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When the Priest Does Not Sympathize with el Pueblo: Clergy and Society in El Oriente Venezolano, 1843-1873*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
Extract
When 22 Capuchin friars landed in Barcelona in 1843, they could not anticipate the troubles they faced in the years to come. As refugees from the Spanish Carlista wars, Gallegos and Catalans who did not even speak much Spanish, the friars must have been happy enough to serve a nation that did not want them dead—yet. In their contract with the Venezuelan government, the 22 Capuchin friars who labored in Venezuela's Oriente promised to stay in Venezuela for at least ten years. In return, the Venezuelan government promised to pay them 400 pesos annually, to leave all spiritual matters in the hands of the missionaries, and to cede to the missionaries all authority in Indian mission matters.
If only things worked out that well. The Capuchin friars found themselves inextricably bound in complex relationships of race and class, often intertwined with matters of land and labor. Poverty and politics (or the politics of poverty) did not allow clergy to use their position as parish priests to maintain any degree of neutrality in the tug of war between the white elite and the poor, primarily Indians, ex-slaves, and the mixed race descendants of all groups. To the contrary, poverty and politics made clergy important players in the ongoing high stakes game of chess between the elite and the masses.
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- Research Article
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- Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2003
Footnotes
*
The author would like to thank Virginia Garrard-Burnett for her continued academic and personal support. The author is also indebted to the staff of the Archives of the Archdiocese of Ciudad Bolívar and the staff of the Public Registry in Barcelona, Venezuela. She thanks her parents, Phil and Lona Morse, the Córdova and Salazar families of Puerto La Cruz, Venezuela, and her husband, Nelson Córdova. This work is dedicated to her son, Benjamin, and to Aragua de Barcelona. The phrase “when the priest does not sympathize with the people” comes from the petition of the municipal council of Onoto to the Bishop of the Diocese of Guayana, Manuel Arroyo y Niño regarding the conduct of Onoto's parish priest, Father José Manuel Hernández. The petition states “este ministro ha tenido la desventaja de no sipatizar [sic] con el pueblo…” Archives of the Archdiocese of Ciudad Bolívar (hereafter ACB), 1869, Caja 1, Libro 1, item 32, May 13, 1869, lv.
References
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17 Memoria de la Dirección General de Estadística al Presidente de los Estados Unidos de Venezuela en 1873, p.33. The first national census, the 1873 census, contains partial census data that date to earlier periods of the century, including this 1829 information.
18 Memoria, p. 33.
19 See for example the 1838 “Ley sobre resguardos de indígenas,” in Fuero indígena venezolana, pp. 71–72.
20 See for example RPB, Resguardos Indígenas, Años 1783–1786, 1838–1839, 1840–1844, 1846–1850, 1856, 1851, Libro 10, “Juzgado Cantonal de Onoto, Civiles, Interdicto promovido por los naturales de San Lorenzo contra Pablo Figueredo por un terreno titulado “La Sabaneta”, parte de los resguardos de San Lorenzo. (Sentencia definitiva a favor de los indígenas, 1852). Contiene: Copia certificado de las diligencias de la mensura primitiva de los resguardos del pueblo de San Lorenzo de Guère, expedida en 1838. Representación original de los indígenas al Presidente de la República inpetrando justicias y comunicación del Poder Ejecutivo Personal. Copia certificada del titulo primitivo de terreno “Los Botalones,” diversos croquis de los terrenos en discussion.”
21 Fuero indígena venezolana, p. 138. See also RPB, Tutelas y Curatelas, Libro 21, “Curatela, Civiles, Juzgado del Cantón Píritu, Numero 3, Diligencias practicadas para la elección de curador de la indigena huérfana y menor nombrada Cleofa Juliana Carcusian en observancia de la resolución ejecutiva de 31 de Julio de 1855 sobre protección a los Indígenas de esta Provincia, año de 1856,” 1 v, October 26, 1856.
22 Elites with established land and cash based wealth benefited most in these years—families like the Monagas and the Ampáran. Men and women that tried to leverage smaller fortunes into larger ones often borrowed from international, national, provincial, and local creditors found themselves involved in a high stakes gamble that often cost them everything they had. See for example the case of Aragua merchant Vicente Alfaro. Alfaro died in 1851 after a long and expensive illness owing a total of 10,146.65 pesos to creditors in Caracas, Trinidad, St. Thomas, Margarita (the island), Barcelona, Carito, and Aragua, and owned only one and one half leagues of land. See RPB, Civiles, Sucesoriales, Inventorios, Particiones, 1851–1855, Libro 7, “Juzgado de Parroquia de Aragua de Barcelona, Civiles, Renunciación de la herencia dejada por Vicente Alfaro, 1852,” 2v-r., 7v.
23 Briceño de Bermúdez, pp. 62–64. See also La Gaceta de Guayana, ACB, 1857 Caja II, Libro IV, Gaceta de Guayana, Ciudad Bolívar, December 12, 1857, no. 51, p. 1.
24 Matthews, Robert Paul, “La turbulenta decada de los Monagas,” in Politica y economía de Venezuela (Caracas: Fundación John Boulton, 1976), pp. 111–112.Google Scholar See also Briceño de Bermúdez, p. 153.
25 David McCreery and Jonathan Brown make that argument consistently in previously referenced work. See also Peloso, Vincent, Peasants and Plantations: Subaltern Strategies of Labor and Resistance in the Pisco Valley, Peru (Durham, Duke University Press, 1999).Google Scholar
26 RPB, Procesos Diversos sobre la Propiedad, Terrenos, Años 1840 al 1849, Libro 11, “Juzgado de Primera Instancia de la Provincia de Barcelona, Civiles, Sentencia dictada por un Tribunal de Cumaná en un juicio civil entre los indígenas de Caigua y Ignacio Arismendi por la propiedad de los terrenos “El Flaco,” Contiene ademas varias copias certificadas de deslindes, mensuras, justificaciones, etc., 1842,” lv.
27 Ibid., 6v.
28 Ibid., 32/10r.
28 Ibid., 34/12v-34/12r.
30 There is evidence from similar cases to suggest that judges frequently used legal fees as a tool against cabildos. For example, in 1852 in nearby San Lorenzo the local judge ordered the indigenous cabildo to pay 708 pesos, 2 reales in court costs when he decided a land case against them. He jailed the cabildo's lawyer until the cabildo could collect the funds. RPB, Resguardos Indígenas, Años 1783-1786, 1838–1839, 1840–1844, 1846–1850, 1856, 1851, Libro 10, “Juzgado Cantonal de Onoto, Civiles, Interdicto promovido por los naturales de San Lorenzo contra Pablo Figueredo por un terreno titulado “La Sabaneta,” parte de los resguardos de San Lorenzo. (Sentencia definitiva a favor de los indígenas, 1852). Contiene: Copia certificado de las diligencias de la mensura primitiva de los resguardos del pueblo de San Lorenzo de Güere, expedida en 1838. Representación original de los indígenas al Presidente de la República inpetrando justicias y comunicación del Poder Ejecutivo Personal. Copia certificada del titulo primitivo de terreno “Los Botalones,” diversos croquis de los terrenos en discussion,” 103r, 106v.
31 Teresa Planchait de Arismendi claimed in 1874 that “El Flaco” belonged to her. RPB, Procesos Diversos Sobre la Propiedad de Terrenos, Años 1872–1877, 1873–1878, 1874–1879, 1875–1880, 1876–1881, Libro 13, “Juzgado de 1 instancia del Estado Barcelona, Civiles, Amparo de posesión del sitio “El Flaco” promovido por Teresa Planchait de Arismendi, 1874.”
32 The historiography related to clergy in society in the nineteenth century in Latin American is limited. See for example Connaughton, Brian, “Troublemakers, Priests, and Men of Law, 1821–1860” (paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association XXII International Congress, Miami, Florida, March 16, 2000); Frye, David, Indians into Mexicans: History and identity in a Mexican Town (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996);Google Scholar Sullivan-González, Douglass, Piety, Power, and Politics: Religion and Nation Formation in Guatemala, 1821–1871 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998);Google Scholar and Williams, Derek, “Assembling the ‘Empire of Morality’: The Trials of State Making in Catholic Ecuador, 1869–1875” (paper presented at the Latin American Studies Association XXII International Congress, Miami, Florida, March 16, 2000).Google Scholar For more on nineteenth century messianic movements, see also Bricker, Victoria, Indian Christ, Indian King (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981);Google Scholar Diacon, Todd, Millenarian Vision, Capitalist Reality: Brazil's Contestado Rebellion, 1912–1916 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991);CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Levine, Robert, Vale of Tears: Revisiting the Canudos Massacre in Northeastern Brazil, 1893–1897 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992);Google Scholar and Vanderwood, Paul, The Power of God Against the Guns of Government: Religious Upheaval in Mexico at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).Google Scholar For the Church-State conflict, see Bazant, Jan, The Alienation of Church Wealth in Mexico: Social and Economic Aspects of the Liberal Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970)Google Scholar, and Lloyd Mecham, J., Church and State in Latin America: A History of Politico-Ecclesiastical Relations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1966).Google Scholar The historiography on the Church in nineteenth-century Venezuela is limited to the evolving conflict between the Church and the state, and the clash between President Guzmán Blanco and Archbishop Guevara y Lira, a clergyman who just happened to be from the province of Barcelona. See for example Floyd, Mary B., “Política y Economía en Tiempos de Guzmán Blanco: Centralización y Desarrollo, 1870–1888,” in Política y Económica en Venezuela, 1810–1976 (Caracas: Fundación John Boulton, 1976), 163–203;Google Scholar Frankel, Benjamin, “La Guerra Federal y sus secuelas, 1859–1869,” in Política y Económica en Venezuela, 1810–1976 (Caracas: Fundación John Boulton, 1976), 160;Google Scholar Hermann González Oropeza, S.J., Iglesia y Estado en Venezuela (Caracas: Universidad de Andrés Bello, 1997);Google Scholar Pino Iturrieta, Elías, Ideas y Mentalidades (Caracas: Biblioteca Nacional de la Historia, 1998),Google Scholar and Watters, Mary, A History of the Church in Venezuela, 1810–1830 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933).Google Scholar
33 Memoria, p. 33.
34 RPB, “Aragua 1837–1844,” Libro 26, item 4,4v.-5v., October 7, 1844; RPB, “Aragua 1845–1850,” Libro 24, No. 13, Protocolo Principal Para la Oficina Subalterna de Registro en el Mes de Febrero de 1847, item 4, 6v-7v, July 10, 1847. Hermann González Oropeza, S.J., Iglesia y Estado en Venezuela (Caracas: Universidad de Andrés Bello, 1997), pp. 246–247.Google Scholar J. Lloyd Mecham echoes Watters’ arguments in Church and State in Latin America.
35 ACB, 1853, Caja I, Libro I, March 18, 1853.
36 ACB, 1865, Caja VI, Libro XI, item 21, lv-r. I have found no evidence to indicate that any of the 22 friars from Spain ever received the 400 pesos annually they were promised in their contracts.
37 Ibid.
38 RPB, Civiles, Sucesoriales, Inventarios, Particiones, 1845–1850, Libro 22, “Juzgado de Paz de Caigua, Civiles, Mortuaria intestada del Reverendo Fray Salvador de la Gertrud, 1848,” lv-4v.
39 In 1852, the population of Clarines was 4,289, including 72 people identified as white and 3,321 people identified as indigenous. Memoria, p. 248.
40 RPB, Un expediente: “Deslinde y mensura de los terrenos que como resguardo pertenecen a los naturales de la parroquia de San Miguel, practicada a solicitud del Alcade primero del cantón Píritu, 1842.”
41 ACB, 1847 Caja I, Libro II, item 27/87, José Gonzales to Mariano Fernández Fortique, lv-r., August 10, 1847. Clerical petitions to allow the marriage of cousins was common practice in eastern Venezuela during the mid-nineteenth century. See Morse, Kimberly J. , “Aun en la muerte separados: Class, Clergy, and Society in Aragua de Barcelona, Venezuela, 1820–1875,” (Ph.D. diss., The University of Texas at Austin, 2000).Google Scholar For commentary on colonial Caracas, see Ferry, Robert, The Colonial Elite of Early Caracas: Formation and Crisis, 1567–1767 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).Google Scholar
42 ACB, 1852 Caja II, Libro III, item 23, Gerardo Monagas to Mariano Fortique, June 21, 1852, lr.
43 ACB, 1868 Caja I, Libro I, item 21, flv-3r.
44 Family History Library, San Marcos, TX (hereafter FHL), 1995784, Roll 12, item 5, Libro de Confirmaciones hecho por el Ilustrlsimo Sr. Dr. José Manuel Arroyo, Dignísimo Obispo de esta Diócesis de paso por esta ciudad de Aragua a 31 de Mayo de 1857 de tránsito para Ciudad Bolívar, Confirmaciones No. 2, 1857–1915, 54v.
45 Memoria, p. 248. The first national census, published in 1873, includes the results of partial censuses conducted earlier in the century, including the 1829 census and an 1852 census that contains data primarily for the Province of Barcelona, the home base of José Tadeo Monagas, the president who ordered the census.
46 ACB, 1845, Caja V, Libro IX, item 53, Luís Bastardo to Mariano Fernández Fortique, August 22, 1845, lv; ACB, Caja V, Libro IX, item 56, Indígenas of San Miguel de Píritu to Mariano Fernández Fortique, July 4, 1845, lv.
47 It is not surprising that Piritú’s indigenous community wanted Celestino Alemán. Friar Celestino briefly served as the priest in Aragua in 1843 after the death of the community's longtime priest Father Juan José García y Oliva. Alemán wrote to the bishop requesting a replacement immediately because, in his words, he detested the place, and renounced his post there twice over. ACB, 1843, Caja III, Libro VI, item 17, Celestino Alemán to Mariano Fernández Fortique, December 22, 1843, lv. In 1846, Friar Celestino was in Rio Chico, a decidedly indigenous parish. ACB, 1846 Caja 1, Libro I, item 27, Tomás Alemán to Mariano Fernández Fortique, August, 22, 1846, 1 v.
48 RPB, Un expediente: “Deslinde y mensura de los terrenos que como resguardo pertenecen a los naturales de la parroquia de San Miguel, practicada a solicitud del Alcade primero del cantón Píritu,” 1842.
49 Indigenous communities sent petitions to the bishop regarding clerical matters several times in the 1840s and the 1850s. Clarines filed such a petition in 1847. ACB, 1847 Caja III, Libro VI, item 45, flv-r. San Miguel de Píritu's indigenous community filed another petition in 1852. ACB, 1852 Caja III, Libro V, item 47, flv-3v. The indigenous community in El Carito submitted a petition asking for a replacement for Fray Aguilar in 1856. ACB, 1856 Caja II, Libro III, item 35, flv-2v. San Lorenzo's indigenous community sought to replace Tomás Alemán in 1858. ACB, 1858 Caja II, Libro IV, item 43, flv-2v.
50 ACB, 1860, Caja III, Libro V, item 26, Saturnino Ríos to Arroyo y Niño, August 3, 1860, lv-r. According to Father Saturnino, “me saquearon la casa dejándome en un estado el más miserable que no puedo pintarle, pues todo me quitaron hasta el sombrero que tenía de mi uso, y gracias al todopoderoso que no me quitaron la vida.”
51 ACB, 1860, Caja III, Libro V, item 33, Bernardino de San Hipólito to José Manuel Arroyo y Niño, March 21, 1860, lv-3v.
52 Ibid., 2r. Although technically free at birth, manumisos served their mother's master as a slave until the age of 25. As a result, manumisos were not exactly slaves, but neither were they freemen.
53 Supporting the elite paid off for Friar Bernardino. Although not as rich as many of his parishioners, Friar Bernardino did not die destitute, either. When he passed away in 1874 his net worth equalled 9,700 pesos. RPB, 1868-1869, 1873-1877, Libro 35, Oficina subalterna del registro del departamento Aragua, Duplicado Protocolo No. 4, Mes de Octubre 1874, item 1, lv-2r.
54 The charges prompted two petitions from the elite in support of Friar Bernardino, one petition from the men of the community, and another from the elite women. The bishop also received numerous individual letters supporting Friar Bernardino, attesting to his virtue and morality. See ACB, 1852 Caja II, Libro III.
55 The comment also alludes to the complicated position of manumisos in Venezuelan society.
56 Indigenous communities had the ability to speak through their cabildos and enjoyed certain legal protections. The mixed race lower-class in Aragua did not have a similar voice, nor did they benefit from similar legal protection.
57 Investigations into the causes and meanings of the Federal War are scant. Benjamin Frankel proposes that under the leadership of Esquizel Zamora the war could have become a social revolution with racial overtones. Certainly officials at the time played up the significance of race in the conflict. In certain, local circumstances race may have been an important factor in the war. See Frankel, Benjamin, “La Guerra Federal y sus secuelas, 1859–1869,” in Política y Económica en Venezuela, 1810–1976 (Caracas: Fundación John Boulton, 1976).Google Scholar
58 ACB, 1864, Caja IV, Libro VII, item 32, lv. In Spanish, “…en vuestras exhortaciones a los fieles, cuya salud os esta confiada, insistais sin cesar sobre el deber que nos impone la lei moral de ren dir obediencia a las Autoridades constituidas, sean cuales fueron sus formas; porque el que ejerce la Autoridad, ejerce un ministro de Díos.” Italics in text.
59 ACB, 1869, Caja IV, Libro V, item 11, Governor Dalla Costa to José Manuel Arroyo y Niño, July 27, 1869, Ir. For commentary on how the Bourbon state placed similar pressures on the Church in late colonial Mexico, see Taylor, William, Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996).Google Scholar
60 ACB, 1869, Caja IV, Libro V, item 23, 3v; ACB, 1869, Caja IV, Libro V, item 26, lv-2r; ACB, 1869, Caja I, Libro I, item 35, 2r.
61 Memoria, p. 248. I do not know the population of the county.
62 Memoria, p. 248.
63 RPB, Resguardos Indígenas, Años 1783–1786, 1838–1839, 1840–1844, 1846–1850, 1856, 1851, Libro 10, “Juzgado Cantonal de Onoto, Civiles, Interdicto promovido por los naturales de San Lorenzo contra Pablo Figueredo por un terreno titulado “La Sabaneta,” parte de los resguardos de San Lorenzo. (Sentencia definitiva a favor de los indígenas, 1852). Contiene: Copia certificado de las diligencias de la mensura primitiva de los resguardos del pueblo de San Lorenzo de Guère, expedida en 1838. Representación original de los indígenas al Presidente de la República inpetrando justicias y comunicación del Poder Ejecutivo Personal. Copia certificada del titulo primitivo de terreno “Los Botalones,” diversos croquis de los terrenos en discussion.”
64 ACB, 1869, Caja I, Libro I, item 20, lv-2r.
65 ACB, 1869, Caja I, Libro I, item 33, lr. Father José “aprovecha de su ignorancia de los incultos del campo.”
66 ACB, 1869, Caja I, Libro I, item 30, lv-3r.
67 ACB, 1869, Caja I, Libro I, item 33, lv-r.
68 ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 24, Ir.
69 ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 26, lv-2v; ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 27, 2v-2r.
70 ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 30, lv-r.
71 ACB, 1872, Caja X, Libro IX, item 56, lv.
72 ACB, 1869, Caja HI, Libro V, item 24, lv.
73 ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 39, lv-r.
74 ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 41, lv-3r.
75 ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 38, lv-4r.
76 Ibid, 3r.
77 ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 44, Bernardino de San Hipólito to José Manuel Arroyo y Niño, September 7, 1869, lv.
78 ACB, 1869, Caja V, Libro V, item 27, lv.
79 ACB, 1869, Caja II, Libro III, items 6/116-13/123. All charges were eventually dropped.
80 ACB, 1870, Caja III, Libro VI, item 19, 1v-r.
81 ACB, 1873, Caja III, Libro V, item 13, lv-2r.