Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gbm5v Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T18:31:43.908Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Blue and Brown: Contraband Indigo and the Rise of a Free Colored Planter Class in French Saint-Domingue*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

John Garrigus
John Garrigus*
Affiliation:
Jacksonville University, Jacksonville, Florida
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In 1791 the French Caribbean colony of Saint-Domingue became the site of the only successful slave uprising in the history of the New World. As the French Revolution reshaped the political and social institutions of the mother country, Saint-Domingue's free people of color, led by an indigo planter from the island's southern peninsula, began a campaign for civil reform that helped destabilize colonial slave society. Despite their pivotal role in what would become the Haitian Revolution, relatively little is known about this important population. Widely acknowledged to be the largest and wealthiest group of its kind in the New World, this class comprised a remarkable 47 percent of the colony's free inhabitants in 1788. While elsewhere in the eighteenth-century Caribbean free coloreds tended to be urban based, most of Saint-Domingue's gens de couleur dwelt in the countryside and a number were successful planters. By 1790 members of this class owned enough slaves and plantations that they were said to possess one-third of the colony.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 50 , Issue 2 , October 1993 , pp. 233 - 263
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1993

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I would like to thank Paul Lachance, Joan Scott, and Michel-Rolph Trouillot for their comments on an earlier version of this article.

References

1 Klein, Herbert S., African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean (New York, 1986), pp. 237–38;Google Scholar Stein, Robert, “The Free Men of Color and the Revolution in Saint-Domingue, 1789–1792,” Histoire Sociale-Social History, 14 (1981), 7–28;Google Scholar Garrigus, John D., “A Struggle for Respect: The Free Coloreds of Saint-Domingue, 1760–69” (Ph.D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 1988).Google Scholar

2 Grégoire, Abbé, “Lettre aux philanthropes sur les malheurs, les droits et les réclamations des gens de couleur de Saint Domingue” (Paris, 1790), p. 3;Google Scholar this is perhaps Grégoire’s misreading of a pamphlet by the Abbé de Cournand, who maintained that free coloreds “formed a third of the free population of the colony, a considerable number of whom are proprietors” and “the proprietors of this interesting class, form at least a third of what are called habitons in the colony.” See de Cournand’s “Requête présentée à nosseigneurs de l’assemblée nationale, en faveur des gens de couleur” [S.l.n.d.], pp. 1, 4.

3 Archives Nationales de France [hereafter cited as AN], Minutier Centrale, 30 August 1790, Rouen register 99, vente. In 1780 a French day laborer could expect to earn, at most, one livre a day; 10,000 livres would be a comfortable annual income in provincial France. See Forster, Robert, Merchants, Landlords, Magistrates: The Depont Family in Eighteenth-Century France (Baltimore, 1980), p. 234.Google Scholar

4 Archives Nationales de France, Section Outremer [hereafter cited as ANSOM], 5 April 1785, Paillou reg. 1452, dépôt des papiers, Aquin. For more on Raimond, see Garrigus, John D., “Julien Raimond,” in Brown Power in the Caribbean, Heuman, Gad and Gaspar, David Barry, eds. (forthcoming).Google Scholar

5 ANSOM, 15 October 1783, Paillou reg. 1451, inventaire, Aquin.

6 ANSOM, 29 April 1773, Belin Duressort reg. 105, inventaire, Aquin.

7 Trouillot, Michel-Rolph, “Motion in the System: Coffee, Color, and Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Saint-Domingue,” Review, 5 (1982), 331–88.Google Scholar

8 lbid., pp. 354, 358–60.

9 ANSOM, G1509, Nos 12, 21, 28, 30, 31, 32, 36, and 38.

10 Debien, Gabriel, Fouchard, Jean, and Menier, Marie-Antoinette, “Toussaint Louverture avant 1789: Legendes et réalités,” Conjonction, 134 (1977), 66–80;Google Scholar Geggus, David P., “Toussaint Louverture and the Slaves of the Bréda Plantations,” The Journal of Caribbean History, 20 (1985–86), 31–35.Google Scholar For a detailed analysis of the growth of discriminatory legislation in Saint-Domingue, see Debbasch, Yvan, Couleur et liberté: Le jeu du critère ethnique dans un ordre juridique esclavagiste (Paris, 1967).Google Scholar

11 Trouillot, , “Motion in the System,” pp. 332–33.Google Scholar

12 Trouillot acknowledges that Aquin does not fit his thesis. Ibid., p. 355 n.58.

13 Moral, Paul, Le paysan haïtien: étude sur la vie rurale en Haïti (Port au Prince, 1978), pp. 73, 78, 87, 92, 111.Google Scholar

14 Among the many contemporaries who noted this fact, see the “Observations” of Count Dautichamp, dated 1782, in AN, Col. F3190, pp. 97–99.

15 Tarrade, Jean, Le commerce colonial de la France à la fin de l’Ancien Régime, 2 vols. (Paris, 1972), I, p. 34.Google Scholar

16 Drescher, Seymour, Econocide: British Slavery in the Era of Abolition (Pittsburgh, 1977), p. 57 Google Scholar table 12; Butel, Paul, “L’essor antillais au XVIIIe siècle,” in Histoire des Antilles et de la Guyane, Pluchon, Pierre, ed. (Toulouse, 1982), pp. 117–18.Google Scholar

17 See, for example, Butel, , “L’essor antillais,” p. 117;Google Scholar or Debien, Gabriel, Le plan elles débuts d’une caféière à Saint-Domingue: La Plantation la Merveillere (Port-au-Prince, 1943), p. 10.Google Scholar Even Père Labat, visiting the southern coast in 1701, lumped indigo with tobacco as a crop that helped planters acquire the wealth to build sugar works. Labat, Jean-Baptiste, Nouveau voyage aux isles de l’Amérique, 8 vols, [repr.; Fort-de-France, Martinique, 1972 (Paris, 1742)], VII, pp. 91–92.Google Scholar

18 Price, Jacob, France and the Chesapeake (Ann Arbor, MI, 1973), pp. 74–91;Google Scholar AN, Col. F3133, pp. 275–77; AN, Col. C9B18; Labat, , Nouveau voyage, 4, pp. 4, 141, 144Google Scholar; letter of October 6, 1690, cited in Frostin, Charles, Les révoltes blanches à Saint-Domingue aux XVII et XVIIIe siècles (Paris, 1975), pp. 125–26;Google Scholar Adrosko, Rita J., Natural Dyes and Home Dyeing (New York, 1971), pp. 15–17.Google Scholar

19 Price, , France and the Chesapeake, p. 99.Google Scholar

20 Clark, John G., La Rochelle and the Atlantic Economy During the Eighteenth Century (Baltimore, 1981), pp. 163–64.Google Scholar

21 d’Auberteuil, Hilliard, Considerations sur l’état présent de la colonie française de Saint-Domingue, ouvrage politique et législatif, 2 vols. (Paris, 1776), 1, pp. 58, 67, 279, 281–83;Google Scholar De Saint Méry, Moreau, Description topographique, physique … de la partie française de l’isle de Saint-Domingue [repr.; Paris, 1959 (Philadelphia, 1797)], pp. 1167–69, 1241–42, 1300–01;Google Scholar De Vassière, Pierre, Saint-Domingue (1629–1789): La société et la vie créoles sous l’ancien régime (Paris, 1909), p. 40;Google Scholar Frostin, Charles, Les révoltes blanches à Saint Domingue (Paris, 1975), pp. 274–76;Google Scholar Frostin, Charles, “Les Pontchartrain et la pénétration commerciale française en Amérique espagnole,” Revue Historique, 245 (1971), 314.Google Scholar

22 Moral, Paul, “La culture du café en Haïti; Des plantations coloniales aux ‘jardins’ actuels,” Les cahiers d’outre-mer, 8 (1955), 252.Google Scholar

23 It is difficult to compare the crops directly, because until the middle of the century the census counted coffee bushes, while measuring indigo and sugar by the number of refineries constructed for these products. ANSOM, G1509 Nos 12, 21, 28, 30, 31, and 32.

24 Smith, Robert S., “Indigo Production and Trade in Colonial Guatemala,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 39 (1959), 182, 197, 198, 201, 205;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Floyd, Troy S., “The Guatemala Merchants, the Government and the Provincianos, 1750–1800,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 41 (1961), 105.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25 Smith, , “Indigo Production and Trade in Colonial Guatemala,” p. 203;Google Scholar Mckinley, P. Michael, Pre-Revolutionary Caracas: Politics, Economy, and Society, 1777–1811 (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 48, 52;Google Scholar Tarrade, Jean, Commerce colonial, 2, pp. 771–72 Table 12.Google Scholar

26 “Between 80 and 90 percent of indigo receipts at La Rochelle entered the entrepôt for reexport to foreigners,” Clark, , La Rochelle and the Atlantic Economy, p. 163.Google Scholar Tarrade claims that between 40 and 65 percent of French indigo was reexported, Commerce colonial, II, p. 753 Table 7; Smith, , “Indigo Production and Trade,” p. 209 n.91.Google Scholar

27 AN, Col. F3133, p. 188; the assumed market price of indigo in this estimation was 12 and one half livres per pound. See Siguret, Roseline, “Esclaves d’indigoteries et de caféières au quartier de Jacmel (1757–1791),” Revue française d’histoire d’outre-mer, 55 (1968), 193, 201.Google Scholar On the soil, water, and equipment necessary for indigo growing, see the article on “indigo” in the 1777 Supplément à l’Encyclopédie, 21 vols, [repr.; Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt, 1966–67 (Amsterdam, 1776)], XX, pp. 585–92.

28 Pares, Richard, War and Trade in the West Indies, 1739–63 (London, 1963), p. 330;Google Scholar “Indigo,” Supplément à l’Encyclopédie, XX, p. 585; IIIMcClellan, James E., Colonialism and Science: Saint Domingue in the Old Regime (Baltimore, 1992), pp. 67, 152–58.Google Scholar

29 Trouillot, , “Motion in the System,” p. 370.Google Scholar

30 Vignols, Léon, “Land Appropriation in Haiti in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Journal of Economic and Business History, 2 (1930), 121.Google Scholar

31 Tarrade, , Commerce colonial, 2, p. 599 n.31.Google Scholar

32 Frostin, Charles, “Saint-Domingue et la révolution américain,” Bulletin de la société d’histoire de la Guadeloupe, 22 (1974), 99–101;Google Scholar Pares, , War and Trade, p. 388.Google Scholar

33 Pares, , War and Trade, p. 383.Google Scholar

34 Ibid., pp. 357, 417–19.

35 Ibid., pp. 183, 180, 417 n.3.

36 Tarrade, , Commerce colonial, 1, p. 298.Google Scholar

37 d’Auberteuil, Hilliard, Considérations, 1, pp. 58, 279, 281–83;Google Scholar Frostin, Charles, Les révoltes blanches à Saint Domingue (Paris, 1975), pp. 274–76;Google Scholar Mitchell, B.R. and Deane, Phyllis, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge, 1962), pp. 285–90,Google Scholar does not list the value of dyestuffs imported into Great Britain until 1805; Geggus, David P., Slavery, War and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint-Domingue, 1793–1798 (Oxford, 1982), p. 80 n.12;Google Scholar Geggus, , “The Slaves of British-Occupied Saint Domingue: An Analysis of the Workforces of 197 Absentee Plantations, 1796–1797,” Caribbean Studies, 18 (1978), 19.Google Scholar

38 ANSOM, 10 March 1780, Monneront reg. 1403, déclaration, Aquin.

39 ANSOM, 16 September 1780, Monneront reg. 1403, déclaration de depart, Aquin; ANSOM, 31 July 1781, Monneront reg. 1403, vente, Aquin.

40 ANSOM, 7 July 1787, Belin Duressort reg. 102, procuration, Aquin.

41 Loker, Zvi, “Were There Jewish Communities in Saint-Domingue [Haiti]?,” Jewish Social Studies, 45 (1983), 135–46.Google Scholar

42 This could easily have been indigo; the Londoner Isaac Miranda and his Jamaican affiliate John da Costa “were accused of smuggling fifty-two casks of indigo from the French,” a cargo worth over 8,800; Fortune, Stephen, Merchants and Jews: The Struggle for British West Indian Commerce, 1650–1750 (Gainesville, FL, 1984), p. 150.Google Scholar ANSOM, 13 October 1784, Monneront reg. 1406, quittance, Aquin; ANSOM, 30 June 1788, Monneront reg. 1414, procuration, Aquin.

43 According to Fortune, , Merchants and Jews, p. 34,Google Scholar Jacob Josua Bueno Henriques of Bayonne France had approached the English Crown about opening gold mines in newly conquered Jamaica, at the same time requesting naturalization for himself and two brothers; Peter Henriques of London in 1688 brought Spanish cocoa into that city by way of Curaçao and Amsterdam, see Ibid., pp. 94–95; in 1699 a Philip Henriques was arrested on his way from Jamaica to Cartagena with a cargo of 115 slaves; a Philip Henriques and his brother David Henriques, Sr., lost 17,000 to Spanish privateers when four of their ships were taken in 1703 and 1704, Ibid., p. 150.

44 ANSOM, 7 April 1783, Belin Duressor! reg. 108, resilation de société, Aquin.

45 ANSOM, 12 August 1785, Monneront reg. 1409, vente, Aquin; ANSOM, 8 October 1785, Monneront reg. 1409, transport de créance, Aquin; ANSOM, 24 May 1786, Monneront reg. 1410, depôt, Aquin; ANSOM, 22 June 1786, Monneront reg. 1410, dépôt, Aquin; ANSOM, 10 March 1787, Monneront reg. 1412, marché, Aquin; ANSOM, 23 March 1786, Monneront reg. 1410, marché, Aquin; ANSOM, 1 May, 1786, Monneront reg. 1410, marché, Aquin; ANSOM, 8 November 1787, Monneront reg. 1410, société, Aquin.

46 Labat, , Nouveau voyage, 7, pp. 114–15Google Scholar wrote after his 1701 visit, “These people are extremely fertile … they raise their children with amazing ease.” de Saint Méry, Moreau, Description pp. 1197–98.Google Scholar

47 Nemours, Luc, “Julien Raimond, le chef des gens de couleur et sa famille,” Annales historique de la révolution française, 23 (1951), 257.Google Scholar

48 ANSOM, 17 December 1756, Delinois reg. 478, vente, Saint Louis; Moreau de Saint Méry, Description, 1154, 1238; ANSOM, 1 July 1772, Belin Duressort reg. 1056, inventaire, Aquin.

49 ANSOM, 19 August 1761, Daudin de Belair reg. 429, donation, Aquin.

50 Free colored children of white men often spelled their names differently from their fathers, especially after a 1773 law prohibited such persons from using “white” names and ordered them to adopt names of African origin. Pierre Raymond’s children used both the spellings of the family name, though “Raimond” was used most frequently. Debbasch, Yvan, Couleur et liberté: Le jeu du critère ethnique dans un ordre esclavagiste (Paris, 1967), p. 69.Google Scholar

51 ANSOM, 22 September 1764, Daudin de Belair reg. 431, vente, Aquin; ANSOM, 20 August 1773, Belin Duressort reg. 106, vente, Aquin; ANSOM, 10 July 1769, Belin Duressort reg. 103, vente, Aquin; ANSOM, 1 January 1775, Sibire de Morville reg. 1583, vente, Aquin; ANSOM, 14 December 1774, Belin Duressort reg. 106, déclaration, Aquin; ANSOM, 15 October 1781, Monneront reg. 1403, affranchissement, Aquin; ANSOM, 22 February 1781, Monneront reg. 1403, dissolution, Aquin; ANSOM, 5 Aprii 1785, Paillou reg. 1452, dépôt des papiers, Aquin; ANSOM, 13 October 1781, Monneront reg. 1403, marché, Aquin.

52 ANSOM, 10 February 1782, Monneront reg. 1404, mariage, Aquin.

53 ANSOM, 9 August 1760, Casamajor reg. 360, testament, Aquin; ANSOM, 18 August 1761, Daudin de Belair reg. 429, donation entre vifs, Aquin; ANSOM, 18 August 1761, Daudin de Belair reg. 429, donation entre vifs, Aquin; ANSOM, 25 February 1762, Daudin de Belair reg. 430, testament, Aquin.

54 Raimond, Julien, Observations sur l’origine et les progrès du prejugé des colons blancs contre les hommes de couleur (Paris, 1791), pp. 31–32.Google Scholar

55 ANSOM, 1 August 1765, Daudin de Belair reg. 432, donation, Aquin; ANSOM, 25 April 1761, Daudin de Belair reg. 429, vente, Aquin; ANSOM, 29 January 1764, Daudin de Belair reg. 431, Aquin, vente.

56 ANSOM, 5 April 1785, Paillou reg. 1452, dépôt des papiers, Aquin.

57 Loker, Zvi, “Docteur Michel Lopez De Paz: Médecin et savant de Saint-Domingue,” Revue d’histoire de la médicine hébraïque, 33 (1980), 55–57;Google Scholar De Saint Méry, Moreau, Description, pp. 1196, 1236, 1251, 1518–19;Google Scholar Pluchon, Pierre, Nègres et Juifs au XVIIIe siècle (SA, 1984), p. 59;Google Scholar one of Michel Lopez Depas’ nieces married into the Gradis family and another into the Mendès family at Bordeaux; two of François’ sons became merchants, first at Aquin and then at Nippes. ANSOM, 3 June 1762, Daudin de Belair reg. 430, vente, Aquin; ANSOM, 16 January 1764, Daudin de Belair reg. 431, affranchissement, Aquin.

58 In 1775, for example, a Sarah Lopez “dePas” of Bordeaux married into a merchant family at Curaçao. See Isaac, S. and Emmanuel, Suzanne A., History of the Jews of the Netherlands Antilles (Cincinnati, 1970), pp. 828–30, 964–66Google Scholar; Pluchon, , Nègres et Juifs, p. 109;Google Scholar ANSOM, 15 November 1768, Belin Duressort reg. 102, procuration, Aquin.

59 ANSOM, 3 December 1754, Casamajor reg. 360, vente, Aquin; ANSOM, [illegible] February 1763, Daudin de Belair reg. 430, vente, Aquin; the median price for the sale of rural land in the Saint Louis quartier of which Aquin formed a part was 6,750 livres in the period 1760–69. The average price was 23,846 livres.

60 Loker, Zvi, Jews in the Caribbean: Evidence on the History of the Jews in the Caribbean Zone in Colonial Times (Jerusalem: Misgav Yerushalayim, Institute for Research on the Sephardi and Oriental Jewish Heritage, 1991), p. 230,Google Scholar contains a transcription of AN, Col C9A 120 “IIIème Expedition / Nottes sur les Juifs de St. Louis, et des Cayes qui ont offert par requêtes et pour être tolerés de contribuer au bien publique” by then governor Charles d’Estaing; Loker, Jews in the Caribbean, pp. 255, 265, reproduces documents illustrating the major role played by the Gradis in furnishing specie for royal operations in Saint-Domingue in the 1770s and 1780s; Ibid., pp. 238–39, reprints documents from AN Col. E 209 and 210 describing the successful attempt of the Depas and Gradis families in 1781 to insure their inheritance of an estate at Aquin.

61 In July 1773 the Council of Port-au-Prince registered an ruling by the colonial governor and intendant that “To usurp the name of a white family line [‘race’] could cast doubt on the status of persons, confuse the succession of estates, and eventually destroy the insurmountable barrier between whites and people of color established by public opinion and maintained by the wisdom of the government.” All free people of color were henceforth to adopt “a surname drawn from the African idiom, or from their profession and color, which however can never be that of a white colonial family.” De Saint-Méry, Moreau, Lois et constitutions des colonies françaises de l’Amérique sous le vent, 6 vols. (Paris, 1785–90), V, p. 448.Google Scholar

62 In 1730 the Medina family, like the Lopès Depas, had figured prominently in the community of Portuguese Jews at Bordeaux. Medina was also a prominent merchant family at Curaçao. Pluchon, , Nègres et Juifs, p. 59;Google Scholar Emmanuel, , History of the Jews, pp. 691, 695, 697, 700, 1034Google Scholar; ANSOM, 7 June 1762, Daudin de Belair reg. 430, dépôt d’acte privé, Aquin.

63 Zvi Loker, Jews in the Caribbean, p. 230, cites AN, Col C9A, p. 120.

64 ANSOM, 15 October 1783, Paillou reg. 1451, inventaire, Aquin.

65 ANSOM, 10 January 1785, Paillou reg. 1452, mariage, Aquin; ANSOM, 11 April 1785, Paillou reg. 1452, mariage, Aquin; ANSOM, 7 July 1785, Paillou reg. 1452, mariage, Aquin.

66 ANSOM, 29 April 1773, Belin Duressort reg. 105, inventaire, Aquin; ANSOM, 9 February 1768, Depuis de Lavau reg. 582, testament, Nippes; Moreau de Saint Méry, Description, pp. 1235, 1462.

67 ANSOM, 4 June 1756, Delinois reg.478, mariage, Saint Louis.

68 ANSOM, 12 December 1761, Daudin de Belair reg. 429, mis en possession, Aquin.

69 ANSOM, 29 January 1788, Cartier reg. 341, inventaire, Aquin.

70 ANSOM, 28 January 1788, Cartier reg. 341, inventaire, Aquin.

71 Emmanuel, History of the Jews, p. 966; ANSOM, 22 February 1783, Paillou reg. 1451, manage, Aquin; ANSOM, 5 April 1785, Paillou reg. 1451, dépôt des papiers, Aquin,

72 ANSOM, 19 March 1765, Daudin de Belair reg. 432, inventaire, Aquin.

73 Letter annexed to ANSOM, 9 February 1763, Daudin de Belair reg. 430, procès verbal, Aquin.

74 ANSOM, 29 January 1788, Cartier reg. 341, inventaire, Aquin.

75 ANSOM, 17 November 1785, Belin Duressort reg. 108, manage, Aquin.

76 Note that the general census, over this same period, reported that free coloreds in Aquin’s quartier jumped from being 16 percent of the free population in 1771 (146 of 888) to 47 percent in 1788 (926 of 1959). The inadequacy of census reporting is discussed below.

77 These are taken from a study of the 4,882 notarial records surviving from the quartiers of Cayes, Nippes and Saint Louis in the period 1760–69. Of these, 565 were from the parish of Aquin. The sales analyzed in this table include all sales of urban and rural land, slaves, animals, and boats drafted by the notaries of this parish. For a more complete analysis, see Garrigus, “A Struggle for Respect,” chap. 5.

78 These are taken from the 1,339 surviving notarial contracts drafted in Aquin, in the period 1780–89. As above, these sales include urban and rural land, slaves, animals and boats.

79 Debbasch, Yvan, Couleur et liberté; p. 47;Google Scholar Moreau de Saint Méry, , Description, p. 110;Google Scholar Houdaille, Jacques, “Trois paroisses de Saint-Domingue au XVIIIe siècle,” Population, 18 (1963), 100.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

80 de Saint Méry, Moreau, Description, p. 1155.Google Scholar

81 AN, Col F391, pp. 96–97. A similar event occurred in the 1860 census of Natchitoches Parish Louisiana, compiled by a non-resident, who “erroneously identified six of the households … as being of completely white racial heritage.” Mills, Gary B., The Forgotten People: Cane River’s Creoles of Color (Baton Rouge, 1977), p. 104.Google Scholar

82 ANSOM, G1509, Nos. 26 and 27.

83 de Saint Méry, Moreau, Description, pp. 83, 89.Google Scholar

84 ANSOM, G1509, No. 33.

85 Ibid., Nos. 32, 33, and 38.

86 Ibid., Nos. 33 and 38; Debbasch, Couleur et liberté, p. 101. This was one of the major themes of Raimond, Julien, Observations sur l’origine et les progrès du prejugé des colons blancs contre les hommes de couleur (Paris, 1791).Google Scholar

87 ANSOM, 26 September 1775, Belin Duressort reg. 106, mariage, Aquin; ANSOM, 9 February 1763, Daudin de Belair reg. 430, procès verbale, Aquin; see letter cited above.

88 ANSOM, 5 July 1787, Cartier reg. 341, vente, Aquin.

89 ANSOM, 9 May 1781, Monneront reg. 1403, transport de créance, Aquin; ANSOM, 8 March 1783, Monneront reg. 1405, vente, Aquin; AN, Col F391, p. 191. A griffe was the female child of a mulatto and a white, according to Moreau de Saint Méry, Description, 86.

90 de Saint Méry, Moreau, Lois et constitutions des colonies françaises de l’Amérique sous le Vent (Paris, 1784–90), 3, p. 382;Google Scholar Debbasch, , Couleur et liberté, p. 51;Google Scholar Garrigus, , “A Struggle for Respect,” pp. 319–39.Google Scholar

91 See Garrigus, “Julien Raimond” (forthcoming); and Cook, Mercer, “Julien Raimond, Free Negro of St. Domingo,” Journal of Negro History, 26 (1941), 139–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Raimond’s, numerous publications include Observations adressées à l’Assemblée Nationale par un deputé des colons américains(S.I., 1789)Google Scholar; Observations sur l’origine et les progrès du préjugé des colons blancs contre les hommes de couleur (Paris, 1791); and Véritable origine des troubles de St.-Domingue, et des différentes causes qui les ont produits (Paris, 1792).