Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
The dramatic changes in the Latin American church since the Second Vatican Council have taken many observers by surprise. In search of an explanation for these changes, much recent scholarship has devoted itself to analyzing the changing political climate, the influx of foreign religious personnel, the creation of radical priests' groups, the impact of Vatican II itself and the episcopal assemblies of Medellín and Puebla and, of course, the varying currents of liberation theology. In contrast, the tendency has been to overlook pre-Vatican II history. The pre-conciliar Peruvian church in particular has been characterized as tradition-bound, obscurantist or subservient to the upper classes. One author writing in the early seventies stated:
“The intimacy between the church and the Peruvian upper class has been an unvarying characteristic of colonial, post-independence and modern eras in Peru.”
The research for this article was made possible by a Walsh-Price Fellowship of the Maryknoll Fathers and Brothers.
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14 Members of the López de Romaña family are listed in the directorate of both the Catholic Union for Men and for Women in the year 1919. El Deber, Sept. 23, P. 2; Oct. 27, P. 2, 1919.
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31 These and other Catholic groups are listed in the different archdiocesan yearbooks, which in reality came out only sporadically: Anuario eclesiástico de la Arquidiócesis de Lima para el año 1916; Anuario… para el año 1935, both edited by Monsignor Belisario A. Philipps.
32 Arróspide, César recounts the history of these groups in his article, “El Movimiento católico seglar en los años 20,” in Revista de la Universidad Católica New series, 5 (August, 1979): 5–24.Google Scholar Also, private interview with César Arróspide, Lima, November 20, 1981.
33 A brief history of the Fides Center is found in a periodical published by the Center bearing the same name, Fides, Sept. 1, 1951, P. 1, found in Centro Bartolomé de las Casas Documentation Center, Lima. Also, private interview with Father Gerardo Alarco, Lima, November 25, 1981.
34 Many of these data were gathered in an interview with Ernesto Alayza Grundy, currently a senator in the Peruvian parliament. Lima, June 11, 1982.
35 Private interview with Father Eduardo Suárez Jimena, Lima June 26, 1982.
36 Verdades, November 3, 1934, P. 5. Verdades, which came out between 1930 and 1958, was the principal Catholic newspaper of Lima in that period.
37 El Amigo del Clew, March 10, Pp. 1038–1042; March 17, Pp. 1049–1069, 1929.
38 These photographs may be found in the special edition of El Amigo del Clero on the Eucharistie Congress, October, November and December, 1935, Pp. 24–25.
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43 Acción Católica de la Juventud Femenina Peruana, Memoria (Lima, 1936). In the Pedro Benvenutto collection, Universidad del Pacífico, Lima.
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50 César Pacheco, close confidant of Belaúnde, sustains the view that Belaúnde was far more representative of his generation than Agüero, Riva. In his “Estudio preliminar” of Belaúnde’s Memorias completas, Vol. 1, Pp. 58–61.Google Scholar Four men who had been disciples of both Belaúnde and Riva Agüero concurred unanimously that though Riva Agüero was a more “solid” thinker, Belaúnde was more influential: Gerardo Alarco, César Arróspide, Eduardo Suárez and Ernesto Alayza Grundy, in private interviews already cited.
51 Luis Alberto Sánchez discusses the proximity of Belaúnde to both Haya and Mariátegui in his prologue to the fourth edition of Belaúnde’s, La Realidad nacional, Pp. 21–28.Google Scholar James, Agut also underlines the closeness of Belaúnde to Aprista ideology: “The Peruvian Revolution and Catholic Corporatism: Armed Forces Rule since 1968” (Ph.D. diss., University of Miami, 1975), Pp. 317–328.Google Scholar
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55 Jorge Alayza Grundy, “Memoria de la Junta Nacional de la Acción Católica…”
56 Secretaría General del Episcopado del Perú, Exigencias sociales del catolicismo en el Perú (Lima, 1959).