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The Argentine Allusion: On the Significance of the Southern Cone in Early Twentieth-Century São Paulo

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 January 2021

James P. Woodard
James P. Woodard*
Affiliation:
Montclair State University, Montclair, New [email protected]
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Abstract

This article examines a much cited but little understood aspect of the Latin American intellectual and cultural ferment of the 1910s and 1920s: the frequency with which intellectuals from the southeastern Brazilian state of São Paulo referred to developments in post Sáenz Peña Argentina, and to a lesser extent in Uruguay and Chile. In books, pamphlets, speeches, and the pages of a vibrant periodical press—all key sources for this article—São Paulo intellectuals extolled developments in the Southern Cone, holding them out for imitation, especially in their home state. News of such developments reached São Paulo through varied sources, including the writings of foreign travelers, which reached intellectuals and their publics through different means. Turning from circuits and sources to motives and meanings, the Argentine allusion conveyed aspects of how these intellectuals were thinking about their own society. The sense that São Paulo, in particular, might be “ready” for reform tending toward democratization, as had taken place in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, was accompanied by a belief in the difference of their southeastern state from other Brazilian states and its affinities with climactically temperate and racially “white” Spanish America. While these imagined affinities were soon forgotten, that sense of difference—among other legacies of this crucial period—would remain.

Keywords

BrazilArgentinapolitical ideaselectoral practicesregionalism
Type
Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 78 , Issue 1 , January 2021 , pp. 61 - 87
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Academy of American Franciscan History

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Footnotes

This article benefitted from the cogent insights provided by The Americas’ two anonymous readers. Earlier versions were presented to the Brazilian Studies Committee of the Conference on Latin American History and to one-off events hosted by the University of London and Johns Hopkins University; those drafts were sharpened through discussion and email exchanges with Barbara Weinstein and Ori Preuss.

References

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2. For example, see de Luca, Tania Regina, A “Revista do Brasil”: um diagnóstico para a (n)ação (São Paulo: Editora da Universidade Estadual Paulista, 1999)Google Scholar; Martin, “Literature,” 517–520; Morse, “Multiverse,” 15–24; Pallares-Burke, Maria Lúcia Garcia, Gilberto Freyre: um vitoriano nos trópicos (São Paulo: Editora da Universidade Estadual Paulista, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; de Castro Gomes, Angela, ed., Em família: a correspondência de Oliveira Lima e Gilberto Freyre (Campinas: Mercado de Letras, 2005)Google Scholar; and Martinez, Paulo Henrique, A dinâmica de um pensamento crítico: Caio Prado Jr., 1928–1935 (São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo, 2008)Google Scholar.

3. The classic study is, of course, Love's, Joseph L. São Paulo in the Brazilian Federation, 1889–1937 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), 237Google Scholar. See also Paul Manor, “The Liga Nacionalista de São Paulo: A Political Reformist Group in Paulista Academic of Yore, 1917–1924,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 17 (1980), 322; Ilan Rachum, “Nationalism and Revolution in Brazil, 1922–1930: A Study of Intellectual, Military, and Political Protesters and of the Assault on the Old Republic” (PhD diss.: Columbia University, 1970), 229; and Woodard, James P., A Place in Politics: São Paulo, Brazil, from Seigneurial Republicanism to Regionalist Revolt (Durham: Duke University Press, 2009), 76–77Google Scholar. Examining the impact of the Sáenz Peña reforms would also appear to deliver on Fernando Devoto's educated guess that inter–South American intellectual exchange was greater than has been supposed: “The situation would probably appear different . . . if we were to look into a far less studied area, namely, the impact of certain political or legal experiments carried out in some South American countries, which soon became a point of political debate in other countries, about the advantages or inconveniences of adopting them” (in Devoto and Di Tella, Political Culture, 5). Since publication of the latter volume, Ori Preuss has published two important monographs examining interaction and exchange between Brazil and Spanish America before the era of the Sáenz Peña reforms, with the national capitals of Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires as his twin poles. Preuss, Bridging the Island: Brazilians’ Views of Spanish America and Themselves, 1865–1912 (Madrid: Iberoamericana Vervuert, 2011), and Transnational South America: Experiences, Ideas, and Identities, 1860s–1900s (New York: Routledge, 2016).

4. The reference is to Rodgers, Daniel T., Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000)Google Scholar, a justly celebrated book of puzzling geographic orientation, for Rodgers's Atlantic is an odd place: geographers and Latin Americanist historians might scratch one another's heads upon encountering a study of Atlantic social reform that includes California and even Australia but excludes precociously social-democratic Uruguay, whose welfare state was in place from the 1910s. Brazil's absence from Rodgers's Atlantic is more reasonable. In a country in which the vast majority of the population remained illiterate, preventable disease ran rampant, and republican politics were viewed as rotten to the core, educational reform, sanitation, and ending political corruption were viewed as far more pressing needs than European-style social reform. There were exceptions, to be sure: the nineteenth-century liberal Ruy Barbosa announced his own tardy awareness of a Brazilian “social question” in 1919, though he remained more concerned with education and the opening of the political sphere than with social reform. Other figures, less well known, were outspoken in their support for such exotic doctrines as Georgism and the cooperativism promoted by the French economist Charles Gide.

5. “As lições do Prata,” O Combate, March 3, 1916, 1.

6. “As lições do Prata,” O Combate, March 3, 1916, 1. São Paulo's largest-circulation newspaper, O Estado de S. Paulo, would make much of the “great civic work campaign” represented by this election, quoting its Buenos Aires counterpart, La Nación, on the defeat of “this pseudo-politics, the politics of combinations”: “Ecos americanos,” O Estado de S. Paulo, April 28, 1916, 3.

7. de Melo, Luís Correia, Dicionário de autores paulistas (São Paulo: Comissão do IV Centenário, 1954), 569–570Google Scholar; Mario Pinto Serva, O voto secreto, ou a organização de partidos nacionaes (São Paulo: Imprensa Methodista, n.d.), “Na rectaguarda da civilização,” Revista do Brasil, July 1920, 208–211, Patria nova (São Paulo: Companhia Melhoramentos, 1922), A lição da revolta (Porto Alegre: Livraria do Globo, 1926), Problemas brasileiros (São Paulo: Livraria Liberdade, 1929), O enigma brasileiro (São Paulo: Editora Paulista, n.d.), A reforma eleitoral (São Paulo: Livraria Zenith, 1931). The quotes are from “Na rectaguarda da civilização,” 208–209. That Serva—now forgotten in Brazil except among specialists—was so widely read in his day inspired a fit of pique in Gilberto Freyre, not yet Brazil's best-known intellectual, expressed in the poem “Bahia de Todos os Santos (e de quase todos os pecados).”

8. Serva, “Politica e partidos,” in O voto secreto, 238–239.

9. Serva, “O voto secreto,” in O voto secreto, 296.

10. Serva, “A aspiração nacional,” in Problemas brasileiros, 223.

11. “Notas e informações,” O Estado de S. Paulo, December 16, 1916, 5.

12. Liga Nacionalista de São Paulo, Discursos proferidos na sessão solemne de posse do Conselho Deliberativo da Liga Nacionalista de São Paulo, no Instituto Historico, no dia 26 de julho de 1917 (São Paulo: n.p., 1917). The motion itself was reprinted in Democratico, Partido, O voto secreto: collectanea de opiniões, discursos e documentos sobre o assumpto (São Paulo: Livraria Liberdade, 1927), 72–78Google Scholar (quote on 73).

13. “Telegrammas,” O Combate, August 28, 1917, 3.

14. “Congresso legislativo,” O Estado de S. Paulo, October 20, 1917, 4; “Notas e informações,” O Estado de S. Paulo, December 16, 1916, 5.

15. “Projecto e discurso do Dr. Abelardo de Cerqueira Cesar no Congresso Paulista,” reprinted in Partido Democratico, O voto secreto, 172–182.

16. “Noticias diversas,” O Estado de S. Paulo, October 21, 1917, 7; “O voto secreto,” O Combate, October 20, 1917, 1.

17. “O voto secreto,” O Combate, October 20, 1917, 1; “A politica paulista não quer saber disso,” O Combate, October 1, 1920, 1; Oscar Rodrigues Alves, quoted in Antonio dos Santos Figueiredo, 1924: episodios da revolução de S. Paulo (Porto: n.p., 1925), 176.

18. “Noticias diversas,” O Estado de S. Paulo, April 13, 1923, 4.

19. João Sampaio, O voto secreto: conferencia realisada no Theatro Boa Vista, em S. Paulo, sob os auspicios da Liga Nacionalista (São Paulo: n.p., 1922), 44–47.

20. Navarro Monzó's lecture was reprinted in the Revista do Brasil, January 1925: 49–59, and Partido Democratico, O voto secreto, 28–44. Though born in Spain, Navarro Monzó settled in Argentina as a young man after studying in Lisbon, where he would have learned Portuguese. In his adoptive home, Navarro Monzó became thoroughly integrated into Argentine and Uruguayan intellectual and political life, including serving as secretary to the Argentine statesman Indalecio Gómez when Gómez served as minister of the interior under Sáenz Peña. He served in similar posts down to 1922, while increasingly dedicating his time to moral-religious philosophizing. According to Manuel Gálvez (of whom more below), Navarro Monzó was the author or co-author of the Sáenz Peña law, drawing it up on behalf of Gómez, “who must have been its true author.” See Gálvez, Recuerdos de la vida literaria, 4 vols. (Buenos Aires: Librería Hachette, 1961–65), 3:268.

21. The speech is reprinted in his O espirito das democracias (São Paulo: Monteiro Lobato, 1924), 65–99 (quotes on 91–92).

22. “Noticias diversas,” O Estado de S. Paulo, April 13, 1923, 4.

23. O voto secreto: carta aberta ao exmo. snr. dr. Carlos de Campos (São Paulo: n.p., 1924); Marcia Mascarenhas Camargos and Vladmir Sacchetta, “Procura-se Peter Pan . . . ,” in Minorias silenciadas: história da censura no Brasil, Maria Luiza Tucci Carneiro, ed. (São Paulo: Imprensa Oficial, 2002), 212–215. Before 1930, Brazil's state executives (that is, its governors) bore the title “president.”

24. Lobato et al., O voto secreto.

25. In the five-volume Dicionário histórico-biográfico brasileiro, Alzira Alves de Abreu, et al., eds. (Rio de Janeiro: Editora da Fundação Getúlio Vargas, 2001) [hereafter DHBB], one need only scan vol. 4 from the entry on the Partido da Lavoura to that on the Partido Socialista de Pernambuco to confirm this fact.

26. “Illustrando o povo,” O Combate, September 11, 1919, 1.

27. Serva, “A decifração da enigma da nossa historia,” in his O enigma brasileiro, 9–15 (quotes on 14).

28. “Na Argentina,” O Combate, March 30, 1916, 1.

29. Aureliano Leite, “Discurso feito em Campinas,” [February?] 1927, Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de São Paulo, Arquivo Aureliano Leite, pacote 6.

30. “O estabelecimento De Vecchi em Jundiahy,” O Combate, June 17, 1918, 3.

31. “Ecos & factos,” O Combate, May 18, 1917, 1.

32. Evaristo de Moraes, “O direito da greve (Na Republica Argentina e no Brasil),” O Combate, October 19, 1917, 1. On the importance placed on the opinions of (foreign) travel writers (a hypothetical one, in Moraes's article), see below.

33. Vergueiro Steidel, “O voto secreto” (newspaper clipping labeled O Jornal [Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo], June 28, 1928), Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de São Paulo, Arquivo Partido Democrático, album XI. By way of a punch line, the law professor added, “and discussing them with men of letters, often to their own advantage.”

34. Serva, O voto secreto, 106.

35. “Ecos & factos,” O Combate, November 7, 1916, 1.

36. “No Chile,” O Combate, January 14, 1918, 1.

37. “Onde as opposições vencem,” O Combate, February 11, 1925, 1; “Onde a vontade do povo é respeitada,” O Combate, December 10, 1925, 4.

38. “‘El continente enfermo’ . . . ” O Combate, June 8, 1925, 1.

39. “Chile-Brasil,” O Combate, May 16, 1921, 1.

40. Skidmore, Black into White, 126, 140–143, 194.

41. On those earlier exchanges, emphasizing Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires, see esp. Preuss, Bridging the Island and Transnational South America. João Paulo Coelho de Souza Rodrigues provides complementary views of exchanges between the two national capitals, including some information on meetings of subsequent decades, in “Da revolução à regeneração: crônicas de Machado de Assis e de Olavo Bilac sobre a Argentina,” Antíteses 11 (January–June 2013): 127–148; “Embaixadas originais: diplomacia, jornalismo e as relações Argentina-Brasil (1888–1935),” Topoi: Revista de História 36 (September-December 2017): 537–562; and “Diplomacia cultural y circulación literaria: dos escritores brasileños en Buenos Aires entre los centenarios,” Catedral Tomada 11 (2018): 74–101. In Overlapping Geographies of Belonging: Migrations, Regions, and Nations in the Western South Atlantic (Washington DC: American Historical Association, 2013), Michael Goebel essays an examination of different kinds of “region” in the area encompassing southern Brazil and the River Plate. For the long-standing foreign view that southern Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, and Chile constituted a single “Temperate South,” see Fifer, J. Valerie, United States Perceptions of Latin America, 1850–1930: A “New West” South of Capricorn? (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1991)Google Scholar.

42. P. P., “Estudos economicos,” O Estado de S. Paulo, December 30, 1912, 5.

43. Bryce, James, South America: Observations and Impressions (New York: Macmillan, 1912)Google Scholar; Fisher, H. A. L., James Bryce, 2 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1927), chapt. 11 (2:44–61)Google Scholar. On the influence generally of travel writers the likes of Bryce on Brazilian intellectuals, see for example Skidmore, Thomas E., “Racial Ideas and Social Policy in Brazil, 1870–1940,” in The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870–1940, Graham, Richard, ed. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), 11Google Scholar; and Ventura, Roberto, Estilo tropical: história cultural e polêmicas literárias no Brasil, 1870–1914 (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1991), 41Google Scholar. For an expanded exegesis on the genre, see Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44. Bryce, South America, 543 (original emphasis); Fisher, James Bryce, 2:53–54.

45. Bryce, South America, chapt. 10 (quote on 364); Fisher, James Bryce, 56. That the uprising of November 1910 was the last is based on my reading of Roque Faraone, Blanca París, and Juan Oddone, Cronología comparada de la historia del Uruguay, 1830–1985, 2nd ed. (Montevideo: Universidad de la República, 1997 [1966]). For an English-language introduction to the tradition of back-country revolt, see John Charles Chasteen, Heroes on Horseback: A Life and Times of the Last Gaucho Caudillos (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995).

46. Bryce, South America, 414.

47. Bryce, South America, 375–377, 401, 403, 405–408, 566.

48. J. C. [José Custódio] Alves de Lima, Recordações de homens e cousas do meu tempo (Rio de Janeiro: Leite Ribeiro, Freitas Bastos, Spicer & Cia., 1926), 98; Oliveira Lima, “O sr. James Bryce e o Brasil,” O Estado de S. Paulo, December 29, 1912, 1; Partido Republicano de S. Paulo, A scisão, 1901 (São Paulo: Typographia da Industrial de S. Paulo, 1901), 45, 55–56, 96; Skidmore, Black into White, 259 n7; “Ecos & factos,” O Combate, April 25, 1917, 1.

49. Prado, Paulo, Retrato do Brasil: ensaio sobre a tristeza brasileira (São Paulo: Duprat-Mayença, 1928), 200–201Google Scholar.

50. Catálogo da biblioteca “Paulo Prado” doado em 1944 à Biblioteca Municipal de São Paulo (São Paulo: Departamento de Cultura, 1945), 32.

51. Oliveira Lima, “O sr. James Bryce e o Brasil.” Oliveira Lima also introduced readers of O Estado de S. Paulo to the work of Francisco García Calderon, a Peruvian counterpart to Bryce, whose work could likewise be read as excepting São Paulo from the racially imposed “decadence” to which much of the rest of Brazil was fated. See Oliveira Lima, “Cousas estrangeiras: as democracias latinas da America (I),” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 14, 1912, 3; Oliveira Lima, “Cousas estrangeiras: as democracias latinas da America (II),” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 17, 1912, 3; and F. Garcia Calderon, Latin America: Its Rise and Progress, Bernard Miall, trans. (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1913), 358–359, 361–362, 372, 392, with “decadence” on 351.

52. Oliveira Lima, Na Argentina: impressões, 1918–1919 (São Paulo: Weiszflog [&] Irmãos, 1920); Luiz Amaral, A mais linda viagem (São Paulo: Companhia Melhoramentos, 1927).

53. Oliveira Lima, Na Argentina, 185–186. This passage concluded Oliveira Lima's travelogue. Transcriptions of the lectures he gave while in Argentina rounded out the volume.

54. “A list of the names of correspondents,” Oliveira Lima Family Papers, Oliveira Lima Library, Catholic University of America; Raul Tieté (pseud., Renato Alves Guimarães), “Ás quintas-feiras,” O Combate, September 21, 1922, 1; Antônio Barreto do Amaral, Pedro do Toledo: ensaio biográfico (São Paulo: Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de São Paulo, 1969), 122–123; Alaor Barbosa, Um cenáculo na Paulicéia: um estudo sobre Monteiro Lobato, Godofredo Rangel, José Antônio Nogueira, Ricardo Gonçalves, Raul de Freitas e Albino de Camargo (Brasília: Projecto Editorial, 2002), 137.

55. Lobo, Helio, A democracia uruguaya (Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1928), 158–159Google Scholar, 160, 165.

56. For an example of the former, see Catálogo da Biblioteca “Paulo Prado,” 110.

57. The signed copy of A grande guerra forms part of the pamphlet collection of the Oliveira Lima Library, Catholic University of America.

58. His address was published in the Diario Nacional (September 12–13, 1928), at a time in which the opposition newspaper was one of the state capital's most widely read, in pamphlet form as Os grandes ideaes do Partido Democratico (São Paulo: Rossetti, 1928), and as a chapter in his collection Na imprensa (São Paulo: Irmãos Ferraz, 1931), 20–39.

59. Artundo, Patricia, Mário de Andrade e a Argentina: um país e sua produção cultural como espaço de reflexão, Andrade, Gênese, trans. (São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo, 2004)Google Scholar; Boris Fausto, História do Brasil, 10th ed. (São Paulo: Editora da Universidade de São Paulo, 2002 [1994]), 248 (quoted).

60. Isaltino Costa, Expansão commercial brasileira: a industria textil brasileira e os mercados sul-americanos (São Paulo: Secção de Obras d’O Estado de S. Paulo, 1920), esp. 8–14, 131–132; Liga Nacionalista, Discursos proferidos, 6; “Notas e informações,” O Estado de S. Paulo, December 16, 1916, 5; Partido Municipal de São Paulo manifesto, November 29, 1919, reprinted in Partido Democratico, O voto secreto, 95–96.

61. “Nossos correspondentes no Rio e na Prata,” O Combate, May 27, 1915, 4; “Benedicto de Andrade embarca no ‘Frísia,’” O Combate, February 7, 1917, 1; Raul Tieté (pseud., Renato Alves Guimarães), “Ás quintas-feiras,” O Combate, September 21, 1922, 1; “O centenario da independencia,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 20, 1922, 1; Melo, Dicionário, 271, 470.

62. Edgard Cavalheiro, Monteiro Lobato: vida e obra, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1962 [1955]), 1:217, 238, 2:85; Gálvez, Recuerdos de la vida literaria, 2:131, 272, 292–293, 3:257; José Ingenieros, “Significação historica do maximalismo,” Revista do Brasil, December 1919: 486–491; Ingenieros, “A democracia funccional na Russia,” Revista do Brasil, May 1920: 7–27; “Resenha do Mez,” Revista do Brasil, May 1920: 84; unsigned review of Sarmiento's Facundo (São Paulo: Monteiro Lobato, 1923), Revista do Brasil, January 1924: 58; Artundo, Mário de Andrade, chapt. 2.

63. Gálvez, Recuerdos de la vida literaria, 2:270–272, 292; Juarez Bahia, Um homem de trinta anos: vida e poesia de Paulo Gonçalves (São Paulo: Martins 1964), 53, 90.

64. Artundo, Mário de Andrade, 44–45; Melo, Dicionário, 523.

65. Artundo, Mário de Andrade; Mario de Andrade to Sergio Milliet, São Paulo, August 11, 1924, in Mário de Andrade por ele mesmo, 2nd ed., Paulo Duarte, ed. (São Paulo: Hucitec, 1977); Paulo Nogueira Filho, Ideais e lutas de um burguês progressista: o Partido Democrático e a Revolução de 1930, 2 vols. (São Paulo: Anhambi, 1958), 1:140; Mario Pinto Serva to Julio de Mesquita Filho, quoted in “Clovis Ribeiro,” O Estado de S. Paulo, January 29, 1946, 4. See also Sergio Milliet's fictionalized treatment in Roberto (São Paulo: L. Niccolini & Cia., 1935), 141–151.

66. Nogueira Filho, Ideais e lutas, 1:140, 239–240; Lobato et al., O voto secreto; “O pleito argentino visto pelo dr. Paulo Nogueira,” Diario da Noite, April 9, 1928, 1.

67. “Manifesto aos operarios do Partido do Trabalho,” São Paulo, July 23, 1924, Arquivo do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de São Paulo, Arquivo Revolução de 1924, caixa 7; José Ingenieros, “Significação historica do maximalismo”; Ingenieros, “A democracia funccional na Russia,” Revista do Brasil, May 1920: 7–27; “Resenha do mez,” Revista do Brasil, May 1920: 84; Monteiro Lobato, “A ‘Evolução das idéas argentinas’ de J. Ingenieros,” Revista do Brasil, April 1922: 289–294; “José Ingenieros,” O Combate, November 3, 1925, 1; “‘Morrer antes de envelhecer’ . . . ” O Combate, November 20, 1925, 1, 4; “José Ingenieros,” O Estado de S. Paulo, November 1, 1925, 4; Benjamin de Garay, “José Ingenieros,” O Estado de S. Paulo, November 30, 1925, 2; Vieira, Os grandes ideaes, 24–26.

68. “Oito dias em Buenos-Aires,” O Commentario, October 31, 1926, 121–128 (quoted); “Folhetos e revistas,” Correio Paulistano, May 29, 1926, 3; “O Commentario,” O Combate, July 14, 1926, 1.

69. From the “Noticias diversas” column in O Estado de S. Paulo, August 16, 1918, 6; September 8, 1918, 7; September 9, 1918, 6; September 10, 1918, 6. From the series “A missão universitaria argentina” in O Estado de S. Paulo, September 11, 1918, 5; September 12, 1918, 5 (quoted); September 13, 1918, 5; September 14, 1918, 5; September 15, 1918, 4; September 16, 1918, 5; September 17, 1918, 4; September 18, 1918, 2; and September 19, 1918, 6.

70. “Noticias diversas,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 10, 1918, 6; “A missão universitaria argentina,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 18, 1918, 2; Amélia Coutinho, “Artur Neiva,” in DHBB, 4: 4047; Cassiano Nunes, ed., O patriotismo difícil: a correspondência entre Monteiro Lobato e Artur Neiva (São Paulo: n.p., 1981); Arthur Neiva, Daqui e de longe . . . chronicas nacionaes e de viagem (São Paulo: Companhia Melhoramentos, 1927), 111, 131–132.

71. “Noticias diversas,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 9, 1918, 6; “A missão universitaria argentina,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 19, 1918, 6; Melo, Dicionário, 310; Octaviano Alves de Lima, Revolução econômico-social, 2nd ed. (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1947 [1931]), esp. 136, 281–282; British Chamber of Commerce of São Paulo & Southern Brazil, Personalidades no Brasil/Men of Affairs in Brazil (São Paulo: n.p., n.d.), 44; Lima, Recordações, 7, 42, 72; O. Alves de Lima Junior, Consideraciones sobre el impuesto único territorial: combatiendo prejuicios, disipando errores y venciendo obstáculos (Buenos Aires: n.p., 1919); Juan B. Bellagamba, El impuesto único y el progreso agrícola de la pampa: trabajo presentado al primer Congreso Agrícola de La Pampa (Buenos Aires: Sordi y Vallarino, 1918); José F. Menchaca, El impuesto único al alcance de todos (Buenos Aires: Est. Graf. Franco, 1920), 67, 70; Nogueira Filho, Ideias e lutas, 2:642; Nazareth Prado, ed., Antonio Prado no imperio e na republica (Rio de Janeiro: F. Briguet, 1929), 404. It seems likely that Alves de Lima and José León Suárez were acquainted with one another in Buenos Aires. At the very least, their ideas were in circulation in the same Argentine intellectual journal, the Revista de Ciencias Económicas. See vol. 8:79–82 (January-April 1920): 445–449; and vol. 9: 84–85 (June–July 1920): 764–765.

72. “O que foi a palestra do deputado Justo,” O Combate, January 2, 1919, 1.

73. “A sua chegada em São Paulo,” O Combate, September 16, 1922, 1; “As visitas do illustre professor argentino,” O Combate, September 19, 1922, 1; “Notas e informações,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 19, 1922, 4; “O centenario da independencia,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 20, 1922, 1; “O centenario da independencia,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 21, 1922, 2.

74. For the rapid assimilation and diffusion of Palacios's work on university education, see for example Braz de Souza Arruda, “Universidades,” Diario Nacional, January 13, 1928, 3; Arruda, “A universidade de S. Paulo,” Diario Nacional, January 20, 1928, 3 (quoted).

75. Lila Caimari, “News from Around the World: The Newspapers of Buenos Aires in the Age of the Submarine Cable, 1866–1900,” Hispanic American Historical Review 96:4 (November 2016): 607–640; Dwayne R. Winseck and Robert M. Pike, Communication and Empire: Media, Markets, and Globalization, 1860–1930 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), esp. chapts. 6, 9. “A simple reading of the telegrams that provide us an account of the political situation of the world every day,” the Communist journalist Affonso Schmidt wrote in 1923, provided proof of Brazilian backwardness and Platine progress, gained through the use of the secret ballot: “Quem tiver um ideal venha comnosco,” O Combate, October 19, 1923, 1. For Paulista consumption of Platine periodicals, see “El Mundo Argentino,” O Combate, February 10, 1917, 1; Tito Batini, Memórias de um socialista congênito (Campinas: Editora da Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 1991), 133.

76. “As olygarchias sul-americanas,” Folha da Noite, September 14, 1922, 1.

77. Lobato et al., O voto secreto; Lobato, O choque das raças, ou o presidente negro: romance americano do anno de 2228 (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1926); Nunes, O patriotismo difícil, 33. Arthur Neiva shared the dedication page of O choque das raças with Coelho Neto.

78. Lobato, O choque das raças, 125–127 (original emphasis). Lobato's experiment in science fiction, such as it was, drew—consciously or not—on his reading of Ingenieros, whose racial and climactic pessimism regarding most of Brazil was just as marked, but who also made an exception for a southern Brazil centered on São Paulo, grouping it with the Southern Cone. See Sociología argentina, 7th ed. (Buenos Aires: Rosso, 1918 [1913]) esp. 74, 78, 441, 444. That said, Lobato hardly acquired his anti-black Paulista racism from the Argentine pensador, having written almost 20 years earlier, after visiting Rio de Janeiro: “What terrible problems the poor Negro from Africa created for us here, in his unintentional revenge! . . . Perhaps our salvation will come from S. Paulo and other zones that injected themselves intensely with European blood. The Americans saved themselves from miscegenation with the barrier of racial prejudice. We have that barrier here as well, but only in certain classes and in certain zones. In Rio it does not exist.” Lobato to Rangel, Areias, February 3, 1908, in A barca de Gleyre: quarenta anos de correspondência literária entre Monteiro Lobato e Godofredo Rangel (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1944), 133.

79. Milliet, Roberto, 133–134.

80. Milliet, Roberto, 134–135. On Arthur de Gobineau and Brazil, see Skidmore, Black into White, 29–31. Gobineau, the French diplomat and author of Essai sur l'inégalité des races humaines (1853–55), had served as minister at Rio de Janeiro in 1869–70, long enough for his views on the degeneracy of Brazil's miscegenated population to make him unwelcome.

81. Milliet, Roberto, 144–145.

82. Milliet, Roberto, 147–151 (quote on 151).

83. Cavalheiro, Monteiro Lobato, 1:273–276.

84. Mesquita Filho, A crise nacional: reflexões em torno de uma data (São Paulo: Secção de Obras d’O Estado de S. Paulo, 1925), quotes on 23, 53, 64; “A missão universitaria argentina,” O Estado de S. Paulo, September 19, 1918, 6.

85. “Ecos & factos,” O Combate, July 20, 1916, 1.

86. “O momento,” Revista do Brasil, January 1920: 3–4.

87. Serva, O voto secreto, 180, 189, 222, 253; Serva, A reforma eleitoral, 151; Serva, A lição da revolta, 9–13, 216; Serva, O enigma brasileiro, 133–137.

88. Serva, “Desafio,” O Estado de S. Paulo, January 3, 1919, 3.

89. Serva, A lição da revolta, 10.

90. Leite, “Discurso feito em Campinas”; Leite, Retratos a pena: derradeiros da monarchia e primeiros da republica em S. Paulo (São Paulo: São Paulo Editora Limitada, 1930), 245–246.

91. Barbara Weinstein, The Color of Modernity: São Paulo and the Making of Race and Nation in Brazil (Durham: Duke University Press, 2015). In 1929, Waldemar Belfort de Mattos, a member of the pro–secret ballot Democratic Party and an opposition city councilman, despaired that “Argentina was a hundred thousand years ahead of Brazil”; at around the same time, a young Caio Prado Júnior was struck by a similar sense of inferiority on his first visit to Buenos Aires. For Belfort de Mattos and Prado Júnior alike, membership in the Democratic Party was part of a trajectory leading from liberalism to Marxism, and with it to long-term commitments to the Brazilian Communist Party. “‘O Combate’ em Campinas,” O Combate, August 26, 1929, 2; Caio Prado Júnior, in A história vivida, 3 vols., Lourenço Dantas Mota, ed. (São Paulo: O Estado de S. Paulo, 1981–1982), 1:305. Alongside their militance, Prado Júnior became one of Brazil's great twentieth-century historians, while Belfort de Mattos was a pioneering ophthalmologist.

92. Skidmore, Black into White, ix. Framings of Brazilian geography were very much in flux during the period considered in this article, the “northeast” then emerging as a new category, freighted with negative connotations, amid conventional divisions of the coastal states between “north” and “south.” See Durval Muniz de Albuquerque Jr, The Invention of the Brazilian Northeast, Jerry Dennis Metz, trans. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2014); and Mario da Veiga Cabral, Compendio de chorographia do Brasil, 7th ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Jacintho Ribeiro dos Santos, 1922 [1916]), 113–114. For Paulista distinctions between their home state and Rio de Janeiro (state and city), see for example Cássia Chrispiniano Adduci, A “pátria paulista”: o separatismo como resposta à crise final do império brasileiro (São Paulo: Imprensa Oficial, 2000), esp. 116–117; and Cooper, Clayton Sedgwick Understanding South America (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1918), 291Google Scholar.