala: formação brasileria sobre o regime de economia partriarchal (14th ed., Rio de Janeiro, 1969)Google Scholar represents the most important formulation of these concepts.

³ Statements of this position have been made by Degler, Carl, Neither Black Nor White; Slavery and Race Relations in Brazil and the United States (New York, 1971)Google Scholar; Conrad, Robert, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery (Chicago, 1973)Google Scholar; and Russell-Wood, John, “Colonial Brazil,” in Cohen, David W. and Greene, Jack P. (eds.). Neither Free Nor Slave (Baltimore, 1972), pp. 84–133.Google Scholar

⁴ Notable exceptions include Stein, Stanley, Vassouras, A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850–1890 (New York, 1974)Google Scholar; Klein, Herbert, Slave Society in Cuba during the Nineteenth Century (Madison, 1970)Google Scholar; and Hall, Gwendolyn, Social Control in Sugar Plantation Societies: A Comparison of St. Domingue and Cuba (Baltimore, 1971).Google Scholar

⁵ In this regard see de Queiróz, Suely Robles Reis. Escravidão negro em São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1977)Google Scholar and Russell-Wood, A. J. R., “Technology and Society: The Impact of Gold Mining on the Institution of Slavery in Portuguese America,” Journal of Economie History 37:1 (March 1977): 59–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Data for the years 1718–1749 is taken from slave lists prepared for the purposes of collecting taxes. Thus there is doubtless underenumeration of slaves although extensive efforts were made to prevent fraud. The lists were posted on church doors and slaves encouraged to report fraud. Minutes, 14 December, 1720, Cod. 4 (Camara Municipal de Ouro Prêto Series, hereinafter cited as CMOP), fol. 140, APM. Later, provision was made for “the free grant of a letter of manumission” to any slave “whose owner did not report him or a fellow slave.” Order of Governor Gomes Freire de Andrade, 11 July 1735, Cod. 1 (Secretaria do Governo Series, hereinafter cited as SG), fols. 181v-182, APM.

⁷ First Slave Matriculation, Vila Rica County, 1738, Cod. 73 (Delegacia Fiscal Series, hereinafter cited as DF), passim, APM. Approximately five percent of the entries are missing. Data for 1804 compiled from Mathias, Herculano Gomes, Un recenseamento na capitania de Minas Gerais: Vila Rica-1804 (Rio de Janeiro, 1969).Google Scholar

⁸ Russel-Wood, , “Technology and Society,” pp. 70–71,Google Scholar suggests the acculturation between blacks was hindered by high rates of African-born slaves. It seems likely that broader processes of acculturation were also limited.

⁹ See Vallejos, , “Slave Control and Slave Resistance,” p. 22 Google Scholar; and Flory, Thomas, “Fugitive Slaves and Free Society: The Case of Brazil,” Journal of Negro History 64:2 (Spring, 1979), pp. 116–130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Stuart B. Schwartz emphasizes the refusal of the Portuguese to tolerate the existance of runaway communities as role models for slaves still in bondage. “Resistance and Acculturation in Eighteenth-Century Brazil: The Slaves’ View of Slavery,” Hispanic American Historical Review 57: 1(February 1977), p. 71.

¹⁰ The sources used in the compilation of this table include baptismal records covering the same period. Livros de Batismos, Cods. 1–5, Archive of the Parish of Antônio Dias (hereinafter cited as APAD), Ouro Preto.

¹¹ Pedro de Taques to João de Lencastre, 20 March 1700, in de Taunay, Afonso, História geral das bandeiras (11 volumes, São Paulo, 1948), 9: 252.Google Scholar

¹² As suggested by Eugene D. Genovese, manumission is but one aspect of the larger problem of “treatment.” The other two aspects as defined by Genovese are “day-to-day living conditions” and “conditions of live,” Genovese, Eugene D., “the Treatment of Slaves in Different Countries: Problems in the Application of the Comparative Method,” in Foner, Laura and Genovese, Eugene D. (eds.), Slavery in the the New World: A Reader in Comparative History (Englewood Cliffs, 1969), p. 203.Google Scholar

¹³ According to the mining codes implemented in Minas Gerais in 1702, mining claims were apportioned on the basis of slaves owned. Two and half square braças were allocated for each slave up to a maximum of thirty square braças (twelve slaves). Mining Code, 19 April 1702 in Documentos históricos 80(1949), p. 343.

¹⁴ Examples of this process abound. Some of the most prominent men in Vila Rica came from humble backgrounds. Henrique Lopes de Araujo, for example, the captain-major for years, had been an abandoned waif in Portugal who had managed to become a cashier before the gold rush gave him the opportunity to make his fortune. See Ramos, Donald, “A Social History of Ouro Preto: Stresses of Dynamic Urbanization in Colonial Brazil, 1695–1726.” Unpublished Dissertation. 1972, pp. 158–174.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Livra de Batismos, no. I, fols. 2–4 passim, APAD.

¹⁶ For example, the baptismal record of the freed infant Quiteria, dated 29 June 1718 notes that her father was Ignacio Barboza and her mother Antonia, the slave of Isabel de Menezes. Livro de Batismos, No. 1, fol. 360, APAD.

¹⁷ The underlying assumption clearly is that such relationships continued as is suggested by an increase in mulatto slave births.

¹⁸ While Vallejos suggests that royal officials sought to limit manumissions, there is no evidence that they succeeded in Rica, Vila. “Slave Control and Slave Resistance,” p. 19.Google Scholar

¹⁹ This often took the form of exile from the district. See Sentence of Rita de Oliveira, 1 December 1751, Cod. 10, fol. 50v, Arquivo da Curia de Marianna (hereinafter cited as ACM); Sentence of Maria Paes, 14 February 1730, Cod. 11, fol. 23v, ACM; and Sentence of Antonia da Conceição, 16 April 1749, Cod. 12, fol. 172v, ACM.

²⁰ The conceptual treatment of the godparent relationship is based on Mintz, Sidney W. and Wolf, Eric R., “Analysis of Ritual Coparentage (Compadrazgo),” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6 (Winter, 1950): 344–368.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹ Thus, for example, after the baptismal ceremony of Theotonio on 29 February 1736 “immediately the godparents declared the child to be free because they had given the money to his master.” Livro de Batismos, No. 2, fol. 117v, APAD.

²² Will of Mariana Ferreira da Silva. 8 March 1761, Livro de Obitos, No. 3, fol. 378, APAD. Silva was buried 11 March 1761.

²³ The crown sought to bolster the socio-political structure of the mining zone by a 1752 decree which prevented the loss of property due to debt by miners who owned in excess of thirty slaves. da Veiga, José Pedro Xavier, Ephemerides mineiras, 1644–1897 (4 volumes, Ouro Prêto, 1897) 1: 205, 265; 2: 416.Google Scholar

²⁴ Will of José Lopes da Carvalho, 26 May 1779, Livro de Obitos, No. 4, fols. 47–48, APAD.

²⁵ Unfortunately it is impossible to establish a sequential relationship due to the nature of the data although there are indications that this did, in fact, occur.

²⁶ The pioneer study of this process is Aimes, Hubert H., “Coartacion: A Spanish Institution for the Advancement of Slaves into Freedom,” Yale Review 17(February 1909): 412–431.Google Scholar For Brazil, the best treatment is Schwartz, Stuart, “The Manumission of Slaves in Colonial Brazil: Bahia, 1684–1745,” Hispanic American Historical Review 54,4 (November 1974): 602–635.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁷ It should be noted that occasionally no definite time limitations were imposed on the coartado. See, for example, the will of José Pereira da Gama, 6 April 1745, Livro de Obitos, No. 2(APAD), fol. 71v.

²⁸ Will of Padre Bernardo Madeira, 5 April 1756, Livro de Obitos, No. 2, fol. 265v. APAD.

²⁹ Will of João de Melo Femandes, 15 July 1756. Livro de Obitos, No. 2. fol. 297, APAD.

³⁰ Schwartz has described the freedman as an intermediate category in colonial Brazil. The coartado thus represents still another gradation in a society in which shadings and blurring predominated. Schwartz, “The Manumission of Slaves.”

³¹ Will of Pedro Teixeira de Sousa, 8 June 1760, Livro de Obitos, No. 2, fol. 391v, APAD.

³² “I declare that if the said coartados act badly my executor can do whatever he feels justified in their cases.” Will of Padre José da Lana Porto, 5 March 1792, Livro de Testamentos, Itatiaia, fol. 74v-75v, ACM.

³³ Will of Padre Bernardo Madeira, fol. 266.

³⁴ Will of Francisca Rodriques da Guerra, 29 June 1757, Livro de Obitos, No. 2, fol. 301v, APAD.

³⁵ Will of Manuel Gonçalves do Espirito Santo, 24 January 1800, Livro de Testamentos, Itatiaia, fols. 80v–81, ACM. On the other hand, the town council in 1742 noted that “the number of freedmen who lose their freedom is infinite.” This prospect, it was hoped, would help lead to a change in tax policies. Council to King, 1742 fleet, Cod. 49(CMOP), fol. 42v, APM.

³⁶ Will of Manuel de Seixas da Fonseca, 16 September 1752, Livro de Obitos, No. 2, fol. 206, APAD.

³⁷ See will of João de Melo Fernandes, 15 July 1756, Livro de Obitos. No. 2, fol. 297v, APAD or will of José Fernandes de Abreu, 18 May 1759, Ibid., fol. 379v. The master-slave ratio in urban Vila Rica hovered between 1:3.8 and 1:6.5 during the boom years from 1720 and 1738 as compared to rates of 1:5.4 to 1:18.3 for rural districts.

³⁸ Will of Domingos Francisco dos Reis, 27 September 1756, Livro de Obitos, No. 2, fol. 296, APAD.

³⁹ The definition of “poor” is defined in Table 7. Certainly there is a selective process to the use of wills since their preparers had property to leave their heirs, but the validity of using wills is based precisely on their value to elucidate the attitudes of slave (property) owners.

⁴⁰ Cardozo, Manuel S., “The Lay Brotherhoods of Colonial Bahia,” Catholic Historical Review 33(April 1947-January 1948): 12–30 Google Scholar; Russell-Wood, , “Black and Mulatto Brotherhoods in Colonial Brazil: A Study in Collective Behavior,” Hispanic American Historical Review 54, 4 (November 1974): 567–602 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Scarano, Julita, “Black Brotherhoods: Integration or Contradiction?” Luso-Brazilian Review 16,l(Summer 1979): 1–17 Google Scholar; Mulvey, Patricia A., “Slave Confraternities in Brazil: Their Role in Colonial Society.” The Americas 38:1 (July 1982): 39–68 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and especially Fritz Teixeira Salles, Associações religiosas no ciclo de auro. Estudos, No. 1 (Belo Horizonte, 1963).

⁴¹ de Santa Maria, Fray Agostinho. Santuàrio Mariano e histórico das imagens de Nossa Senhora, … em graça dos pregadores & dos devotos da mesma Senhora (10 volumes, Lisbon. 1707–1723), 10: 241.Google Scholar

⁴² This general conceptualization of the relationship between the structure of the society and the nature of the brotherhoods is not novel. For example, Sylvio Vasconcellos relates this general trend to the development of social classes. Mineiridade: ensato de caracterização (Belo Horizonte, 1968), p. 66. A broader statement of the relationship is made by Salles, , As associações religiosas, pp. 27, 43–45.Google Scholar

⁴³ For a more detailed examination of the black brotherhoods see Cardozo, “The Lay Brotherhoods,” Mulvey, “Slave Confraternities,” Russell-Wood, “Black and Mulatto Brotherhoods,” and Vallejos, “Slave Control.” Russell-Wood emphasizes the defensive nature of these brotherhoods, while Vellejos suggests that they served as a link between free and slave and thus constituted a threat to whites. The emphasis of this essay is on the brotherhood as a means of inculcating values.

⁴⁴ Maria, Santa, Santuario Mariano, p. 244.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Ibid., p. 2.

⁴⁶ See Term, 25 November 1759, Cod. 11, fol. 5. Archive of the Brotherhood of Nossa Senhora das Mercês (hereafter cited as ANSM), Ouro Preto.

⁴⁷ de Vasconcellos, Diogo, “As obras de arte,” Bi-Cenienário de Ouro Prêto: 1711–1911—Memória histórica (Belo Horizonte, n,.d.), p. 146.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Salles, , As associações religiosas, p. 34.Google Scholar Eponia e Sousa Ruas in a report to the Serviço do Patrimonio Histórico e Artistico Nacional noted that until that time the church of Padre Faria was controlled by a brotherhood dedicated to Nossa Senhora do Parto. According to Ruas, this brotherhood was compounded of both mulattoes and mamelucos. Serviço do Patrimonio Histórico e Artístico Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Pasta “Padre Faria.”

⁴⁹ Salles, , As associações religiosas, p. 96.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Termo, 25 September 1763, Cod. 11, fol. 12v., ANSM and Petition, 1743, Cod. 44, fol. 2, ANSM. The racial identity of the brothers who joined this brotherhood between 1759 and 1790 is very illuminating. An undated document in which the mulattoes are accused of misspending funds, ruining the brotherhood, and inciting divisions with the brotherhood, demonstrates the bitter rivalry which existed. Serviço do Patrimonio Histórico e Artístico Nacional, Rio de Nacional, Pasta “Merces de Baixo.”

⁵¹ By-Laws, Brotherhood of Nosso Senhor de Santo Antônio, São Bartolomeu, 2 September 1723, fol. 31, ACM. This incentive given to whites married to mulattoes was unusual. Far more typical was the policy of the brotherhood of São Francisco de Assis to exclude from membership any “man married with a mulatto or black woman.” Order of Frei Fernando de São José Menezes, 18 December 1763. Cod. 1. fol. 15, Archive of the Brotherhood, Ouro Prêto.

⁵² For example, By-Laws of Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Pretos, Congonhas do Campo, 29 August 1814, Chapter 21, ACM.

⁵³ By-Laws, Nossa Senhora do Rosário, Antonio Dias, 1734, Chapter 7. APAD. The same provision existed for the black brotherhood of Nossa Senhora do Rosàrio of Ouro Prêto. By-Laws in Lopes, Francisco Antonio, “Camara e Cadeia de Vila Rica,” Anuario doMuseu da Inconfidência 1 (1962), p. 138.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ By-Laws, Nossa Senhora do Rosário, Itaverava, 1743, Chapter 8, ACM.

⁵⁵ By-Laws, Nossa Senhora do Rosário. Antônio Dias. 1734, Chapter 22, APAD.

⁵⁶ Unfortunately, all that remains of this codice is the title page: “This book serves to register the white brothers of this brotherhood of Nossa Senhora do Rosário of the blacks of the hill of Padre Faria …, 13 September 1734,” APAD.

⁵⁷ Registry of Elections, Nossa Senhora do Rosário, passim, APAD.

⁵⁸ Admission of Domingos Gonçalves de Vasconcelos, 8 March 1780, Delagacia Fiscal Avulso (hereinafter cited as DFA), fol. 37. APM.

⁵⁹ Only one case was encountered where a slave elected to a leadership post was prevented from serving by “his master not wishing him to do so.…” Election Report, Nossa Senhora, Itabira, 6 January 1750, Register of Elections, fol. 10v, ACM. This would not support Vallejos’ suggestion that masters would oppose the participation of their slaves in brotherhoods. Vallejos, , “Slave control,” p. 26.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Francisco Dutra in his study of Mato Dentro, Minas Gerais, provides an excellent example of this situation when, in 1727, after a brawl between blacks and whites in church, the blacks were expelled and responded by erecting their own church. Francisco Dutra de Morais, Historia da Conceição do Mato Dentro (Belo Horizonte, 1942), p. 72.

⁶¹ See Russell-Wood, , “Black and Mulatto Brotherhoods,” p. 569.Google Scholar

⁶² Livro de Batismos, No. 1, passim, APAD.

⁶³ Livro de Batismos, No. 1, Itatiaia, passim, ACM.

⁶⁴ Livras de Batismos, Nos. 1 and 2, passim, APAD.

⁶⁵ Batisferio, e ceremonial dos Sacramentos de Santa Madre Igreja, emendado, e acrescentado em muitas cousas nesta ultima impressão conforme o Cahtecismo e Ritual Romano (Coimbra, 1730), p. 2.

⁶⁶ Visitor’s Report, 28 May 1715, Livro de Batismos. No. 1, fol. 27, APAD. Supporting this intention are the many statements that the adult slave had indeed received some religious instruction. For example, the baptismal registry of José, an adult Mina, notes that he was baptized “after being instructed in the Mysteries of the faith.” Registry of José, 27 May 1768, Livro de Batismos, No. 3, fol. 434, APAD.

⁶⁷ Baptism of Domingas, I February 1768, Livro de Batismos, No. 3, fol. 152v, APAD.

⁶⁸ Baptism of José adulto, 7 June 1789, No. 4, fol. 184, APAD.

⁶⁹ Normally adult slaves were baptized individually. On those occasions when a large number were baptized on the same day, there was no evidence that they were mass baptisms. For example, on February 9, 1766, twelve slaves, belonging to ten different owners, were baptized and on March 1, 1767 another eight, owned by seven owners, were baptized. Livro de Batismos, No. 3, fols. 374-375v and fols. 405V-406, APAD.

⁷⁰ Governor Pedro de Almeida to all vigarios da vara, 23 September 1719, Cod. 1 l(SG), fol. 151. APM.

⁷¹ Quoted in Dutra, , Mato Dentro, p. 90.Google Scholar

⁷² Constituições do arcebispado da Bahia, Aprovado no Sinodo de 1707 (Lisbon, 1765). Livro 1, Titulo 71, p. 133.

⁷³ Visitation, 16 July 1746, Captiulos de visita, Pastorais do S. Ex.a R, e ordens do mesmo senhor dos Seos Reverendos Ministros. Carancos, Rio Das Mortes, 1746, fol. 2v., ACM.

⁷⁴ Quoted in Dutra, , Mato Dentro, p. 103.Google Scholar A fine of 8$000 réis was imposed—a sum equivalent to two or three wages for an artisan.

⁷⁵ Visitation of São José Bautista, 25 September 1749, Cod. 73(DF), fol. 6, APM.

⁷⁶ Ibid. Family is used in its contemporary sense, that is, as including all members of the household.

⁷⁷ Visitation of Mato Dentro, 5 July 1745, quoted in Dutra, , Mato Dentro, pp. 95–97.Google Scholar Masters were enjoined from resorting to coercion to prevent their slaves from working on the Sabbath. Ibid., p. 97.

⁷⁸ Visitation of Antonio Dias, 6 December 1733-15 January 1734, Cod. 14. fol. 60, ACM.

⁷⁹ Governor Pedro de Almeida to Vigarious da Vara, 26 November 1719, Cod. ll(SG), fol. 171v. Russell-Wood has suggested that situations in which blacks could dominate other blacks were forbidden. “Black and Mulatto Brotherhoods,” p. 573. Implicitly it is assumed that such laws were enforced. For Vila Rica, at least, one must assume an equal gap between law and reality on both sides of the coin.

⁸⁰ Governor Pedro de Almeida to Vigario da Vara of Sabará. 26 December 1719, Cod. 11(SG), fol. 184.

⁸¹ This pattern holds true for the rural parish of Itatiaia. In 1718, 22.9% of godparents were slaves, while in 1720, 20% were. Livro de Batismos, No. 1, Itatiaia, passim, ACM.

⁸² It should be noted that slave godparentage was critical only where the values of the Church had been assimulated and where baptism was an individual experience. Stein, , Vassouras, p. 149,Google Scholar described a very dissimilar situation on coffee plantations.

⁸³ Carl Degler, for example, based on José Perdigão Malheiros defends the position that the Church made no effort to protect the slave family or encourage marriage until 1869. Neither Black Nor White, pp. 36–37.

⁸⁴ Constituições primerias, Livro 1, Titulo 70. pp. 131–132.

⁸⁵ Ibid.

⁸⁶ Capitulos de visita, Pastorais do S. Ex.a R., Carrancos. Rio das Mortes, fol. 66v., ACM.

⁸⁷ Ibid.

⁸⁸ Statement of D. Frei Manuel da Cruz, Bishop of Mariana, 16 September 1756(?), Ibid., fol. 28. It is not entirely clear from the text if D. Manuel’s statement affected only Carrancos parish but it seems unlikely, given the general nature of the problem, that it would apply only to this one parish.

⁸⁹ See Marriage Petitions of Domingos de Afonseco, freed black, and Antonia de Oliveira, freed African, 3 February 1773, Avulso 94, APOP.

⁹⁰ See Ramos, Donald, “Marriage and the Family in Colonial Vila Rica,” Hispanic American Historical Review 55,2(May, 1975): 200–225.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹¹ For example, Marriage Petition of João Batista and Maria Obu, 1728, Casamentes Avulsos, No. 42, ACM.

⁹² The charge that slaves of different masters had lived amancebados for periods in excess of five years brought no response from ecclesiastical authorities. Testimony of Antônio de Araujo Lisboa, 1753, Livro de Devassas, fol. 132v, ACM.

⁹³ It is important to reiterate that the absence of a legal marriage does not necessarily mean that the slave family was weak or nonexistent. Unfortunately, the slave family is extraordinarily difficult to examine because of the paucity of sources. Even the census tracts, so rich for understanding free family structures, are of no help because of the custom of listing slaves by sex and age cohorts rather than by relationship. This situation reinforces the importance of the Santa Cruz plantation census analyzed by Graham, Richard, “Slave Families on a Rural Estate in Colonial Brazil,” Journal of Social History 9:3(Spring 1976): 382–402.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Clearly an atypical case, this ex-Jesuit estate, in 1792, had 1347 slaves almost all of whom were residing in family units generally headed by males.

⁹⁴ Carlos José da Silva to João Rodrigues de Macedo, 17 March 1791, Document 99, “Documentos do Arquivo da Casa dos Contos(Minas Gérais),” Anais da Biblioteca Nacional 65(1943): 225.

⁹⁵ Marriage of Joaquim de Sousa and Delfina Maria de Jesus, freedmen, 2 July 1798, Avulso, No. 82, APOP.

⁹⁶ Visitation to Carrancos, 26 August 1760, Capitulos de visita. Pastorais do S. Ex.a R. Carrancos, Rio das Mortes, fol. 60, ACM.

⁹⁷ Sentence of Manuel Luis, 29 May 1731, Livro de termos, fol. 37. ACM.

⁹⁸ Statement of Manuel Francisco da Silva, 1733, Cod. 14, fol. 12v. ACM.

⁹⁹ Testimony of Domingos da Costa Gutmaraes. 25-30 November 1733, Cod. 14, fol. 44v, ACM.

¹⁰⁰ Visitation to Cachoeira, 18–28 October 1733, Cod. 14, fols. 2–10, ACM.

¹⁰¹ Visitation, 11 March-31 July 1731, Livro de termos, passim, ACM. Slaves were identified specifically only if they belonged to the male charged with concubinage. I have included as slaves women identified as being of African-birth and not labelled as forras as well as those women identified only by first name and of non-white race, e.g., Maria Preta.

¹⁰² Visitation to Cachoeira. 1733, Cod. 14, fol. 2, ACM.

¹⁰³ Accusation of Jeronimo de Crasto e Sousa, 1733, Cod. 14, fol. 92v, ACM and Sentence of Captain Manuel Dias da Silva, II January 1730, Cod. 11, fol. 23, ACM.

¹⁰⁴ For example, Cod. 11, fols: 22v, 23v, and 24v, ACM. On the other hand, none are recorded in the Congonhas or Vila Rica visitations, Cod. 14 and Livro de termos, ACM.

¹⁰⁵ Livro de termos, passim, ACM.

¹⁰⁶ Sentence of Alberto Dias, 14 January 1730, Cod. 11, fol. 18, ACM.

¹⁰⁷ Sentence of Leonor de Madureira, 15 February 1730, Cod. 11, fol. 22v, ACM.

¹⁰⁸ Registry of Sentence, Rita de Oliveira, 1 December 1751, Cod. 10, fol. 50v, ACM.

¹⁰⁹ See registry of appeal of Captain Luis Marques de Afonseca, 17 June 1749, Cod. 12, fol. 7v, ACM. Afonseca’s appeal won the lifting of a sentence of excommunication.

¹¹⁰ Pedro de Almeida to King, 4 October 1719, Cod. 4(SG), fol. 713.

¹¹¹ Edict of D. Frei João da Cruz, 17 February 1745, Cod. 9, fol. 151–152, ACM. Also see visitation to Mato Dentro, 3 July 1745, quoted in Dutra, , Mato Dentro, p. 97.Google Scholar

¹¹² Ibid.

¹¹³ Visitation to Vila Rica, 1733–1734, Cod. 14, passim, ACM.

¹¹⁴ Report of Visitation of D. Frei Antônio de Guadalupe, 1726, quoted in de Vasconcellos, Diogo, Historia do bispado de Mariana (Belo Horizonte, 1935), p. 31.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Visitation to Vila Rica, 15 March 1754, Cod. 73(DFA), fols. 8-8v, APM. The same penalty was levied on those who allowed them on their property.

¹¹⁶ Pereyra, Nuno Marques, Compendio narrativo da peregrino da America (Lisbon, 1760), pp. 117–118.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Visitation, 1753, Livro de Devassas, fol. 126, ACM.

¹¹⁸ Visitation, 3 January 1730, Cod. 11, fol. 25, ACM.

¹¹⁹ da Veiga, Xavier, Ephemerides mineiras, 1664–1897, 2, 441.Google Scholar