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“The Childhood Shows the Man”: Latin American Children in Great Britain, 1790–1830

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 April 2015

Karen Racine
Karen Racine*
Affiliation:
University of GuelphGuelph, Ontario
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Extract

In his epic poem Paradise Regained (1671), John Milton has Satan observe that “The childhood shows the man/As morning shows the day/ Be famous then/ By wisdom. As the empire must extend/ So let extend thy mind o’er all the world.” As parents and as patriots, the leaders of Latin America's revolutions for independence wanted bright futures for both their children and their young nations. In many ways, the goals they set for each were the same: enhanced commercial opportunities, a political arena marked by greater freedom of speech and open debate, the rule of law, government with a strong moral center in which the privileged members of society had a responsibility to set a good example, and, perhaps most cherished of all, access to modern scientific and secular education. As figurative parents of emerging nations, and as biological parents of impressionable youth, these creole founding fathers wished to instill useful patriotic values in their national and personal families alike. Bridging the Enlightenment and Romantic eras, Latin American independence rhetoric blurred the distinction between nation-building and paternity, indicating that its leaders saw themselves as parents in more than one sense.

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Articles
Information
The Americas , Volume 72 , Issue 2 , April 2015 , pp. 279 - 308
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2015 

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References

1. For other examples of the phenomenon, see Brewer, Holly, By Birth or Consent: Children, the Law, and the Anglo-American Revolution in Authority (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Flavell, Julie, “The School for Modesty and Humility’: Colonial American Youth in London and their Parents, 1755–1775,” The Historical Journal 42:2 (1999), pp. 377–403 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ardila, Daniel Gutiérrez, “Los primeros colombianos en París, 1824–1830,” Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura 36:1 (2009), pp. 90–124 Google Scholar.

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4. For an idea of the activities that grew out of this close personal connection, see Brown, Matthew and Paquette, Gabriel, eds., Connections After Colonialism: Europe and Latin America in the 1820s (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2013)Google Scholar; Brown, Matthew, ed., Informal Empire in Latin America: Culture, Commerce and Capital (London: Blackwell, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Marshall, Oliver, ed., English-Speaking Communities in Latin America (Basingstoke: MacMillan, 2000)Google Scholar.

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7. Lipsett-Rivera, “Model Children and Models for Children in Early Mexico,” in Minor Omissions, p. 62.

8. Vicente Folch to Captain-General Conde de Santa Clara in Havana, January 1798, quoted in Holmes, Jack D. L., “Educational Opportunities in Spanish West Florida, 1781–1821,” Florida Historical Quarterly 60:1 (July 1981), p. 77 Google Scholar. Folch kept his daughter Irene closer to home at the Ursuline Academy for girls in New Orleans.

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10. There is some debate over which school this might have been. Many authors claim it was the prestigious Richmond Academy but records do not bear that out. Clavel, Roberto Arancibia, Tras las huellas de Bernardo Riquelme en Inglaterra 1795–1799 (Santiago de Chile: Instituto Geográfico Militar, 1995), pp. 38–43 Google Scholar. There are no extant records of Eeles's school.

11. O’Higgins to his patron Nicolás de la Cruz, October 1, 1798, Archivo de Bernardo O’Higgins, vol. I (Santiago: Editorial Nascimento, 1946), pp. 3–5. Joaquín Campino, in a letter to Sr. Ministro de Estado en el Depto. de Gobierno, October 14, 1822, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Archivo Fernández Larraín, vol 38, p. 70, discusses the establishment of the Lancasterian method. See also Eyzaguirre, Jaime, “La actitud religiosa de don Bernardo O’Higgins,” Historia 1 (1961), p. 41 Google Scholar; and Martland, Samuel J., “Trade, Progress and Patriotism: Defining Valparaíso, Chile, 1818–1875,” Journal of Urban History 35:3 (2008), p. 59 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12. Moreno, Manuel G. Balbontín and Maturano, Gustavo Opazo, Cinco mujeres en la vida de O’Higgins (Santiago: Arancibia Hermanos, [1964]), pp. 101–103 Google Scholar.

13. John O’Brien to Bernardo O’Higgins, 1823, quoted in Balbontín and Opazo, pp. 102–103.

14. Racine, Karen, Francisco de Miranda: A Transatlantic Life in the Age of Revolution (Wilmington Del.: Scholarly Resources, 2003), pp. 147–150 Google Scholar; Robertson, William Spence, The Life of Miranda, vol. 1 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1929), p. 179nGoogle Scholar. Jaime Eyzaguirre disagrees, believing that neither his youthful studies in London nor the “enslaving” influence of Miranda diminished O’Higgins's religious convictions. Eyzaguirre, La logia lautarina y otros estudios sobre la independencia (Buenos Aires: Editorial Francisco de Aguirre, 1973), p. 20 Google Scholar.

15. Sadly, the original has been lost but a contemporary English translation exists. In El ostracismo del jeneral Bernardo O’Higgins (Valparaíso: Imprenta y Librería del Mercurio, 1860), pp. 50–53, Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna asserts that O’Higgins carried Miranda's letter with him for many years, hidden in the interior lining of his hat. Two versions of the letter are available in Archivo de Bernardo O’Higgins, vol. I, pp.19–25, and another in de Miranda, Francisco, Consejos de un viejo sudamericano a un joven compatriota al regreso de Inglaterra a su país (Santiago: Comité Pro-Retorno de Exilios, 1986)Google Scholar.

16. Miranda to O’Higgins, “Consejos de un viejo sudamericano,” Archivo de Bernardo O’Higgins, vol. I, pp. 19–22.

17. Graham, Maria Dundas, Journal of a Residence in Chile, during the Year 1822, and a Voyage from Chile to Brazil in 1823 (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), pp. 16, 206Google Scholar. She includes the text of the manifesto on page 66.

18. Graham, Journal, p. 358; Stevenson, W. B., A Historical and Descriptive Narrative of Twenty Years’ Residence in South America, vol. 3 (London: Hurst, Robinson & Co., 1825), p. 277 Google Scholar; Miers, John, Travels in Chile and La Plata, vol. 2 (London: Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, 1826), p. 37 Google Scholar; O’Higgins to Martín, José de San, March 5, 1823, in San Martín: su correspondencia 1823–50, vol. 1 (Madrid: Editorial América, 1919), p. 13 Google Scholar.

19. Riquelme to Don Nicolás de la Cruz, March 19, 1799, in Archivo de Bernardo O’Higgins, vol. 1, pp. 7–8.

20. Robert Brade and Thomas More to George Canning, November 20, 1822, West Yorkshire Archive Service, Leeds, George Canning Papers, Bundle 131. As an example of the dozens of successful petitions of British merchants in Chile for financial aid, see Esteban Goldsack to Bernardo O’Higgins, March 29, 1821, Archivo Nacional de Chile, Fondo Varios, vol. 898, fs. 10–11.

21. Bernardo Riquelme to Ambrosio O’Higgins, February 28, 1799, in Archivo de Bernardo O’Higgins, vol. I, pp. 6–7.

22. Davis, Thomas B. Jr, Carlos de Alvear: Man Of Revolution (Durham: Duke University Press, 1955), pp. 5–6 Google Scholar. The shipwreck episode is also recounted by his friend Ignacio Benito Núñez, Autobiografía (Buenos Aires: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1996), p. 60. Alvear's diplomatic career grew out of his cosmopolitan upbringing and connections abroad. Luna, Carlos Correa, Alvear y la diplomacia de 1824–1825 (Buenos Aires: M. Gleizer, 1926)Google Scholar.

23. San Martín, “Proclamation to the Women of Lima,” reprinted in The Morning Chronicle, Wednesday, December 12, 1821.

24. San Martín to Diego Paroissien, October 15, 1823, Essex County Record Office, James Paroissien Papers, D/Dob.

25. San Martín to José de la Riva Agüero, October 23, 1823, in Su correspondencia, p. 354. He also indicated some desire to see if he could gauge the interests of “European sovereigns” in the fortunes of America. San Martín to Col. Federico Brandsen, February 10, 1824, in San Martín, Su correspondencia, p. 168.

26. Carlos de Alvear to Bernardino Rivadavia, October 12, 1824, Archivo General de la Nación (Argentina), Fondo Donada y Adquirido, leg.190, p. 133.

27. El Censor, no. 24, Thursday, March 20, 1817, p. 5. Interestingly, the article expresses the people's gratitude to Mercedes for sacrificing her mother to the cause, but fails to mention her father in any way.

28. Efforts to identify this school in various British archives have been unsuccessful. There was no centralization of schools at that time in England, and therefore any records kept by the individual schoolmasters or operators of small private institutions such as this one in Hampstead are either lost or in private hands. One anecdote suggests it is the same boarding school that housed Iturbide's son, but this seems unlikely.

29. San Martín, “Máximas para mi hija” (Brussels, 1825), is held in the archive of the Museo Mitre in Buenos Aires, http://www.museomitre.gob.ar/archivo-sanmartin.htm, accessed January 15, 2015. See published studies and versions including Máximas redactadas por el General San Martín para su hija Mercedes Tomasa, Manuel Nicandro Arriola, ed. (Buenos Aires: Instituto Nacional Sanmartiniano, 1979); and Máximas para mi hija, with commentary by Tomás Bernard (Buenos Aires: Editorial Kapelusz, 1950).

30. Their daughter was also raised in Paris and used her home as a hospital in World War I. Fey, Ingrid, “Frou-Frous or Feminists? Turn-of-the-Century Paris and the Latin American Woman,” in Strange Pilgrimages: Exile, Travel, and National Identity in Latin America, 1800–1990s, Fey, Ingrid and Racine, Karen, eds. (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 2000), p. 84 Google Scholar.

31. Archives of the Royal Institution of Great Britain, Annual Subscribers Books, 1825–1846; Balcarce, Mariano, Buenos Aires. Sa situation présente, ses lois liberales, sa population immigrante, ses progrès commerciaux et industriels (Paris: Imprimerie d’Ad. Blondeau, 1857)Google Scholar.

32. Full biographical information for Iturbide's descendants can be found in a genealogical booklet by de Tarrodhaza, Charles Mikos, y Zirion, Teodor Amerlink, and Williamson, David entitled The Imperial House of Mexico: The House of Iturbide (London: Quacks the Booklet Printer, 1994)Google Scholar. I thank Timothy Anna for sharing this information.

33. Agustín de Iturbide to José Antonio López, January 8, 1823, University of Texas-Austin, Nettie Lee Benson Library, Hernández y Dávalos Collection HD 17–1.3753. Instructions for his daughters are given in HD 17–2.3880.

34. Editor's introduction to A Statement of Some of the Principal Events in the Public Life of Agustín de Iturbide, Written by Himself (Washington D.C.: Documentary Publications, 1971), p. xxii.

35. Iturbide to [Charles] Pomier, March 8, 1824, University of Texas-Austin, Benson Library, HD 17–2.3919. He indicated that her bill of 2,000 pesos had recently been paid by Francisco Borja Migoni, the former unofficial representative of Iturbide's empire in London who had recently been discredited and replaced by a more formal delegation headed by General José Mariano Michelena. Sabina died unmarried in Philadelphia in 1871.

36. Statement of Some of the Principal Events in the Public Life of Agustín de Iturbide, p. 226n. In his memoirs, Iturbide's listing indicates that his two daughters residing at Taunton were both under age 12, making Juana de Dios and Josefa the likely candidates. Juana María eventually professed as a nun and died in a convent in Georgetown in the United States. The Iturbide girls are mentioned in a local newspaper, Berrow's Worcester Journal, no. 6352, September 30, 1824. Efforts to track down further information about Iturbide's daughters’ English schools have failed to locate any surviving records. I wish to thank S. Berry, senior archivist at the Somerset Archive and Record Service, and Deborah Stevenson at the Dorset Archives Service, for their generous assistance.

37. “Master Ángel de Iturbide's Account in advance to Mid-Summer 1824,” University of Texas-Austin, Benson Library, Juan E. Hernández y Dávalos Manuscript Collection, HD 17–2.3877. The account was paid on February 18, 1824.

38. Alamán, Lucas, Semblanzas e ideario (Mexico: UNAM, 1939), p. 139 Google Scholar, states that Iturbide left London on May 5, 1824 with his wife, his two youngest sons “Salvador and Felipe,” and several hangers-on. The aforementioned genealogical pamphlet, however, fails to mention young Felipe and lists eight as the number of Iturbide offspring.

39. Iturbide to his banker Mr. Fletcher, March 3, 1823, University of Texas-Austin, Benson Library, HD 17–2.3894.

40. “The Nihill Diary (January-June 1816)” and the “Order of the Annual Examination” (Tuesday, July 31, 1827), both in the possession of the Ampleforth Abbey Trustees. I am grateful to Anselm Cramer OSB, the monastery librarian at Ampleforth Abbey, York, for sharing these documents with me and for cheerfully replying to my many queries about the nature of young Iturbide's experiences there.

41. Agustín de Iturbide to his son, April 27, 1824, copy, Yale University, Stirling Library, Latin American Manuscripts, MSS 307, box 13, f. 207.

42. The emphasis is Iturbide's.

43. Agustín de Iturbide, son, to his father, May 3, 1824, University of Texas-Austin, Benson Library, Mariano Riva Palacio Collection, MRP 142.

44. Quoted by Captain Hall, Basil, Extracts from a Journal written on the Coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico in the Years 1820, 1821, 1822, 4th ed., vol.2 (Edinburgh: Archibald Constable & Co., 1825), pp. 271–272 Google Scholar.

45. El Sol, July 29, 1824, excerpted, translated, and published in Hall, Extracts, vol. 2, p. 274.

46. José María Michelena to the Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, March 21, 1825, University of Texas-Austin, Benson Library, HD 18–2.4360.

47. Morning Chronicle, October 10, 1817. The Stonyhurst Lists, 1794–1886 (Market Weighton: [Stonyhurst Academy], 1886–1905), show that San Carlos's son, Count José F. de Carbajal, entered the school on October 22, 1817, and departed on June 23, 1820.

48. Marques d’Almenara to San Carlos, January 18, 1818, and San Carlos to Almenara, January 23, 1818, Archivo General de Simancas (Spain), Estado 8.287, fs. 6–8.

49. See fuller descriptions in Muir, T. E., Stonyhurst College, 1593–1993 (London: James and James, 1992)Google Scholar; Henderson, Andrew, The Stone Phoenix: Stonyhurst College 1794–1894 (Worthing, West Sussex: Churchmen, 1986)Google Scholar; Whitehead, Maurice, “‘In the Sincerest Intentions of Studying’: The Educational Legacy of Thomas Weld, 1750–1810, Founder of Stonyhurst College,” Recusant History 26 (2002), pp. 169–193 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Whitehead, “‘Superior to the Rudest Shocks of Adversity’: English Jesuit Education in the Long Eighteenth Century, 1688–1832,” in Educating the Child in Enlightenment Britain, Mary Hilton and Jill Shefrin, eds. (Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 131–146. Bernardo Rodríguez Caparrini has studied Spanish students at Stonyhurst and Beaumont Colleges for the later part of the nineteenth century. I thank him for sharing with me his articles “Alumnos españoles en el internado jesuita de Beaumont (Old Windsor, Inglaterra) 1869–1874,” Archivum Historicum Societat Iesu 80:159 (2011), pp. 151–250; and “Alumnos españoles en el internado jesuita de Beaumont (Old Windsor, Inglaterra) 1874–1880,” Miscelánea Comillas: Revista de Teología y Ciencias Humanas 70:136 (2012), pp. 241–246.

50. “Plan of Education, Stonyhurst College, Rev. Joseph Tristram SJ, President” (1826), Stonyhurst College Archives. The Dorset Archives Service in Dorchester also has some of Tristram's Stonyhurst correspondence: Weld Family Papers, D/WLC: C 174 and D/WLC: C 222.

51. Mariano Egaña, the man who acrimoniously replaced Paroissien and García in 1824, later reported that Domingo Toro was known to be writing to Miguel de Zañartu from Paris and feeding him partisan information. Egaña to his father, March 18, 1825, in Cartas a su padre Juan 1824–1829 (Santiago: Sociedad de Bibliófilos Chilenos, 1948), p. 59.

52. Tomás de Iriarte to Bernardino Rivadavia, July 21, 1824, AGN (Argentina), Colección Carlos Casavalle, leg. 7, f. 473.

53. de Iriarte, Tomás, Memorias: Rivadavia, Monroe y la guerra argentino-brasileña (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Argentinas, 1945), pp. 91, 104, 126Google Scholar.

54. Paroissien, Diary, Friday, September 18, 1822, Essex County Record Office, Paroissien Papers, D/DOb.

55. Domingo Santiago Toro to Diego Paroissien, June 8, 1823, Essex County Record Office, Paroissien Papers, D/DOb.

56. Harris, Jonathan, “Bernardino Rivadavia and Benthamite Discipleship,” Latin American Research Review 33:1 (1998), p. 141 Google Scholar.

57. Williford, Miriam, Jeremy Bentham on Spanish America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1980), p. 103 Google Scholar.

58. Ibid., p. 102; Philip Schofield, introduction to Bentham, Jeremy, Chrestomathia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), p. xviii Google Scholar. The Hazelwood curriculum included instruction in classical languages, but Bentham's Chrestomathia did not.

59. Bentham to Bolívar, June 4, 1823, quoted in Harris, “Rivadavia and Discipleship,” p. 138. del Valle, José Cecilio, Memoria sobre la educación (Guatemala: Imprenta de la Unión, 1829), pp. 31–32 Google Scholar. An extensive discussion of his ideas is found in Ortega, Víctor Hugo Acuña, “Independencia y educación en Centroamérica: la ‘Memoria sobre la educación’ de José Cecilio del Valle,” Historia de la Educación 29 (2010), pp. 307–315 Google Scholar.

60. Hill, Matthew Davenport, Public Education: Plans for the Government and Liberal Instruction of Boys in Large Numbers, as Practised at Hazelwood School, 2nd ed. (London: C. Knight, 1825), pp. xix–xx Google Scholar.

61. Letter dated Buenos Aires, March 12, 1826, reprinted in Caledonian Mercury, no. 2451, June 19, 1826.

62. Hill, Public Education, p. 2.

63. Hazelwood Magazine 2:6 (August 1824), pp. 40–41. The boys raised a remarkable £60, 6 shillings, 1 pence, in support of the Greek patriots.

64. Hazelwood Magazine 1:14 (December 1823), pp. 6–7.

65. Their experiences have been discussed more fully in Karen Racine, “Patriots-in-Training: Spanish American Children at Hazelwood School in England during the 1820s,” Paedagogica Historica 46:4 (August 2010), pp. 495–509.

66. Hazelwood Magazine 5:7 (September 1827), pp. 93–94, 97. The Argentine representatives in London kept close track of the boys’ progress and sent home regular updates. A typical update on French lessons can be found in Juan Francisco Gil to Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores, October 29, 1827, AGN (Argentina), Sala X, 1–1–12, f. 144.

67. A[rthur] H[ill], quoted in Hazelwood Magazine 5:8 (October 1827), p. 118.

68. Hazelwood Magazine 5:8 (October 1827), pp. 114–117.

69. Hazelwood Magazine 5:6 (August 1827), p. 85.

70. Hazelwood Magazine 6:3 (November 1828), pp. 131–143.

71. Hazelwood Magazine 6:5 (June 1828), pp. 73–82.

72. Rocafuerte to Cañedo, October 15, 1828, in the collection of documents published as Estudios sobre Vicente Rocafuerte, Jaime E. Rodríguez O., ed. (Guayaquil: Archivo Histórico del Guayas), p. 91. I thank Jaime Rodríguez for giving me a copy of this book.

73. Piccirilli, Roberto, Rivadavia y su tiempo, vol. 3 (Buenos Aires: Editorial Peuser, 1960), pp. 327, 342–347Google Scholar. There is some indication they did this in hopes of preserving their father's claims to his property.

74. Memorias del General Miguel García Granados (Guatemala: Editorial del Ejército, 1978), pp. 53–54. He recalled fondly that after each meal, the vicar always asked his wife if she had enjoyed it and she would always respond “Yes, my dear, and you?” to which the vicar always replied “Yes, indeed I did.”

75. In the Aycinena family papers, currently in the possession of the Fortuny family in Guatemala City, there are bills for items and supplies purchased by José Miguel del Barrio during his visits to Manuel and Ignacio in 1825–26. I thank Richmond Brown for generously sending me copies of the Aycinenas’ papers. García Granados mentions that Francisco and Javier Aycinena also spent time in London.

76. García Granados, Memorias, p. 56.

77. “Canto a la independencia de Guatemala,” El Repertorio Americano 3 (April 1827), pp. 1–6. A second piece titled “Canción” follows on pages 6–7. The initials could indicate one of the brothers was the author, or possibly Rafael García Goyena who often signed his poems R. G. G.

78. All are found in Hazelwood Magazine. Poem [untitled] 7:2 (March 1829), pp. 24–25; and “An Address to the Sun” 7:9 (November 1829), pp. 163–164. Two open letters by “A. R.” are printed in 5:7 (August 1827), pp. 77–81, and 5:10 (December 1827), pp. 143–146.

79. García Granados, Memorias, pp. 56–57.

80. Mariano Aycinena, in an unspecified monograph dated New York in 1824, quoted in Salazar, Ramón A., Mariano de Aycinena (Guatemala: Editorial de Ministerio de Educación Pública 1952), p. 51 Google Scholar. Reprint of the 1899 edition.

81. Durham University was created by Parliament in 1832 and affirmed by a royal charter in 1837. Although University College London was created in 1826, it did not receive its royal charter to grant degrees until it joined with King's College to form the University of London in 1836.

82. Foster, Joseph, ed., Alumni Oxonienses: The Members of the University of Oxford, 1715–1886, 4 vols. (Oxford: James Parker & Co., 1891–92)Google Scholar; J., and Venn, J. A, eds., Alumni Cantabrigenses, a Biographical List . . . from the Earliest Times to 1900, 10 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922–1954)Google Scholar. There are a few children born to British residents in Latin America who appear in the rolls, for example, John Wellington Freese came from Brazil to matriculate at Balliol College in 1830. Alumni Oxonienses, vol.2, p. 494.

83. Sadly, the archival records are incomplete so my list has been compiled by collating and cross-checking several sources located at Edinburgh University, Special Collections Division. These include the matriculation book GB 237 EUA IN1/ADS/STA/2, in which each boy signed up for courses in his own hand, class rosters kept by one chemistry teacher (Da 35 CHE), the list of graduates in medicine, and the list of theses submitted for medical degrees (Nomina Euorum Gradum Medicinæ Doctoris in Academia), (Edinburgh: Excudeband Neill et Socii, 1846). In addition, there were the general matriculation rolls and the Catalogue of the Graduates in the Faculties of Arts, Divinity and Law of the University of Edinburgh since its Foundation (Edinburgh: Neill & Company, 1858).

84. Those who self-identified as Brazilians were Domingo Felis dos Santos (1792–1795), Jozé Avellino Barboza (1796–1799), Marciano Pereira Ribeiro (1809–1812), Jozé Francisco do Amaral (Rio de Janeiro, 1812–1814), Joaquim Baptista/Bajituta Pereira (Campos, 1812–1815), Ignacio Joseph d’Araujo Vieira (Rio de Janeiro, 1813–1814), Pedro Fergueiro Lima (Bahia, 1824), Miguel M. Lisboa (Rio de Janeiro, 1826–1831), and Luiz Ernesto da Carvalho Paes de Andrade (Pernambuco, 1829–1834).

85. See for example Bower, Alexander, The Edinburgh Student's Guide: or an Account of the Classes of the University, Arranged under the Four Faculties, with a Detail of What is Taught in Each (Edinburgh: Waugh and Innes, 1822)Google Scholar.

86. Williams, Lawrence, “Pulpit and Gown: Edinburgh University and the Church, 1760–1830,” in Scottish Universities: Distinctiveness and Diversity, Carter, Jennifer J. and Withrington, Donald J., eds. (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers, 1992), pp. 87–95 Google Scholar, and Deborah Brunton, “Edinburgh and Philadelphia: The Scottish Model of Medical Education” in the same volume, pp. 80–86; Morrell, J. B., “The University of Edinburgh in the Late Eighteenth Century: Scientific Eminence and Academic Structure,” Isis 62 (1971), pp. 158–171 Google Scholar.

87. Brunton, Deborah, “The Transfer of Medical Education: Teaching at the Edinburgh and Philadelphia Medical Schools,” in Scotland and America in the Age of the Enlightenment, Sher, Richard B. and Smitten, Jeffrey, eds. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1990), pp. 241–258 Google Scholar.

88. Constâncio, Francisco Solano, Historia do Brasil, desde o seu descobrimento por Pedro Alvares Cabral até á abdicação do Imperador D. Pedro I . . . com hum mappa do Brasil (Paris: Livreria Portugueza de J. P. Aillaud, 1839)Google Scholar. He translated David Ricardo and Thomas Malthus into Portuguese in 1819 and 1820 respectively, and played a prominent role in the negotiations following the declaration of Brazilian independence. See de Sousa, Maria Leonor Machado, Um ano de diplomacia luso-americana: Francisco Solano Constâncio, 1822–1823 (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1988)Google Scholar.

89. He published a well-known medical tract arising from his work on Barboza, Josephus Avellino. Dissertatio inauguralis de regionis calidæ (Edinburgh: Excudebant Adamus Neill et Socii, 1799)Google Scholar.

90. He was the son of José Caetano Araujo Vieira of Rio de Janeiro and went on to take a law course at the Universidade de Coimbra the next year. Relação e indice alphabetico dos estudantes matriculados na Universidade de Coimbra na Anno Lectivo de 1815 para 1816 (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra,1816), p. 18.

91. A special issue of the Revista de la Sociedad Bolivariana de Venezuela 14:43 (July 1954) was devoted to Vargas on the centennial of his death. Articles include Cristóbal Mendoza, “La tragedia de Vargas,” pp. 107–110; Blas Bruni Celli, “Vargas, bolivariano,” pp. 112–117; and Manuel Pérez-Vila, “Vargas y Revenga,” pp. 118–126.

92. Edinburgh University Library, Matriculation Books, GB 237 EUA IN1/ADS/STA/2. There is a useful chronology of his movements in this period in José María Vargas, 1786–1986: homenaje en el bicentenario de su nacimiento, Blas Bruni Celli, transcription and prologue (Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, 1986), pp. 28–29.

93. Royal Society of Great Britain, Journal Books, JBO/42, f. 162.

94. Diego Carbonell, “Vargas,” in José María Vargas, 1786–1986, pp. 72–73. Carbonell notes that his certifications were signed by the well-known Drs. John Barclay and Thomas Thomson. The general list of members held at the archives of the Royal College of Surgeons in London does indeed have a Joseph Vargas added in 1820, although it identifies his home country as Spain.

95. Montilla, José Abel, Manuel Palacio Fajardo (Caracas: Tipografía Garrido, 1956), p. 94 Google Scholar.

96. Aréstegui had received a scholarship from the Buenos Aires consulado [chamber of commerce] to begin his studies at the Colegio de la Unión and passed public examinations in physical sciences and mathematics in 1821. Documentos del Archivo Puerreydón, vol. 4 (Buenos Aires: Museo Mitre, 1912), p. 106. He also appears in Gutiérrez, J. M., Noticias históricas sobre el oríjen y desarrollo de la enseñanza pública superior en Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: J. M. Cantilo, 1868), p. 220 Google Scholar.

97. Aréstegui to Torres, September 11, 1827, AGN (Argentina), 1–1–12, fs. 142–143. The update was sent to America by Juan Francisco Gil in a letter to the Ministro de Estado in the Departamento de Negocios Extranjeros, Sidmouth, Devonshire, November 15, 1827, AGN (Argentina), 1–1–12, f. 141. Aréstegui's thesis is registered on page 84 of the list of graduates in medicine held at the archives of the University of Edinburgh.

98. “Tribunal de Medicina,” El Lucero. Diario político, literario y mercantile, no. 697, February 10, 1832, p. 2.

99. Hale, Charles A., “Alamán, Antuñano y la continuidad del liberalismo,” Historia Mexicana 11:2 (1961), p. 231 Google Scholar. See also Quintana, Miguel, Estevan de Antuñano, fundador de la industria textil en Puebla, Mexico: Secretaría de Hacienda y Crédito Público, 1957 Google Scholar.

100. Berrow's Worcester Journal, no. 6511, October 18, 1827.

101. Dickinson, H. W. and Titley, Arthur, Richard Trevethick: The Engineer and the Man (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1934), p. 213 Google Scholar; Chaves, Flora Julieta Solano and Bolaños, Ronald Díaz, La ciencia en Costa Rica, 1814–1914: una mirada desde la óptica universal, latinoamericano y costarricense (San José: Universidad de Costa Rica, 2005), p. 26 Google Scholar.

102. Jeremy Bentham to Simón Bolívar, January 6, 1823, University College London, Bentham Manuscripts, Box 12, fs. 86–90. Hester Stanhope was William Pitt's niece.

103. Urquieta, Pedro Lira, Andrés Bello (Mexico: Fondo de la Cultura Económica, 1948): p. 85 Google Scholar.

104. Caledonian Mercury, no. 16010, March 29, 1824.

105. Morning Post, no. 19177, May 26, 1832. The daughter also attended the royal levees given in June and July. Morning Chronicle, no. 19595, June 15, 1832, and Morning Post, no. 19217, July 12, 1832.

106. The novel was bundled together with another story and first published as Recreos juveniles (London: 1834). This first edition is extremely rare. Humberto Vázquez Machicado, “Los plagios de Pazos Kanki,” Historia 111 (October-December 1957), p. 99.