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22. On the difference between “pacifist” and “anti-militarist” among the left, see Morgan, Kevin, “Militarism and Anti-militarism: Socialists, Communists and Conscription in France and Britain, 1900–1940,” Past and Present 202 (February 2009): 207–243 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Anti-militarists are often pacifists, but not always; the former are principally concerned with curtailing, or eliminating, the influence of the armed forces in both domestic and international affairs.

23. The scholarship on women, gender, and anarchism is robust. There has been less attention to men. Laura Fernández Cordero, “Historiografía del anarquismo en Argentina. Notas para debatir una nueva lectura,” A Contracorrientes (May 2014): 41-67; Cordero, Laura Fernández, “The Anarchist Wager of Sexual Emancipation in Argentina, 1900–1930,” in In Defiance of Boundaries: Anarchism in Latin American History, Shaffer, Kirwin and Laforcade, Geoffroy de, eds. (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2015), 302–325 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barrancos, Dora, Anarquismo, educación y costumbres en la Argentina de principios del siglo (Buenos Aires: Editorial Contrapunto, 1990)Google Scholar; Molyneaux, Maxine, “No God, No Boss, No Husband: Anarchist Feminism in Nineteenth-Century Argentina,” Latin American Perspectives 13:1 (Winter 1986): 119–145 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On anarchism's class analysis of the military, see Suriano, Juan, Paradoxes of Utopia: Anarchist Culture and Politics in Buenos Aires, 1890–1910 (London: AK Press, 2010), 178–184 Google Scholar.

24. Through the 1920s, the state had no explicit policy to address male sexuality and homosexuality was not a crime. Police persecution occurred through ad hoc measures, however. Pablo Ben, “Male Sexuality, the Popular Classes and the State.” (PhD diss.: University of Chicago, 2009).

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28. This runs somewhat contrary to Pablo Ben, who sees working-class sexual values as largely different from those of the upper classes until the 1930s. See Ben “Plebeian,” 436–440. On notions of honor and masculinity, see Gayol, Sandra, Sociabilidad en Buenos Aires: Hombres, honor y cafés, 1862–1910 (Buenos Aires: Ediciones del Signo, 2000)Google Scholar; Gayol, Sandra, Honor y duelo en la Argentina moderna (Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI, 2008)Google Scholar; and Ruggiero, Kristin, Modernity in the Flesh: Medicine, Law, and Society in Turn-of-the-Century Argentina (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004)Google Scholar. On the complex and transitional nature of masculinity in the 1910s, see Milanesio, Natalia, “Gender and Generation: The University Reform Movement in Argentina, 1918,” Journal of Social History 39:2 (Winter 2005),506 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29. Botana, El orden, 223; Karush, Matthew, “National Identity in the Sports Pages: Football and the Mass Media in 1920s Buenos Aires,” The Americas 60:1 (July 2003), 12 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30. Manzano, The Age of Youth, 128. See also, Santiago Garaño, “Entre el cuartel y el monte. Soldados, militantes y militares durante el Operativo Independencia (Tucumán, 1975–1977)” (PhD diss.: University of Buenos Aires, 2014).

31. On the perception of soldiers prior to the reforms, see “Argentine Army System Being Studied by U.S.: Colonel Raybaud, Military Attaché of Argentine Embassy Here, Describes How His Country Solved Problem Similar to Ours,” New York Times Magazine, December 24, 1916. For elsewhere in Latin America, see Peter Beattie, The Tribute of Blood, 206; Malcolm Deas, “The Man on Foot: Conscription and the Nation-State in Nineteenth-Century Latin America,” in Studies in the Formation of the Nation-State in Latin America, James Dunkerly, ed. (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, 2002), 77–93; Hernandez, José, Martín Fierro (Buenos Aires: Biblioteca Mundial Sopena, 1956)Google Scholar; De la Fuente, Children of Facundo; Gilberto Ramírez, “The Reform of the Argentine Army, 1890–1904,” (PhD diss.: University of Texas, 1987), 123.

32. Ramírez, “The Reform of the Argentine Army,” 122–150. The military's upper echelon, likewise, was rife with corruption and tended to be top-heavy with superior officers. Entrance into the Colegio Militar, for example, was predicated less on talent than political connections and promotions were usually granted automatically.

33. De la Fuente, Children of Facundo. For the previous decades, see Salvatore, Ricardo, Wandering Paysanos: State Order and Subaltern Experience in Buenos Aires during the Rosas Era. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar

34. Ramírez, “Reform of the Argentine Army”, chapt. 8.

35. Potash, The Army, 1–5; Nunn, Frederick M., Yesterday's Soldiers: European Military Professionalism in South America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1890–1940), 124 Google Scholar.

36. Costanzo, Gabriela, Los indeseables: las leyes de residencia y defensa social (Buenos Aires: Editorial Madreselva, 2009)Google Scholar.

37. Rock, David, Politics in Argentina, 1890–1930: The Rise and Fall of Radicalism (London: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 34 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Horowitz, Joel, Argentina's Radical Party and Popular Mobilization, 1916–1930 (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2008), 18–19 Google Scholar.

38. Guerra, Ministerio de, “Regiones Militares,” Memoria presentada al Congreso Nacional por el Ministro de Guerra (Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos, Arsenal Principal de Guerra, 1912), 47–50 Google Scholar. Of the class of 1899, whose year of service was 1920, only 17,743 were called to duty, out of 71,288 eligible to serve; in 1922, it was 17,599 of 74,307 eligible men. “Cantidad de ciudadanos sorteados e incorporados en el ejército de las clases, 1899 a 1918,” Memoria presentada al Congreso Nacional por el Ministro de Guerra (Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos-Arsenal Principal de Guerra, 1941); Guerra, Ministerio de, Instrucciones para Oficinas Enroladoras del Interior del País (Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos del Instituto Geográfico Militar, 1927)Google Scholar. For concern about the low percentage conscripted, see “Informe pedido de aumento del contingente anual y del tiempo de su permanencia en las filas,” AGN/FU, September 23, 1919, leg. 2579, no. 402.

39. On the role of Argentina's medical and scientific elite in the process of state-building, see Rodríguez, Civilizing Argentina. United States policy makers followed developments in Argentina and admired the nationalizing potential of its conscription system. “Planning for Army of 3,000,000 Men: General Staff is Using Argentina's Military System as a Model,” New York Times, December 28, 1916, 1; Marvin, George, “Universal Military Service in Argentina,” World's Work 33, February 1917, 281–292 Google Scholar.

40. Ferrari, Los políticos, 209–214. A range of issues emerged during the debate, including the problem of militarization and why men past service age should register. See “El enrolamiento,” La Prensa, July 20, 1911, 13; and Congreso Nacional. Diario de sesiones de la Cámara de Diputados, Vol. 1 (Buenos Aires, 1912).

41. María Aguirre, General Rafael, Contribución al estudio de reformas a la Ley Militar (Buenos Aires: Talleres de la Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1912), 29 Google Scholar.

42. Ibid., 28–29.

43. Ibid., 31–32.

44. Maligné, Augusto, Historia militar de la república argentina durante el siglo de 1810 a 1910 (Buenos Aires: La Nación, 1910), 169 Google Scholar. See also Augusto A. Maligné, “Las instituciones militares argentinos y la evolución que impone el momento actual,” La Vanguardia, May 1, 1914, 10.

45. Ibid., 196.

46. “Argentine Army System Being Studied by U.S. Colonel Raybaud, Military Attaché of Argentine Embassy Here, Describes How His Country Solved Problem Similar to Ours,” New York Times Magazine, December 24, 1916. In 1913, he returned to Argentina with Theodore Roosevelt who was studying Raybaud's draft. La Prensa, November 13, 1913, 1.

47. Botana, El orden, 223, 260; Karush, Matthew B., Workers or Citizens: Democracy and Identity in Rosario, Argentina (1912–1930), (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2002), 205 Google Scholar.

48. Alonso, Paula, “Voting in Buenos Aires, Argentina, Before 1912,” in Elections before Democracy: The History of Elections in Europe and Latin America, Posada-Carbó, Eduardo, ed. (London: Macmillan Press, 1996), 182–192 Google Scholar.

49. Devoto, Nacionalismo, 34. Devoto later notes that the electoral reform, paradoxically, demonstrated the weakness of both conservatives, who lost political power, and the Socialists, who were unable to leverage the new law to significantly improve their electoral performance. See ibid., 137.

50. Hammond, Gregory, The Suffrage Movement and Feminism in Argentina from Roca to Perón (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2011)Google Scholar; María del Carmen Feijoó and Hilda Sábato, “Las mujeres frente el servicio militar,” Todo es Historia (January 1983): 89–94; Lavrin, Asunción, Women, Feminism, and Social Change in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay, 1890–1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 277 Google Scholar, 282.

51. According to the Archivo General del Ejército, the Ministry of War did not maintain service records for conscripts. Military trial records were reportedly destroyed 30 years after their conclusion. See “Guía-Archivo Histórico de la Justicia Militar,” Archivo General de la Nación-Intermedio.

52. “Notas del cuartel,” La Protesta, June 20, 1914, 1.

53. “Complot policial: intrigantes, provocadores y delatores,” La Protesta, March 26, 1920; “La policia y el proceso de las bombas: ¿Qué nuevas confabulaciones se traman?” La Protesta, March 27, 1920.

54. Anapios, Luciana, “Una promesa de folletos. El rol de la prensa en el movimiento anarquista en la Argentina (1890–1930),” A Contracorriente 8:2 (Winter 2011): 1–33 Google Scholar. On the convergence of ideas about markets, see Salvatore, Ricardo, “The Normalization of Economic Life: Representations of the Economy in Golden-Age Buenos Aires, 1890–1913,” Hispanic American Historical Review 81:1 (2001): 1–44 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55. Anarchist publications never mentioned the anti-militarism of the Socialist Party and the occasional criticism of the military in conservative newspapers. See Jonathan Ablard, “Military Conscription and Notions of Justice in Argentina, 1901–1930,” paper presented at New York Latin American History Workshop, Syracuse University, September 18, 2015.

56. “Un legado de honor,” El Soldado Argentino [in notes hereafter: ESA] 2:16, March 1, 1922, 1; “San Martín,” ESA 1:6, October 1, 1921, 11; “Desobedientes,” ESA 6:120, July 15, 1926, 3–5.

57. Bayer, Osvaldo, La Patagonia rebelde (Nafarroa: Tlaxaparta, 2009), 367 Google Scholar, notes that the language of El Soldado Argentino “is the exact same language as that of the Argentine Patriotic League .” A month after the 1930 coup, the publication featured a story about the visit of the president of the Liga to the army. “Arenga patriótica del Doctor Manuel Carlés, presidente de la Liga Patriótica Argentina,” ESA 10:221, October 1, 1930, 1.

58. Deutsch, Counterrevolution; Potash, The Army; Lvovich, Nacionalismo; Ferrari, Los políticos, 209–212; Devoto, Nacionalismo, 110–126; Nallím, Jorge, Transformations and Crisis of Liberalism in Argentina, 1930–1955 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2012)Google Scholar.

59. Smith, Carlos, ¡Al pueblo de mi patria! (Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos del Estado Mayor del Ejército, 1918), 95 Google Scholar.

60. “La huelga en el puerto,” Caras y Caretas 15:693, January 13, 1912; “La concentración de los reservistas,” Caras y Caretas 22:1060, January 25, 1919.

61. Bohoslavsky, Ernesto, El complot patagónico: nación, conspiracionismo y violencia en el sur de Argentina y Chile (Siglos XIX y XX) (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2009)Google Scholar.

62. “Argentinos, escuchádme,” ESA 2:15, February 15, 1922, 1–2.

63. In nineteenth-century Mexico, it was said that through armed combat “citizenship [is] earned and constantly reaffirmed with a particular kind of masculine behavior.” Guardino, “Gender, Soldiering, and Citizenship,” 25.

64. “Lo que pasa en los territorios del sud,” ESA, January 15, 1922, 1–2. In the same issue, see the obituary “Fernando Fisher, conscripto de la clase de 1900.” See also “Cabo 1^ero Montenegro y conscripto Fernando Fisher,” ESA, January 15, 1922, 1; “Fisher, hijo de Eusebio y Facunda Gimenez, pensión,” Camara de Diputados Archive (accessed at http://apym.hcdn.gob.ar/), no. 272 (July 26, 1922) include his libreta de enrolamiento and list his name as Pablo Fisher. In their petition for a pension, his parents repeated the government claim that their son was killed in a battle against the “bandits in Tehuelche on the 21^st of December, 1921.” See also “Soldados conscriptos: clase 1900, que mas distinguieron en la campaña de pacificación del Territorio de Santa Cruz,” ESA 2:22, June 1, 1922. Bayer mentions him twice, but spells his last name “Fischer.” Bayer, Patagonia, 290, 295. On the martyrdom of officers, see “Teniente Coronel Héctor B. Varela: una víctima del deber y del patriotismo,” ESA 2:38, January 31, 1923, 1.

65. Finchelstein, Fascismo, 71–94.

66. “Argentinos, escuchádme,” 1–2.

67. Ibid., 1–2. Anxiety about foreign celebrations was a long-standing issue for advocates of integrating immigrant communities into the national body. See Bertoni, Patriotas.

68. See also “Soldados conscriptos: clase 1900.”

69. Domingo Aguiar, “Fuerzas que operan en el Chaco,” ESA 2:15, February 15, 1922, 10; Gordillo, Gastón, Landscapes of Devils: Tensions of Place and Memory in the Argentine Chaco (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004), 48–49 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 63–65; Guerra, Ministerio de, Informe: Fuerzas en operaciones en el Chaco, 1911 (Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos Arsenal Principal de Guerra, 1912)Google Scholar.

70. Responding to anti-conscription propaganda, the author observed “Today there are conscripts who complain about the beds, in comfortable rooms! ” “Como fue mi conscripción,” ESA 2:21, May 15, 1922, 11.

71. In the contemporary Bolivian army “[s]uffering is not only something that they anticipate before enlisting but also an experience that, when safely in the past, is constantly embellished and reinvented, as ex-soldiers represent themselves to others and assert claims within evolving social relationships.” Gill (1997), 539.

72. Atenagoras A. González, Cabo, “Desde la compañía de disciplina,” Revista del Suboficial (December 1923): 5.

73. On the marginal position of violence within the movements, see Anapios, Luciana, “La ciudad de las bombas. El anarquismo y la ‘propaganda por el hecho’ en la Buenos Aires de los años veinte,” Boletín del Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana “Dr. Emilio Ravignani,” 39 (Second semester 2013): 42–75 Google Scholar. Strikes often became violent, but we must consider the wider context of state and elite repression and relative shortage of firearms among workers. See, Jasinski, Alejandro, Revuelta obrera y masacre en la Forestal: sindicalización y violencia empresaria en tiempos de Yrigoyen (Buenos Aires: Editorial Bilbos, 2013)Google Scholar.

74. Martí, A., La biografía del anarquista Simón Radowitzky: del atentado de Falcón a la Guerra Civil Española (La Plata: De la Campana, 2010)Google Scholar. For the case of Kurt Wilckens, assassin of the commanding officer who ordered mass killings in Patagonia, see Bayer, Patagonia, 375–448.

75. Bayer, Patagonia, 328. See also “Asesinato de obreros en el Alto Paraná,” La Protesta, May 6, 1914, 1. La Protesta reporters monitored troop movements when they suspected that an action against labor was impending. See,“Bellezas militares,” La Protesta, May 16, 1914: 1.

76. “‘Pacificación’ de la Patagonia,” La Protesta, February 17, 1922, 1 shows a cartoon of an armed soldier walking through a field of dead and presumably unarmed workers. For very moving interviews with former conscripts who had participated in the killing of civilians, see Bayer, Patagonia, 105–317.

77. “Lógica falconiana,” El Cuartel 1:3, May 1909, 2.

78. “Ecos de las maniobras realizadas en Salta y Jujuy,” El Día, December 24, 1920, 1; “El crimen militarista,” La Protesta, 16 [or 18], May 1914; “Criterios y ejércitos,” La Protesta, May 31, 1914; “Significado del militarismo: la protesta de conscriptos,” La Protesta, June 3, 1914, 1. On the death of conscripts during maneuvers, see “Notas militares: los conscriptos muertos en las maniobras: a propósito de una denuncia,” La Vanguardia, October 13, 1915, 3; “Despues de las grandes maniobras de abril,” and “El desastre de las maniobras,” La Vanguardia, May 9, 1914, 1.

79. Beattie, The Tribute, 230. In Brazil, there was little support for associating evasion with cowardice.

80. “Ecos de la huelga rosarina-el ejército y el pueblo-inutilidad del arbitraje-el 5 de infantería,” Acción Obrera 7:222, June 1, 1913; “A los soldados y a los obreros,” La Protesta, January 29, 1918; Isidoro Lois, “A los militares,” La Protesta, March 1, 1918, 2. Coordinated resistance by working class conscripts was rare, but the military took the threat seriously. During the Semana Trágica of 1919, which saw anarchist protests and strikes as well as pogrom against the city's Jewish population, the First Division (Palermo) was ordered to remain in barracks because of fears that working-class conscripts would refuse orders and join the workers. See Fraga, Rosendo, El General Justo (Buenos Aires: Emecé, 1993), 96 Google Scholar.

81. At times, the military acknowledged the problem of excessive punishment. See “Moralidad,” Revista del Suboficial 4:47, November 1922, 28.

82. Bazán, Osvaldo, Historia de la homosexualidad en la Argentina: de la conquista de America al siglo XXI (Buenos Aires: Marea Editorial, 2004), 167 Google Scholar. On military trials of conscripts and their brutal treatment by officers, see Jonathan D. Ablard, “Military Conscription and Notions of Justice.”

83. “El monstruo militar: la vida del cuartel,” Acción Obrera 9:314, January 3, 1914, 1; “Trajabajos inutiles,” La voz del campesino 1:1, September 1925, 2; Alcides Atahualpa, “El buey, el soldado, el productor, enormidad del militarismo,” Acción Obrera 7:310, December 6, 1913.

84. Repetto, Nicolás, Los socialistas y el ejército (Buenos Aires: Editorial La Vanguardia, 1946), 93–95 Google Scholar.

85. There are no references to the idea, prevalent in Brazil, that the conscript's absence from home dishonored his female relatives. See Beattie, Tribute, 219.

86. “La peste militar,” Acción Obrera 9:296, August 30, 1913.

87. Cartoon, Bandera negra, June 15, 1930, 5. On haircuts, see ‘Conscripto del 96,’ “Armada,” La Protesta, June 19, 1918, 2.

88. Similar images of the humiliation of working-class men were deployed in propaganda against voting. See “Despues de las elecciones: cómo siempre, el pueblo elector recibe su premio,” La Protesta, April 4, 1922, 1; “Sea hombre! No votes!” Voluntad: Publicación Anarquista 1:3, September 1, 1930, 1; “La farsa política,” La Protesta, February 3, 1918, 1.

89. “En instrucción,” El Cuartel 1:1, March 1909, 3. See also the 1932 cartoon that compares conscripts to school boys, obeying the teacher in Anti-militarismo, July 1932, 1.

90. On the parallels in public schools, see “La rutina de las escuelas,” La Protesta, May 22, 1914, 1. I am indebted to Bruce A. Erickson, Lemoyne College, who early in this project explained how militaries often distort the true meaning of “discipline.”

91. Bazán, Historia de la homosexualidad, 219. On the popular association of the military hierarchy with homosexuality, see Giorgi, Gabriel, Sueños de exterminio: homosexualidad y representación en la literatura argentina contemporánea (Rosario, Argentina: Beatriz Viterbó, 2004)Google Scholar.

92. “La subversión de la disciplina militar,” Bandera Negra (Órgano de la Agrupación Anarquista de Obreros Lavadores y Limpia-Bronces de Auto), September 1922, n.p.

93. “Frutos del cuartel,” Acción Obrera 8:270, February 22, 1913, 1.

94. Guy, Sex and Danger, 192–198.

95. Etchenique, Jorge, Pampa libre: anarquistas en la pampa argentina (Santa Rosa: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes/Ediciones Amerindia, 2000)Google Scholar.

96. Bandera Negra 1:5, August 1, 1930, 1.

97. The story of the prostitutes of San Julián who beat up soldiers responsible for the repression in Patagonia continues to circulate to the present day and served as the inspiration for Rubén Mosquera's play Las putas de San Julián. See Bayer, Patagonia, 321–324.

98. “Comunismo,” ESA 1:8, November 1, 1921, 5–6, describes the destruction of patriarchy in the Soviet Union.

99. On growing concern about high rates of out-of-wedlock birth and informal unions between men and women in the 1920s and 1930s, see Isabella, Cosse, Estigmas de nacimiento. Peronismo y orden familiar 1946–1955 (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2006)Google Scholar.

100. A señor Ministro de Guerra de Brigada Comandante, "Informe pedido de aumento del contigente annual y del tiempo de su permanencia en filas” (September 23, 1919) AGN/FU, Legajo 2579, No. 402, discusses poor barracks conditions.

101. “El hombre sin patria,” ESA 1:10, December 1, 1921, 3.

102. On the medicalization of anarchists, see Rodríguez, Civilizing, 88–91.

103. “El hombre sin patria,” 3–4.

104. Ibid., 3–4.

105. “El debe de votar,” ESA 2:14, January 31, 1922, 3; “Votar es gobernar,” ESA 2:38, January 31, 1923, 2; “Aprendad a ser ciudadanos: el deber de votar,” ESA 11:248, November 15, 1931, 14.

106. “Cantidad de soldados conscriptos analfabetos de la clase de 1914,” Memoria del Ministerio de Guerra, 1936–1937. (Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos-Arsenal Principal de Guerra, 1937)

107. “La compañía de archivistas,” Caras y Caretas 15:742, December 12, 1912; “Comunión de 500 conscriptos de la Armada,” Caras y Caretas 38:1907, April 20, 1935; “La asistencia médica en el Campo de Mayo,” Caras y Caretas 14:670, August 5, 1911.

108. Untitled, ESA 1:10, December 1, 1921, 3.

109. Diputados 1 (1918), 3; Diputados VI, September 4, 1924, 194, and September 30, 1924, 1000–1002. “Ciudadanos de diversos puntos de la República solicitan pronta sanción del proyecto de ley de reducción del servicio militar obligatorio a la Comisión de Guerra y Marina,” Diputados (1928) 4, September 6-September 21, 1928, 403; “Los deudores de la tasa militar,” Caras y Caretas, 9 September 1911.

110. Although no ministry of government published statistics on the rate of draft dodging, it was a topic of frequent discussion in the congress and the press.

111. Jáuregui, Carlos, La homosexualidad en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Tarso, 1987), 161 Google Scholar; Salessi, Médicos, maleantes y maricas, 364. For a moralistic tale on the importance of doing military service, see Alejandro Magrassi, “Mis cuatro días de cuartel,” Caras y Caretas, December 13, 1924, 110–111. A satirical approach to middle-class draft dodging is found in Marcos Humo, “La junta de excepciones (de mis memorias de soldado): a mis nietos,” Caras y Caretas 14:674, September 2, 1911. The military hierarchy was also skeptical about these sorts of exemptions. See “Servicio obligatorio, gymnasia y tiro,” Revista Militar 26:311, December 1926, in AGN/FU, leg. 2581.

112. “Los exceptuados,” El Cuartel 1:1, March 1909, 2.

113. “Cobardía,” ESA 2:23, June 15, 1922, 1. “[A] group of mistificadores, some cowardly Argentines, and mostly bad foreigners, thieves of healthy consciences, chose the recent 25 of May, a sacred day for our Fatherland, to clandestinely distribute fliers, where they shot off their little sicknesses, their poisonous ideas.”

114. Citing La Prensa, the article titled “Los infractores a la ley militar,” in Revista del Suboficial 5:54 (June 1923), 9–10, describes the problem of non-enrollment as widespread. On the Montevideo collective, see Miguel Villamoñi. “Comité Anti-Militarista,” Acción Obrera 8:276, April 5, 1913; Smith, Colonel Carlos, ¡Al pueblo de mi patria! (Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos del Estado Mayor del Ejército, 1918), 91 Google Scholar; and “Pro amnistía militar,” La Vanguardia, July 20-21, 1914. On sons of elites fleeing the country, see Ferrari, Los políticos, 214.

115. “Los incapaces,” ESA, 1:7, October 15, 1921, 1.

116. “El deseo,” ESA, 1:6, October 1, 1921, 1–2.

117. E. Martínez Medina, Conscripto del II Batallón Zap-Pontoneros, “La deserción de Pedro,” ESA 1:16, October 1, 1921, 11–13.

118. “La obedencia de los hijos,” ESA 2:12, January 1, 1922, 3.

119. Chamosa, Oscar, The Argentine Folklore Movement: Sugar Elites, Criollo Workers, and the Politics of Cultural Nationalism, 1900–1955 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2010), 23 Google Scholar; Delaney, Jean H., “Imaging El Ser Argentino: Cultural Nationalism and Romantic Concepts of Nationhood in Early Twentieth-Century Argentina,” Journal of Latin American Studies 34 (2002): 625–658 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

120. For rural conscription in Mexico and Bolivia, see Rath, Myth, 54–80; Taborga, Juan Quintana, Soldados y ciudadanos: un estudio crítica sobre el servicio militar obligatorio en Bolivia (La Paz: PIEB, 1998), 31 Google Scholar.

121. “Paco Gutiérrez,” ESA 1:8, November 1, 1921, 7–10.

122. Recuerdo de mi año de Servicio Militar en el Regimiento N. 2 de Infantería ‘General Balcarce’ (Buenos Aires: Ministry of War, December 31, 1935). On friendship and military service, Luis L. Branco, “Vida del cuartel,” Caras y Caretas 13:15 December 15, 1923), 16.

123. On the association of dress with normative masculinity and femininity and its association with immigration, see Masiello, Francine, “Gender, Dress, and Market: The Commerce of Citizenship in Latin America,” in Sex and Sexuality in Latin America, Balderston, Daniel and Guy, Donna, eds. (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 219–232 Google Scholar.

124. “Paco Gutiérrez,” 8. Similarly, the military noted that service provided an “indispensable varnish for [the indigenous man's] refinement and for his own spirit of order and discipline.” See, “Acción civilizadora del ejército,” in a 1932 issue of ESA, mentioned earlier in this essay.

125. On the association of Galicians with anarchism, see Moya, Strangers and Cousins.

126. “La conquista,” ESA 2:23, June 15, 1922, has a conscript enumerating the school supplies he had received. To date, there are no historical studies of the relationship of military service to employment comparable to Leslie Gill's anthropological work on the same issue in Bolivia.

127. “Carta del conscripto Ramón Garita a su novia,” ESA 2:23, June 15, 1922.

128. Billiken, “Si la mujer hiciera la conscripción,” ESA 10:242, August 15, 1931, 9.

129. I borrow this phrase from Conway, Daniel, Masculinities, Militarization and the End Conscription Campaign: War Resistance in Apartheid South Africa (New York: Manchester University Press, 2012), 3 Google Scholar.

130. Deutsch, Sandra McGee, Las Derechas: The Extreme Right in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, 1890–1940 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

131. On the politicization of sexuality, see Manzano, The Age of Youth, and Santiago Joaquín Insausti, “Los 400 homosexuales desaparecidos: memorias de la represión estatal a las sexualidades disidentes en la Argentina,” in Deseo y represión: sexualidad, género y Estado en la historia argentina reciente, Debora D'Antonio, ed. (Buenos Aires: Imago Mundi, 2015), 63–68.

132. Finchelstein, Federico, The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 20 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

133. Rock, Politics, 73.

134. See Kalmanowiecki, Laura, “Policing the People, Building the State: The Police-Military Nexus in Argentina, 1880–1945,” in Irregular Armed Forces and Their Role in Politics and State Formation, Davis, Diane E. and Pereira, Anthony W., eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 209–231 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On efforts to ferret out revolutionaries from the barracks, see Maldonado, Justo, “El anti-militarismo en la Argentina,” Revista del Suboficial 17:194, February 1935, 39–41 Google Scholar.

135. “Dictámenes emitidos anualmente desde 1906 a 1931 inclusive,” Memoria del Ministerio de Guerra (1930-31 and 1931-32) (Buenos Aires: Talleres Gráficos-Arsenal Principal de Guerra, 1933), 158.

136. On the fabrication of subversive propaganda, see “Maniobra jesuítico-político Alerta trabajadores!” La Vanguardia, December 6, 1919, 1; and “El plan terrorista, a la luz de los documentos ‘El soldado rojo’ y el ‘ultimatum al gobierno y a los capitalistas,’ un sello mas sospechoso que otro, un ministro radical demasiado bien informado, el diario del gobernador Bascary sopla en la hoguera revolucionaria,” La Vanguardia, December 21, 1919, 1. For another case of counterintelligence operations, see “Complot policial: intrigantes, provocadores y delatores,” La Protesta, March 26, 1920, 1. On the perceived insurrectionary potential of conscripts and soldiers in the period after 1917, see Potash, The Army, 13. For a case of soldiers falsely accused of being revolutionaries, see “Los soldados ‘acratas’: porque se les condenó,” La Protesta, March 25, 1922, 1.

137. Horacio Andrés, “Del anti-militarismo,” Bandera Negra, 1922.

138. ‘Un conscripto del 92,’ “Los conscriptos de '92,” Acción Obrera, June 28, 1913, 1. La Voluntad (Mendoza), July 1, 1930, 2, reported 252 cases of desertion for 1929. On enforcement of registration and conscription in rural areas, see Bohoslavsky, Ernesto, "Rueda de reconocimiento. Delincuentes y delito en Neuquén (1900–1930) in Historias de sangre, locura y amor: Neuquén (1900–1950), Gentile, Maria Beatriz, Rafart, Carlos Gabriel, and Bohoslavsky, Ernesto, eds. (General Rocoa, Río Negro: Public Fadecs, 2000), 17–33 Google Scholar.

139. Laforcade, Geoffroy de, “Memories and Temporalities of Anarchist Resistance: Community Traditions, Labor Insurgencies, and Argentine Shipyard Workers, Early 1900s to Late 1950s,” in In Defiance of Boundaries: Anarchism in Latin American History, Shaffer, Kirwin and Laforcade, Geoffroy de, eds. (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2015): 213–214 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Laforcade examines the impact of welfare reform, labor laws, and nationalism on syndicalism.

140. For reflections on rural recruits during the 1940s and 1950s, see Ballester, Horacio P., Memorias de un coronel democrático: medio siglo de historia política argentina en la óptica de un militar (Buenos Aires: Ediciones de la Flor, 1996), 277–279 Google Scholar; Rattenbach, Benjamín, Sociología militar (una contribución a su estudio), (Buenos Aires: Librería Perlado S.R.L. 1958)Google Scholar.

141. Fraga, Rosendo, Argentina en las urnas, 1916–1994 (Buenos Aires: Editorial Centro de Estudio Unión para la Nueva Mayoría, 1995)Google Scholar.

142. Insausti, “Los 400 homosexuales,” 63–64.

143. “Señor Presidente del Gobierno Provisional de la Nación Argentina,” ESA 10:220, September 15, 1930, celebrates the Uriburu coup and civilian-military cooperation.

144. Zanatta, Loris, Del estado liberal a la nación católica: iglesia y ejército en los origines del peronismo (Bernal, Argentina: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, 1996)Google Scholar.

145. Chamosa, Argentine Folklore, 117.

146. Potash, The Army, 99–100. The number of conscripted men rose from 24,400 in 1933 to almost 37,000 in 1938.

147. “Argentine Army Draft up 5,000,” The New York Times, January 3, 1942, 4.

148. Reglamento Orgánico del Ejército (Buenos Aires: n.p., 1944); Orietes, Ramón Osvaldo, Reforma militar para la defensa nacional (Buenos Aires: Puequen Ediciones, 1985), 63–65 Google Scholar.

149. Manual de doctrina y organización nacional (Buenos Aires: Ministerio de Guerra, Dirección General de Difusión, 1953); Colonel Roque Lanús, Al servicio del ejército (Buenos Aires: Ministerio de Guerra, Dirección General de Difusión 1946), 145–149.

150. Major Devine, “Natural Characteristics of Personnel Affecting Military Efficiency, Report No. 6295, (July 29, 1940), U.S. Military Intelligence Reports: Argentina 1918–1941, Reel 4, Frame 00017.

151. Robert M Potash, The Army, 117. Potash speculates that better treatment of conscripts may have helped Perón in the 1945 election. Potash, The Army, 251.

152. Milanesio, Natalia, “A Man Like You: Juan Domingo Perón and the Politics of Attraction in Mid-Twentieth-Century Argentina,” Gender and History 26:1 (April 2014): 84–104 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Peronist propaganda celebrated the heroism of regular soldiers who died resisting the failed 1951 coup. “!No se entreguen muchachos!” Mundo Peronista 1:1, October 15, 1951, 5; “Desagravio,” Mundo Peronista 1:8, November 1, 1951, 20–21.

153. Garaño, “Entre el cuartel,” 27–32.

154. Garaño, Santiago, “The Opposition Front Against Compulsory Military Service (FOSMO): The Debate over Conscription and Human Rights Activism in the Post-Dictatorship Argentina.” Genocide Studies and Prevention 5: 2 (August, 2010): 174–190 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Manzano, The Age of Youth, 127–129.

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