1. Joc, S. Sando, Nee Hemish: A History of Jémez Pueblo (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), pp. 218–219.Google Scholar

2. Many excellent studies have explored racial identification and ethnicity in the borderlands and Latin America in the colonial and national periods, including Matthew, Restali, ed. Beyond Black and Red: African-Native Relations in Colonial Latin America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005),Google Scholar Steve, J. Stern, Peru’s Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982),Google Scholar David, Gutiérrez, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995)Google Scholar, Martha, Menchaca, Recovering History: Constructing Race: The Indian, Black, and White Roots of Mexican Americans (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001).Google Scholar

3. Edward Spicer identified groups that survived beyond the colonial period as “cultural enclaves” and “enduring peoples.” Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533–1960 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1962). For more recent discussions of the factors that contributed to these cultural changes in northern New Spain, see Cynthia, Radding, Wandering Peoples: Colonialism, Ethnic Spaces, and Ecological Frontiers in Northwestern Mexico, 1700–1850 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997),Google Scholar and Susan, M. Deeds, Defiance and Deference in Mexico’s Colonial North: Indians under Spanish Rule in Nueva Vizcaya (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003).Google Scholar

4. Some of the problem is related to the “loaded” nature of each term. Both syncretism and hybridity may be identified by participants in and observers of ritual and material culture. I understand syncretism broadly as the combination of different beliefs, practices, or forms that occurs when multiple cultural groups interact. On syncretism, see Jeanette, Favrot Peterson, The Paradise Garden Murals of Malinalco, introduction, and Sidney, M. Greenfield and Droogers, André, eds., Reinventing Relgions: Syncretism and Transformation in Africa and the Americas (Lanham, MD: Rowan and Littlefield, 2001).Google Scholar Hybridity, a term which acknowledges the “mixed descendancy of objects and practices,” can be problematic because it assumes one European, or colonial practice or set of beliefs, in opposition a monolithic non–European practice or set of beliefs. See Carolyn, Dean and Leibsohn, Dana, “Hybridity and Its Discontents: Considering Visual Culture İn Colonial Spanish America,” Colonial Latin American Rcview 12:1 (2003), pp. 5–35.Google Scholar As Dean and Leibsohn point out, twenty–first–century observers often find hybridity (or syncretism) in descriptions that historical actors did not identify as remarkable.

5. Literature on the effects of cross-cultural contact on music, dance, art, and ritual is extensive and generally employs models such as syncretism or hybridity in order to explain the processes and outcomes of interaction.

6. See, for example, Jane, C. Desmond, “Embodying Difference: Issues in Dance and Cultural Studies,” Cultural Critique 261 (Winter 1993–1994), pp. 33–63.Google Scholar

7. Christmas was celebrated by the 4th century, and coincided with the winter solstice—December 25 on the Julian calendar. The late Roman Empire’s heliocentric religion also included a festival for the return of the Sol invictus. Roll, S.K., “Christmas,” New Catholic Encyclopedia, volume 3 (Detroit: Thomson/Gale, 2003), pp. 551–557.Google Scholar

8. Stephen, Nissenbaum, The Battle for Christmas (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996);Google Scholar Bruce, David Forbes, Christmas: A Candid History. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).Google Scholar

9. Charito, Calvachi Wakefield, Natividad Latinoamericano, 2nd rev. ed. (Lancaster, Penn: Latin American Creations Publications, 1999).Google Scholar

10. For example, Robert, Stevenson, “Mexico City Cathedral Music: 1600–1750,” The Americas 21:2 (Oct. 1964), pp. 111–135 Google Scholar and Christmas Music from Baroque Mexico (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), pp. 111–135, and Carlos, Miró-Cortez, “The Nativity in Iquiquc, Chile. The Christmas Carols of the Fraternities of Las Cuyacas and Pastoras” Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 18 (1976), pp. 81–152.Google Scholar

11. Linda, A. Curcio, “Saints, Sovereignty and Spectacle in Colonial Mexico,” Ph.D. dissertation, Tulane University, 1993;Google Scholar Linda, Curcio-Nagy, “Giants and Gypsies: Corpus Christi in Colonial Mexico City,” Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance, ed. William, Beezley, Martin, Cheryl English, and French, William (Wilmington, N. Carolina: SR Books, 1994);Google Scholar Frances, L. Ramos, “Succession and Death: Royal Ceremonies in Colonial Puebla,” The Americas 60:2 (2003), pp. 185–215.Google Scholar

12. For an overview of the medieval Christmas liturgy, see Buxton, R.F., “Christmas,” New Westminster Dictionary of Liturgy and Worship, Davies, J.G., ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986), p. 171.Google Scholar See also Augustine, Thompson, Cities of God: The Religion of the Italian Communes, 1125–1325 (University Park, Penn: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005), pp. 275–277.Google Scholar

13. The musical definition of trope is an addition or embellishment of the text of the Mass or Divine Office. See William, L. Smolden, The Music of the Medieval Church Dramas (London: Oxford University Press, 1980),Google Scholar and Fernando, Lázaro Carreter, Teatro Medieval (Valencia: Castalia, 1958).Google Scholar

14. The gradual (Latin graduale) is an antiphon performed after the epistle, part of the Proper of the Mass. Sequences were embellishments of or additions to the Gradual.

15. Smolden, pp. 215, 229.

16. Thomas of Celano, , St. Francis of Assisi: First and second Ufe of St. Francis, with selections from Treatise on the miracles of Blessed Francis, ed. and trans. Hermann, Placid (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1963), pp. 42–44.Google Scholar

17. Richard, H. Hoppin, Medieval Music (London: W.W. Norton, 1978), pp. 52–53, 172.Google Scholar Many of these practices continued into the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. See Gustave, Reese, Music in the Renaissance, rev. ed. (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1959), p. 491.Google Scholar

18. Kristin, Dutcher Mann, The Power of Song and Dance in the Mission Communities of Northern New Spain (Berkeley: Academy of American Franciscan History, forthcoming), p. 59.Google Scholar

19. Lourdes, Turrent, La conquista musical de Mexico (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1996), p. 40.Google Scholar

20. During Matins, villancicos sometimes replaced Latin responsories, and their spread from Spain throughout Europe and the Spanish empire made them one of the most significant types of music, both sacred and secular, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. See Laird,, Paul R Towards a History of the Spanish Villancico (Warren, Michigan: Harmonie Park Press, 1997), p. 51,Google Scholar Tess, Knighton and Torrente, Alvaro, Devotional Music in the Iberian World, 1450• 1800: The Villancico and Related Genres (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2007),Google Scholar and Isabel, Pope and Laird, Paul R. “Villancico,” New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, Stanley, vol. 26 (London: Macmillan, 2001), pp. 621–628.Google Scholar

21. Franciscans and Domicans used laudi spirituali, or lauda, to teach doctrine. They were popular in European confraternities and in urban areas. See John, Caldwell, “Lauda,” New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Sadie, Stanley, vol. 14 (London: Macmillan, 2001), p. 367.Google Scholar

22. Martin Luther, John Calvin, and others did not reject the use of music for worship, but they found fault with dramas and comedies, as well as tropes and sequences. They also advocated that music used during worship should be sung in local languages, not in Latin.

23. Craig, A. Monson, “The Council of Trent Revisited,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 55:1 (Spring 2002), p. 10.Google Scholar Sec also Schroeder, H.J., Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent (St. Louis: B. Herder Book Col, 1950), p. 151.Google Scholar

24. See Louise, Burkhart, “Pious Performances: Christian Pageantry and Native Identity in Early Colonial Mexico,” in Native Traditions in the Postconquest World, Elizabeth, Boone Hill, ed. (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1988),Google Scholar as well as Holy Wednesday: A Nahua Drama from Early Colonial Mexico (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996) and Othón, Arróniz, Teatro de evangelización (México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1979) concerning drama.Google Scholar For the visual arts and evangelization, see Jeannette, Peterson, The Paradise Garden Murals of Malinalco: Utopia and Empire in Sixteenth-Century Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993)Google Scholar and Serge, Gruzinski, Painting the Conquest: The Mexican Indians and the European Renaissance, trans. Dusinberre, Deke (Paris: Flammarion, 1992).Google Scholar

25. Fray Pedro to the king, 6/23/1557, in Alberto, María Carreño, “Una desconocida carta de fray Pedro de Gante,” Memorias de la Academia Mexicana de la Historia 20:1 (Jan-March 1961), pp. 16–20.Google Scholar

26. Charles, Verlinden, “Fray Pedro de Gante y su época,” Revista de historia de America 101 (Jan-June 1986), p. 117.Google Scholar

27. On the relation between Christ and the sun in the early church, see Philip, Schaff, History of the Christian Church, 3rd ed., vol. 3, ch. 77 (Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson Press, 1996).Google Scholar On representations of Christ as the Sun in sixteenth century New Spain, sec Louise, Burkhart, “The Solar Christ in Nahuad Doctrinal Texts of Early Colonial Mexico,” Ethnohistory 35:3 (1988), pp. 234–256.Google Scholar

28. Foster, E.A., Motolinia’s History of the Indians of New Spain (Berkeley: The Cortés Society, 1950), pp. 8, 52.Google Scholar On the use of festivals, music, and dance for evangelization purposes in Spanish and Portuguese America, see Beth, K. Araccna, “Singing Salvation: Jesuit Musics in Colonial Chile, 1600–1767” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1999);Google Scholar Leonardo, Waisman, “Viva Maria!” La música para la virgen en las misiones de Chiquitos,” Latin American Music Review 13:2 (Autumn-Winter 1992), pp. 213–225;Google Scholar Bernardo, Illari, “Presencia guaraní en la música de las misiones,” Revista de musicològica 16:4 (1993), pp. 2126–2132;Google Scholar Paulo, Castagna, “The Use of Music by the Jesuits in the Conversion of the Indians of Brazil,” in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. O’Malley, John W. Gauvin Alexander Bailey, S.J., Harris, Steven J. and Frank Kennedy, T. S.J. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), pp. 641–657;Google Scholar and William, J. Summers, “The Jesuits in Manila, 1581–1621: The Role of Music in Rite, Ritual, and Spectacle,” in the same volume, pp. 659–679.Google Scholar

29. See Bernardino, de Sahagún, Florentine Codex: Book 2, the Ceremonies, trans. Anderson, Arthur J.O. and Dibble, Charles E. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1981),Google Scholar Elizabeth, H. Boone, “Incarnations of the Aztec Supernatural: the Image of Huitzilopochtli in Mexico and Europe,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, new series, 79:2 (1989), pp. 4–7, 34–37.Google Scholar

30. Carlos, Jáuregui, “Saturnal cannibal: fronteras, reflejos, y paradojas en la narrativa sobre el antropófago,” Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 26:51 (2000), pp. 26–27.Google Scholar

31. On Marian images produced by indigenous artists, see Jeanette, Favrot Peterson, “Creating the Virgin of Guadalupe: The Godi, the Artist, and Sources İn Sixteenth Century New Spain,” The Americas 61:4 (2005), pp. 573–574, 583.Google Scholar

32. On the cantares mexicanos, see John, Bicrhorst, ed. and trans. A Nahuatl-English Dictionary and Concordance to the Cantares Mexicanos (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), p. 95,Google Scholar Frances, Kartunnen and Lockhart, James, “La estructura de la poesía náhuatl vista por sus variants,” Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl 14 (1980), pp. 15–64,Google Scholar Gary, Tomlinson, The Singing of the New World: Indigenous Voice in the Era of European Contact (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 60.Google Scholar

33. See the work of Miguel, Léon-Portilla, including Native Mesoamerican Spirituality. (New York: Paulist Press, 1980), pp. 38–40.Google Scholar

34. For Franco, sec Eloy, Cruz, “De como una letra hace la diferencia: las obras en Náhuatl atribuidas a Don Hernando Franco,” Estudios Cultura Náhuatl 32 (2001), pp. 257–291;Google Scholar for the villancicos of Padilla and Fernandez see Robert, Murrell Stevenson, Christmas Music from Baroque Mexico (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).Google Scholar Musicologist Drew Davies has argued that elements in seventeenth–century villancicos were actually imagined representations of ethnic music and dance, particularly in the subgenre of villancico termed negrillo. “The Italianized Frontier: Music at Durango Cathedral, Español Culture, and the Aesthetics of Devotion in Eighteenth–Century New Spain,” Ph.D. Dissertation: University of Chicago, 2006.

35. Cartas anuas de 1611, 1612,1613, cited in Francisco, Zambrano, Diccionario bio-bibliográfica dela Compañía de Jesús en México, vol. 4 (México: Editorial Tradición, 1977), pp. 417, 431, 453,Google Scholar and Mariano, Cuevas, Historia de la igelsia en Mexico, 4 volumes (El Paso: Editorial Revista Católica, 1928), p. 336.Google Scholar

36. Andrés Pérez, de Ribas, History of the Triumphs of Our Holy Faith, trans. Reff, Daniel T. Ahern, Maureen, and Danford, Richard K. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), book 3, chapter 12, p. 225.Google Scholar For a discussion of this event, see Marco Antonio, Borboa Trasvina, “La conquista de la Provincia de Sinaloa y la evangelización de los indios Zuaques de Mochicahuİ,” Ra Ximhai 3:2 (May-August 2007), pp. 338–340.Google Scholar

37. See Maureen, Ahern, “Martyrs and Idols: Performing Ritual Warfare on Early Missionary Frontiers in the Northwest,” in Religion in New Spain, ed. Schroeder, Susan and Poole, Stafford (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2007), p. 292,Google Scholar and Cynthia, Radding, “Cultural Boundaries between Adaptation and Defiance: The Mission Communities of Northwestern New Spain,” in Griffiths, Nicholas and Cervantes, Fernando, eds., Spiritual Encounters: Interactions between Christianity and Native Religions in Colonial America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999), pp. 116–118.Google Scholar

38. Pérez, de Ribas, History of the Triumphs of Our Holy Faith, book 11, chapter 10, pp. 669–670.Google Scholar

39. William, B. Griffen, Culture Change and Shifting Population in Northern Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1969), p. 123.Google Scholar

40. Pérez de Ribas, ibid., and Francisco, Zambrano, Diccionario bio-bibliográfica de la Compania de Jesús en México, vol. 6 (México: Editorial Tradición, 1977), pp. 480–481.Google Scholar

41. The Jesuit annual letter from 1615 stated that children at a visita of San Ignacio del Zape learned to chant the Mass by memory in only one year. 1615 ARSI, prov. Mex. vol. 15, fol. 26v, Vatican Film Library, St. Louis University, roll 140.

42. For example, Ortiz Zapata’s report from 1678 lists instruments such as clarins, chirimías, bajones, harps, and guitars at Santa Cruz de Topia, San Lorenzo de Guepaca, San Francisco Xavier Arevechİ, Nuestra Señora de la Concepción Movas, San José de Mátape, San Miguel de Oposura, Bavispe, Asunción Arispe, Nuestra Señora de los Angeles de Sahuaripa, San Andrés Conicari, San Francisco Xavier Batuco, and groups of singers at several of these missions. See AGN Misiones, leg. 26, transcribed in Documentos para la historia de mexico, serie 4, vol III.

43. Carta anua de 1611, in González R., ibid., pp. 165–166.

44. José Pascual to Padre Provincial, 1651. AGN Historia vol. 19, fol. 203v–204v.

45. Cartas anuas de 1608, 1611 and 1613, in Luis, Gonzalez Rodríguez, ed. Crónicas de la Sierra Tarahumara (México: Secretaria de Educación Pública, 1987), pp. 148, 160–165, 174–175.Google Scholar

46. On the Tepehuan revolt, and the characteristics of first–generation revolts in the seventeenth century northern Jesuit missions see Deeds, , Defiance and Deference in Mexico’s Colonial North, pp. 30–38.Google Scholar See also Charlotte, M. Gradie, The Tepehuan Revolt of 1616: Militarism, Evangelism, and Colonialism in the Seventeenth Century (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000).Google Scholar

47. Bernabe Francisco de Gutiérrez to P.P. Francisco Ximenez, 1676, AGN Misiones vol. 26, f. 220.

48. See, for example, carta anua 1608, in Luís, Gonzalez Rodríguez, ed. Crónicas de la Sierra Tarabumara (Mexico: Secretaria de Educación Pública, 1987), pp. 161–162.Google Scholar

49. Late nineteenth-century and early twentieth–century ethnographies such as Walter Fewkes, J. “The Winter Solstice Ceremony at Walpi,” American Anthropologist 11:4 (April 1898), pp. 101–115,CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Erna, Fergusson, Dancing Gods: Indian Ceremonials of Arizona and New Mexico (1931), detail some of these dances.Google Scholar

50. There have been many excellent works on the matachines dances of New Mexico. For example, see Flavia, Waters Champe, The Matachines Dance of the Upper Rio Grande: History, Music, and Choreography (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983);Google Scholar Sylvia, Rodríguez, The Matachines Dance: Ritual, Symbolism, and Interethnic Relations in the Upper Río Grande Valley (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996);Google Scholar Brenda, Rae Romero, “The Matachines Music and Dance in San Juan Pueblo and Alcalde, New Mexico: Context and Meanings,” D.M.A. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1993.Google Scholar These dances were not limited to New Mexico, although they were particularly associated with preparation for Christmas in eighteenth century New Mexico. On matachines dances in northern Mexico, see Jesus, Jáuregui and Carlo, Bonfiglioli, Las danzas de conquista (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1996);Google Scholar and Cario, Bonfiglioli, fariseos y matachines en la Sierra Tarahumara (México: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1995).Google Scholar See Ramón, Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality and Power in New Mexico, 1500–1846 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), p. 84.Google Scholar

51. Bishop Crespo’s report from 1730, reprinted in Eleanor, Adams, ed., Bishop Tamarôn’s Visitation of New Mexico, 1760 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1954), pp. 102–103,Google Scholar expressed contemptuous criticism towards Franciscans for their failure to learn native languages. Bishop Tamarón’s visita report from 1760, and Fray Atanasio Domínguez’s report from 1776 consistently mention the failure of Franciscans, even those who served in an area for an extensive period of time, to learn native languages.

52. On music’s role in identity formation, see Christopher, Small, Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1998), pp. 97–98.Google Scholar

53. Francisco Corbera to Father Guardian, 12/27/1694, in Espinosa, éd., pp. 123–124.

54. Bishop Francisco Atanasio Domínguez, visita report, San Lorenzo de Picuris, 1776, in Adams, , ed. The Missions of New Mexico, p. 95.Google Scholar

55. On the musical abilities of he californios, see Maynard, Geiger and Meighan, Clement, As the Padres Saw Them: California Indian Life and Customs as Reported by the Franciscan Missionaries, 1813–1815 (Santa Barbara: Santa Barbara Mission Library, 1976), esp. pp. 36–37, 133–136.Google Scholar On the extensive music of the California missions, see Margaret, Crouch, “An Annotated Bibliography and Commentary Concerning Mission Music of Alta California from 1769 to 1834: In Honor of the American Bicentennial,” Current Mttsicology 22 (1976), pp. 88–99 Google Scholar and William, J. Summers, “Spanish Music in California, 1769–1840, a Reassessment,” in Report of the Twelfth Congress of the International Musicological Society, Berkeley, 1977. Heartz, Daniel and Wade, Bonnie, eds. (Kassel: Barenreiter-Verlag, 1981), pp. 360–380.Google Scholar

56. William, J. Summers, “Sancho: Alta California’s Preeminent Musician” in Juan Bautista Sancho: Pioneer Composer of California (Palma, Mallorca: Universitat de les Ules Balears, 2007), pp. 69, 76–77.Google Scholar

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58. Margaret, Cayward, “A Pastorela from 18th-century Alta California,” paper presented at Encuentros/Encounters 2009:Google Scholar Mission Music of California, January 30, 2009, University of California, Riverside.

59. Cayward identified four pastorela scripts which seem to come from a common source: two from the De la Guerra Collection at the Santa Barbara Mission Archive Library, Qttaderno de Lizardo, BANC MSS 68/115c, in the Pio Pico papers at the Bancroft Library, and fragments of a script in the Domingo Carillo papers, BANC MSS C–B 72. A pastorela song from the Santa Barbara Mission Archive Library, identified by Cayward, concludes, “Let’s go, brother shepherds, to worship the redeemer.”

60. Fray Isidro Felix, de Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios de Propaganda Fide de la Nueva España, Lino, Gomez Canedo, ed. (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1964), pp. 594–595.Google Scholar The alabado contains one verse each devoted to Mary and Joseph.

61. See, for example, Howard, Benoist and Flores, Eva Maria, eds. Documents Relating to the Old Spanish Missions of Texas: Volume I: Guidelines for a Texas Mission: Instructions for the Missionary of Mission Concepción in San Antonio (San Antonio: Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Center) (1787), 5;Google Scholar and Antonio de los Reyes to the king, AGI Guadalajara 586, 2 sept 1774. f/ 39v–40. On the importance of the alabado in restructuring daily schedules, see Kristin, Dutcher Mann, The Power of Song Missions of Northern New Spain, (Ph.D. dissertation, Northern Arizona University, 2002), chapter 4.Google Scholar

62. On religious artwork in New Spain, see Clara, Bargellini, “Stars in the Sea of the Church: the Indian in Eighteenth-Century New Spanish Painting,” The Arts in Latin America, 1492–1820, ed. Rishel, Joseph J. and Stratton, Suzanne (New Haven: Yale University Press1, 2006),Google Scholar and Gauvin, Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America, 1542–1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999).Google Scholar On the use of artwork to convey doctrine in Alta California, and its reception among indigenous converts, see Steven, Hackel, Children of Coyote, pp. 148–152.Google Scholar See also Robert, H. Jackson, “Visual Representations of Religious Conversion in Spanish American Missions,” Boletin 25:2 (2008), pp. 5–30 Google Scholar and Susan, Anderson Kerry, “Preliminary Observations on Angels in Religious Art in New Spain,” Boltetin 25:2 (2008), pp. 31–48.Google Scholar

63. Bishop Francisco Atanasio Domínguez, visita report, Santa Cruz de la Cañada, 1776, in Adams, , ed. The Missions of New Mexico, pp. 75–76, 79.Google Scholar

64. Howard, Benoist and Flores, Eva Maria, eds. Documents Relating To The Old Spanish Missions Of Texas: Volume I: Guidelines For A Texas Mission: Instructions For The Missionary Of Mission Concepción In San Antonio (San Antonio: Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Center), p. 7.Google Scholar

65. Biography of Padre Vicente Escalera, η.d., Old Spanish Missions Historical Research Collection, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio, Texas (OSMHRC) Archivo del Colegio de Zacatecas reel 16, fr. 1421–1423.

66. Benoist, and Benoist, Flores, eds., Instructions for the Missionary, p. 3.Google Scholar

67. 1772 inventory, Mission San Juan Capistrano, San Antonio, OSMHRC Archivo del Colegio de Querétaro reel 10, fr. 4271–4294.

68. Benoist, and Flores, , eds., Instructions for the Missionary, pp. 35, 37.Google Scholar

69. See Stern, , “Fray Iñigo de Mendoza and Medieval Dramatic Ritual,” p. 233.Google Scholar

70. Fray Isidro Felix, de Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios de Propaganda Fide de la Nueva España, Cañedo, Lino Gomez, ed. (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1964), p. 755.Google Scholar

71. Benoist, and Flores, , eds., Instructions for the Missionary, pp. 17, 35.Google Scholar Elsewhere in this document, the missionary warns that Indian women will try to leave the mission to gather nuts, berries, and fruits of cactus, along with camotes (43). He also advises that they will continually ask for sweets from the missionary (17). By controlling the time at which these items were distributed or available to the wider community, Franciscans could ensure broad participation in celebrations for feast days, and quickly encourage Indians to adopt the Christian calendar.

72. For a similar response among Tarahumara in the eighteenth century, see William, Merrill, “Conversion and Colonialism in Northern Mexico: The Tarahumara Response to the Jesuit Mission Program, 1601–1767,” in Conversion to Christianity: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives on a Great Transformation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), p. 151.Google Scholar

73. Geoffrey Baker found that Christmas was the most important musical event of the year İn the convents and monasteries of colonial Cuzco, Imposing Harmony: Music and Society in Colonial Cuzco (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), p. 16. In metropolitan areas of New Spain, Corpus Christi seems to have had particular importance. On celebrations for Corpus Christi in the Spanish empire, see Carolyn, Dean, Inka Bodies and the Body of Christ: Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco, Peru (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999),Google Scholar David, P. Cahili, “Popular Religion and Appropriation: The Example of Corpus Christi in Eighteenth-Century Cuzco,” Latin American Research Review 31:2 (1996), pp. 67–110,Google Scholar and Linda, Curcİo–Nagy, “Giants and Gypsies: Corpus Christi İn Colonial Mexico City” in Rituals of Rule, Rituals of Resistance: Public Celebrations and Popular Culture in Colonial Mexico (Boston: Rowman & Litdefield, 1994), pp. 1–26.Google Scholar For Corpus Christi in northern missions, see Kristin, Dutcher Mann, “The Power of Song in the Missions of Northern New Spain,” (Ph.D. dissertation, Northern Arizona University, 2002), chapter 5.Google Scholar

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75. On these characteristics in European Renaissance dance, see Jennifer, Nevile, “;Dance and the Garden: Music and Static Choreography in Renaissance Europe,” Renaissance Quarterly 52:3 (Autumn 1999), p. 806.Google Scholar

76. Stanely L. Robe aruged this about the Los Pastores folk dramas in nineteenth and early twentieth century New Mexico in “The Relationship of‘Los Pastores’ to Other Spanish-American Folk-Drama,” Western Folklore 16:4 (October 1957), p. 285.

77. Fray Manuel de la Vega, Relación de la descubrimiento y conquista de las Californias , Biblioteca Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Fondo Franciscano (BNAH/FF) vol. 68, f. 12r. (1698); f. 23v (1699).

78. Barbastro, “Plática del Nacimiento de Jesuchristo, Año de 1792,” in Cynthia, Radding, “Crosses, Caves, and Matachinis: Divergent Appropriations of Catholic Discourse in Northwestern New Spain,” The Americas 55:2 (October 1998), pp. 188–189.Google Scholar

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