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Tucuman Sugar Politics and the Generation of Eighty

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Donna J. Guy
Donna J. Guy*
Affiliation:
University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona
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Extract

One of the major obstacles preventing Argentine national unificacation in the 1870s was the hostility of the poor interior provinces, victims of the ravages of civil wars and economic stagnation, toward the richer and more powerful coastal area dominated by export-oriented merchants and cattlemen. From 1874 until the first decade of the twentieth century, a major attempt was made to resolve longstanding grievances. A definitive political compromise and program of economic integration emerged in 1880 when a group of politicians, representing both the interior and the littoral, joined together and made their slogan a reality: Peace and administration. This group, known as the Generation of Eighty, brought a national capital and a modicum of peace to Argentina in 1880. Eventually they helped create a new Argentina linked by networks of transportation, communication, banking facilities and other trappings of modernity. They courted regional industries with protective tariffs and political favors in hopes of providing an economic stimulus to the interior which would complement rapid growth in the littoral. But even though Buenos Aires and surrounding areas flourished, by the turn of the century most interior provinces remained as destitute as they had been thirty years earlier.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 32 , Issue 4 , April 1976 , pp. 566 - 584
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1976 

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References

1 The term “Generation of Eighty” appears frequently in literature relating to this era of Argentine history, although the group does not necessarily conform to the usual definition of a generation. For a justification and explanation of the Generation of Eighty see Cornblit, Oscar, Gallo (h), Ezequiel, and O’Connell, Alfredo A., “La generación del 80 y su proyecto; antecedentes y consencuencias,” in Tella, Torcuato di, Germani, Gino, Jorge Graciarena y colaboradores, Argentina, sociedad de masas (3rd ed., Buenos Aires, 1966), pp. 18–58.Google Scholar

2 Following the Argentine custom, residents of the city of Buenos Aires are labeled porteños.

3 Among the best known works which describe the national and international aspects of the Generation of Eighty are McGann, Thomas F., Argentina, the United States, and the Inter-American System, 1880–1914 (Cambridge, 1957);Google Scholar Rennie, Cornblit et al., Argentina; and Ysabel, , The Argentine Republic (New York, 1945).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 A number of specialized studies of British investment in Argentina are available, although this area needs additional investigation. Ferns, Henry S., Britain and Argentina in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1960);Google Scholar Ford, Alec E., The Gold Standard, 1880–1914: Britain and Argentina (Oxford, 1962);Google Scholar Hanson, Simon, Argentine Meat and the British. Market: Chapters in the History of the Argentine Meat Industry (Stanford, 1938);Google Scholar Ortiz, Ricardo, Historia económica de la Argentina, 1850–1930 (Buenos Aires, 1955);Google Scholar and Williams, John H., Argentine International Trade under Inconvertible Paper Money 1880–1900 (Cambridge, 1920) have all become classics in their treatment of British capital and its impact on Argentina.Google Scholar

5 For a general political history of Tucumán in the nineteenth century see Borda, Manuel Lizondo, Historia de Tucumán, siglo XIX; Facultad de Ciencias Culturales, Instituto de Historia XIV (Tucumán, 1948).Google Scholar

6 An analysis of revolutionary plots in these regions can be found in Heras, Carlos, “La rebelión del oeste a través del Archivo de Marcos Paz, (nov. 1866-feb. 1867), Trabajos y Comunicaciones>, No. 10 (1963), pp. 93–120;,+No.+10+(1963),+pp.+93–120;>Google Scholar Gamboni, Olga, “La rebelión del oeste y sus proyecciones en el norte,” Trabajos y Comunicaciones, No. 13 (1965), pp. 75–110.Google Scholar

7 Ricci, Ricardo, Evolución de la ciudad de San Miguel de Tucumán; Colección del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia Argentina (Tucumán, 1967), pp. 85–86.Google Scholar

8 As early as 1865 Sarmiento favored a program of economic reforms for Tucumán. At that moment, however, he though progress might be achieved by stimulating the woodcarving and furniture crafts. For correspondence relating to these plans see Sarmiento to Posse, José, August 26, 1865, and Posse, José to Sarmiento, Domingo, August 10, 1869, Epistolario entre Sarmiento y Posse, 1845–1888, 2 vols. (Buenos Aires, 1946), I, 149–152; 265–266.Google Scholar

9 May 1881 Message. Later in the same speech Roca noted that even Santiago del Estero had freed itself from its caudillos through construction of irrigation canals which stimulated nascent sugar and wine industries. Roca, Museo, Publicaciones del Museo Roca; Documentos, 7 vols. (Buenos Aires, 1966), II, 3; 14.Google Scholar

10 Avellaneda, Nicolás to Roca, Julio, November 8, 1872, Roca, Museo, Documentos, V, 53.Google Scholar

11 Argentina, República, Cámara de Diputados de la Nación, El parlamento argentino 1854–1947 (Buenos Aires, 1948)Google Scholar, passim. Marco technically sold his interest in the Los Ralos factory in 1886, though he did not receive his full share of 100,000 pesos until 1891. Avellaneda y Terán Company, Tucumán, Archives, copy of bill of sale, April 27, 1886, with note signed by Marco Avellaneda indicating receipt of payment, January 2, 1891; Schleh, Emilio J., Cincuentenario del Centro Azucarero Argentino; Desarrollo de la industria en medio siglo, 1880–1944 (Buenos Aires, 1944)Google Scholar, passim.

12 Mabragaña, H., ed., Los mensajes: historia del desenvolvimiento de la Nación Argentina redactada cronológicamente por sus gobernantes, 1810–1910, 6 vols. Buenos Aires, 1910), III, 455–457.Google Scholar

13 Groussac, Paul, Los que pasaban: José Manuel Estrada, Pedro Goyena, Nicolás Avellaneda, Carlos Pellegrini, Roque Sáenz Peña (2nd. ed.; Buenos Aires, 1939), pp. 196–197.Google Scholar

14 Diputados, Schleh, Cincuentenario, p. 37;Google Scholar Cámara de, , El parlamento, p. 418.Google Scholar

15 The 1883 and 1885 tariff changes had been presented as fiscal, rather than protectionist measures. The result, however, favored the domestic sugar industry.

16 Ernesto Tornquist, 1842–1942; Estudio biográfico de su vida publicado con motivo del centenario de su natalicio (Buenos Aires, 1942), pp. 17–39; pseud, Guillermo Heins. Nemo, Capitan, América industrial y comercial (Buenos Aires, 1936), pp. 201–210.Google Scholar

17 “Don’t even think of sending centrifuged sugar [to Salta]; here we have an abundance of Peruvian sugar which is as good as refined sugar.” Urbano Lardière to Ambrosio Nougués, June 16, 1876, Nougués Hermanos Archives, Tucumán. I thank Sr. José María Nougués for lending me these letters.

18 Wenceslao Posse to Rudecindo Ybaceta of Córdoba, February 27, 1865. This letter is contained in Vol. I of two copy books (copiador de cartas) dated 1865–1867. The originals are in the possession of Dermidio Posse of Tucumán. I would like to thank Carlos Páez de la Torre (h) of Tucumán for lending me these copybooks.

19 Schleh, Emilio J., La industria azucarera argentina, pasado y presente (Buenos Aires, 1910), p. 77;Google Scholar Conversion table, Bolivian pesos to Argentine paper pesos (moneda nacional), Hat, Roberto, Almanaque, guía de Tucumán para 1884 (Buenos Aires, 1885), p. 108.Google Scholar The paper peso equaled the gold peso until 1885 when it began to depreciate.

20 Mulhall, Michael G., Handbook of the Argentine Republic (5th ed.; Buenos Aires, 1885), p. 521.Google Scholar

21 This figure, based upon the 1895 provincial tax declarations, does not include sugar factories up for sale. Cordeiro, Ramón, Viale, Carlos Dalmiro, Loria, Horacio Sánchez and Moral, Ernesto del, eds., Compilación ordenada de leyes, decretos y mensajes del período constitutional de la provincia de Tucumán que comienza en el año 1852 33 vols. (Tucumán, 1915–1919), XX, “Datos generales sobre la zafra de 1895–1896.”Google Scholar

22 Diagram based upon La Industria Azucarera, no. 546 (April, 1939), pp. 311; 320.

23 Open letter from Governor Muñecas (Tucumán) to Minister Irigoyen, La Prensa, February 19, 1880; Emidio Posse to Julio Roca, October 28, 1880, Museo Roca, Documentos, VI, 357; Message from Bernardo de Irigoyen to Governor of Tucumán, October 10, 1884, Compilación, X, 306. Letters requesting personal favors include Miguel Nougués to Miguel Juárez Celman, June 22, 1880, Archivo General de la Nación, Archivo Juárez Celman (AGN/AJC); José Padilla to Juárez Celman, April 13, 1883, AGN/AJC; Luis G. Pinto (Santiago del Estero) to Juárez Celman, December 9, 1884, AGN/AJC.

24 La Capital (Rosario), September 1, 1885. I wish to thank Profesora Hebe Arrastía for her assistance securing documentation from Rosario.

25 El Orden, August 1, 1885, p. 1.

26 Ibid., August 28, 1885, p. 1.

27 Ibid., August 31, 1885, p. 1.

28 Refineries not located on major rivers or oceans incurred much higher expenses as indicated in Eichner, Alfred S., The Emergence of Oligopoly. Sugar Refining as a Case Study (Baltimore, Md. and London, 1969), Ch. 1–2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29 Boletín del Departamento Nacional de Agricultura, IX (1885), p. 643.

30 El Orden, September 9, 1885, p. 1.

31 La Capital, September 16, October 28, 1885.

32 Argentina, República, Cámara de Diputados de la Nación, Diario de Sesiones, September 10, 1886, pp. 838 839.Google Scholar

33 In his August 18 letter to Juárez Celman, José Padilla mentioned the petition. Padilla knew that the petition would not be favorably received by the budget committee, and asked Juárez Celman to do something to favor the sugar industry. August 18, 1886, AGN/AJC.

34 Diputados, November 10, 1886, p. 671.

35 Ibid., p. 675.

36 Ibid., November 17, 1886, pp. 809–810.

37 Ibid., November 18, 1886, pp. 823–824.

38 Ibid., November 17, 1886, p. 810. The amount of capital Tornquist ultimately needed to construct the Refinería far exceeded the 500,000 pesos Tucumán entrepreneurs failed to invest. The Refinería Argentina by 1893 cost 1,071,685.15 gold pesos, equivalent to almost 3 million paper pesos. As a point of comparison, the 1895 value of individual Tucumán factories ranged from 89,000 to 2,500,000 paper pesos. Carrasco, Gabriel, La producción y el consumo del azúcar en la República Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1894), p. 51;Google Scholar Compilación, XX, “Datos generales sobre la zafra de 1895–1896.”

39 Diputados, November 17, 1886, p. 811.

40 Carrasco, Gabriel, La producción, pp. 345–346.Google Scholar

41 Refinería Argentina, “Libro de Actas,” p. 1, Archivo de la Casa Tornquist, Banco Tornquist, Buenos Aires. The rest of the 200,000 shares were bought by Tornquist’s coastal associates. This stock issue was finally expanded to the 500,000 stipulated by the national concession.

42 Dr. Fernando Tornquist, grandson of Ernesto provided this and other observations concerning his grandfather’s friendship with Roca. The comments were made in a series of interviews at the Banco Tornquist in May 1971.

43 Argentina, Refinería, “Libro de Actas,” p. 2 Google Scholar, Archivo de la Casa Tornquist.

44 El Orden, September 22, 1887, p. 1.

45 Ibid.

46 South American Journal, XXVI, no. 15 (April 13, 1889), p. 461; Argentina, Refinería, Primera asamblea general ordinaria (Buenos Aires, 1888), pp. 5–6.Google Scholar

47 South American Journal, loc. sit.

48 Diputados, May 30, 1887, p. 45.

49 Ibid., November 5, 1887, pp. 852–853.

50 Ibid., pp. 843–844.

51 Ibid., November 7, 1887, pp. 852–853.

52 El Orden, October 21, 1889, p. 1.

53 Ibid., November 7, 1889, p. 1.

54 La Prensa, November 10, 1889, p. 7; El Orden, November 18, 1889, p. 1.

55 Ambrosio Nougués to Juárez Celman, November 18, 1889, AGN/AJC.

56 Boletín de la Unión Industrial Argentina, no. 140, December 5, 1889, p. 2; no. 144, January 2, 1890, p. 2.

57 El Orden, January 3, 1890, p. 1.

58 For details on that congressional debate see Donna J. Guy, “Politics and the Sugar Industry in Tucumán, Argentina, 1870–1900,” unpublished dissertation, Ch. VII.