¹ David, J. Courtwright, “Opiate Addiction in America, 1800–1940,” (Ph.D. diss., Rice University, 1979), 3–84,Google Scholar published as Dark Paradise: Opiate Addiction in America before 1940 (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), argues that per capita opiate consumption in the U.S. began a substantial decline after 1895. His evidence consists of reduced official opiate imports and changing attitudes within the medical profession. Since he fails to consider smuggling from Mexico as a source of unofficial supply or WWI as a source of resurging demand caused by physician prescribed opiates for wounds, his conclusions do not adequately describe the early twentieth century experience.

² Saénz, Atirsipe Figueroa, El opio y sus derivados, (México, 1920), 15–17.Google Scholar Originally this had been his dissertation prepared for the general examination in pharmacy.

³ I use American to relieve what otherwise would be a tedious writing style if limited to the term United States to describe the people who live between the Rio Grand and the Great Lakes. The usage is a convenience, not a judgment.

⁴ New York, Times, March 12, 1911, Section VI, 1:1–4.

⁵ Addiction should not be confused with habituation nor psychological dependence, the latter issues being individual matters that vary with the user. See, Lindsmith, Alfred R., Addiction and Opiates (Chicago, 1968), 47–68,Google Scholar 78–80, Opiates are addictive, cocaine is not. See, Ellinwooded, E. H.., Cocaine and Other Stimulates (New York, 1977), 16–19, passimCrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grinspoon, Lester and Bakalar, James, Cocaine, (New York, 1976), 119–153, 76–210Google Scholar; Strachey, James ed., The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (London, 1953–1974), 3, 239.Google Scholar

⁶ Kolb, Lawrence and Du Mez, A. G., “Extent and Trend of Drug Addiction in the United States, “Public Health Reports” 39, (May 23, 1924), 1193.Google Scholar

⁷ Musto, David F. M.D., The American Disease: Origins of Narcotic Control, (New Haven, 1973), 1–53.Google Scholar

⁸ New York, Times, January 3,1917,4:3.Charles B.Towns,M.D.,then residing inNew York, was an active campaigner for stricter federal control of drugs.

⁹ Van Kleek, L. A. M.D., “Symptoms of Morphine Withdrawal in an Infant,” American Medicine, 26 (January, 1920), 51–52.Google Scholar

¹⁰ David, T. Courtwright, “Opiate Addiction as a Consequence of the Civil War,” Civil War History 24 (June, 1978), 101–111.Google Scholar Kane, Harry M.D., Opium Smoking in America and China (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1882), 1–9.Google Scholar Etter, Patricia A., “The West Coast Chinese and Opium Smoking,” Archaeological Perspectives on Ethnicity in America: Afro-American and Asian-American Culture History, Schuyler, Robert L., ed. (Farmingdale, New York, 1980), 97–101.Google Scholar

¹¹ Snowden, John A. M.D., “Home Treatment and Cure of Opium and Morphine Addicts, With a Tabulated Report of Fifty-Two Cases,” Kentucky Medical Journal, 15 (March 1, 1917), 125–131.Google Scholar

¹² Kolb, and Du Mez, , “Extent and Trend of Drug Addiction in the United States,” 1181.Google Scholar

¹³ Courtwright, “Opiate Addiction in America,” 6, claims that there were never more than 311,000, opiate addicts in America prior to 1914, and that the one million figure is far too high. U.S. Congress, House, Limiting the Production of Habit-Forming Drugs and the Raw Materials From Which They Are Made. 67th cong., 4th sess. report #1678, (February 1923), 3.

¹⁴ Azuela, Mariano, Obras Completas, 3 vols. (México, 1958–1960),Google Scholar passim. Memoirs of Mexican physicians and histories of Mexican medicine generally do not concern themselves with the medicines being administered. See, Ramos Meza, J. E., La medicina en Jalisco (Guadalajara, 1954):Google Scholar Ocaranza, Fernando, Historia de la medicina en México (México, 1934):Google Scholar Marin, Rubén, Los otros dias: Apuntes de un médico de pueblo (México, D. F., 1962).Google Scholar Manuel ugarte, Héctor, Vida entre enfermos: Aprendizaje y primeros pasos de un médico mexicano (México, 1949), 20–21 Google Scholar for example, discusses administering a hypodermic syringe injection for pain relief of a crushed arm, but he did not specify the medication.

¹⁵ Bush, Ira J., Gringo Doctor, (Caldwell, Idaho, 1939), 206–210.Google Scholar

¹⁶ See for example, McNeill, William H., Plagues and People (New York, 1976),Google Scholar passim.

¹⁷ Quirk, Robert E., An Affair of Honor: Woodrow Wilson and the Occupation of Veracruz, (New York, 1967 reprinted), 122–123.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Womack, John Jr.’s extensive essay, “The Mexican Economy During the Revolution, 1910–1920: Historiography and Analysis, “Marxist Perspectives, 1 (Winter, 1978), 80–123,Google Scholar and his “A Selected Bibliography on the Mexican Economy during the Revolution, 1910–1920,” available upon request and payment of a nominal charge from the journal and containing over 300 titles, constitute the basic departure point for inquiry. Wilkie, James W., The Mexican Revolution: Federal Expenditure and Social Change since 1910, sec. ed. (Berkeley, 1970), 25,Google Scholar discusses the deficiencies in statistical record keeping during the Revolution.

¹⁹ Riquilme Inda, Julio, “Las cosechas de maíz en el año 1916,” Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, Quinta Época 9 (1919), 131–137.Google Scholar

²⁰ Espach, W.C., “Malaria at Tampico,” U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin, 11 (August, 1917), 421–422.Google Scholar

²¹ Camerer, C. B., “Sanitary Notes on the West Coast of Mexico,” Ibid., 431–434.Google Scholar

²² Lt. Col. Harry O. Willard, District Intelligence Office, El Paso to War Department, November 10,1917, Military Intelligence Division (MID), #8532-345, Records of the War Department General and Special Staffs (RWDGSS), RG 165, United States National Archives, (USNA). Hereafter MID with file number. Grammatical usage suggests that the informant was British.

²³ Quirk, Robert E., The Mexican Revolution, 1914–1915; The Convention of Aguascalientes (Bloomington, Indiana, 1960), 170–171,Google Scholar passim. Reports of counterfeiting in the United States can be traced in Records of the Secret Service, T 915, reels 490, 751, RG 87, USNA.

²⁴ Osterheld, R. W., “La deuda mexicana, 1912–1918,” México, D. F., El Heraldo de México, June 20, 1919.Google Scholar

²⁵ Reed, John, Insurgent Mexico, Michaels, Albert L. and Wilkie, James W., eds., (New York, 1969),Google Scholar 164ff.

²⁶ Azuela, , Obras Completas, 3, 1089,Google Scholar as translated by and cited in Robe, Stanley R., Azuela and the Mexican Underdogs (Berkeley, 1979), 67.Google Scholar Robe’s scholarship expands our understanding of Azuela significantly by locating and reprinting the original 1915 folletín edition of Los de Abajo which appeared serially in El Paso del Norte.

²⁷ Description of the drug routes and local conditions comes inter alia from: Sydney Smith, U.S. Consul, Ensenada to Secretary of State March 11, 1918, MID, #1064–302; District Intelligence Officer, El Paso to Department Intelligence Officer, June 1,1918, MID, #8532–1067; District Intelligence Officer, El Paso, “Statement of OPR.,” January 2, 1918, MID, #8532–521; District Intelligence Officer, El Paso, “Alleged Smugglers of Opiates, May 1,1918, MID, #8532–795; District Intelligence Officer, El Paso, “Salvador Rojas Vertiz, “February 12,1919, MID, #8532-1338; Farrar, Nancy, The Chinese in El Paso (Southwestern Studies Monograph #33,1972), 16–22 Google Scholar; “Matamoros, Tamaulipas, Mexico Consular District, List of Dealers in Drugs,” undated [subsequent to May 22, 1920], Records of the Foreign Service Posts of the U.S. Department of State (RFSP), Matamoros, 811.4, RG 84, USNA; Headquarters, Southern California Border District, “Confidential Memorandum,” December 25, 1916, MID, #9687–5; Anonymous Agent Report, Ensenada, Calífornía, August 14,1918, RFSP, Ensenada, 811.4; Cornelius Ferris, U.S. Consul, Mexico City to Secretary of State, April 26, 1920, 'RFSP, Mexico City, 811.4.

²⁸ Manzanera, Luis Rodríguez, Los estupefacientes y el Estado en México (México, D. F., 1971), 24–26.Google Scholar

²⁹ On Carranza’s repeated decrees see, Richmond, Douglas W., “Factional Political Strife in Coahuila, 1910–1920,” Hispanic American Historical Review,” LX (February, 1980), 54–65 Google Scholar; Jesse H. Johnson, U.S. Consul, Matamoros to Secretary of State, January 17, 1916, RFSP, Matamoros, 811.4.

³⁰ U.S. Comptroller General, Gains Made in Controlling Illegal Drugs, Yet the Trade Flourishes (Washington, D.C., 1979), 40 ff.

³¹ Bloredon, W. A. M.D., “Studies of Drug Addicts,” U.S. Naval Medical Bulletin, 11 (July, 1917), 305–318.Google Scholar

³² Doane, Joseph C. M.D., “Drug Inebriety,” Medical Clinics of North America, 3 (1920), 1477–1484.Google Scholar

³³ Capt. Blanchard, R. M., Medical Corps. U.S.A., “Heroin and Soldiers,” The Military Surgeon, 33 (August, 1913), 140–143.Google Scholar

³⁴ Lt.Meister, W. B., Medical Corps. U.S.A., “Cocainism in the Army,” Ibid, 34 (April, 1914), 344–351.Google Scholar

³⁵ Sandos, James A., “Prostitution and Drugs: The U.S. Army on the Mexican-American Border, 1916–1917,” Pacific Historical Review, XLIX (November, 1980), 621–645,CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed at 642–643.

³⁶ U.S. War Department, War Department Annual Reports, 1918 (Washington, D.C., 1919), I, 587.

³⁷ Kolb, and Du Mez, , “Extent and Trend of Drug Addiction in the United States,” 1186.Google Scholar

³⁸ Capt. Emory L. Bryan, Intelligence Officer, Camp Upton to Commanding Officer, Base Hospital, September 26, 1918, MID, #10516–1602.

³⁹ Maj. McPhersonand, George E. Lt.Cohen, Joseph, “A Survey of 100 Cases of Drug Addiction Entering Camp Upton, N.Y., via Draft, 1918, “Boston Medical and SurgicaUournal, CLXXX(June 5, 1919), 636–641.Google Scholar Courtwright, “Opiate Addiction in America,” 17, asserts that Camp Upton is unique, reflecting the high level of addiction of New York City. Draft evasion and military fads he does not consider at all.

⁴⁰ U.S. War Department, War Department Annual Reports, 1920 (Washington, D.C., 1921), I, 449–450.

⁴¹ New York, Times, April 29, 1919, Section VIII, 5:1.

⁴² See above note 5; Musto, The American Disease, 53–90; Sandos, “Prostitution and Drugs: The U.S. Army on the Mexican-American Border,” 639–640.

⁴³ Densten, J. C. M.D., “Drug Addiction and the Harrison Antinarcotic Law,” New York Medical Journal, CV (April 21, 1917), 625–629.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ New York, Times, August 9, 1917, 2:3; October 20, 1917, 3:8; March 16, 1918,13:4; December 17, 1918, 6:4. Capt. Howard Canili, Division Intelligence Officer, Camp Sherman, Ohio, “Drug Traffic in Toledo and Other Cities,” May 4, 1918, MID, #10452–64.

⁴⁵ New York, Times, April 11, 1918, 20:1.

⁴⁶ Ibid. September 2, 1919, Section II, 1:3.

⁴⁷ Between 1790–1840 Americans consumed more alcoholic beverages per capita than at any other time, see, Rorabaugh, W. J., The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (New York, 1979), 8–9,Google Scholar Charts 1.1, 1.2, passim.

⁴⁸ Langston, Edward L., “The Impact of Prohibition on the Mexican-United States Border: The El Paso-Ciudad Juárez Case,” (Ph.D. diss., Texas Tech University, 1974), 1–3, 35.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Taylor, William B., Drinking, Homicide and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages (Stanford, 1979), 28–72,Google Scholar brings new insights into an old problem and marks the departure point for further work. See also, Diccionario Porrúa: Historia, Biografía y Geografía de México, II vols. (Ter. ed., cor. y aum.; México D.F., 1971), 60–61.

⁵⁰ Richmond, Douglas W., “The First Chief and Revolutionary Mexico: The Presidency of Venustiano Carranza, 1915–1920,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1976),Google Scholar published as Venustiano Carranza’s Nationalist Struggle, 1893–1920 (Lincoln, Nebraska, 1983); see also his “Factional Political Strife in Coahuila, 1910–1920,” and “El nacionalismo” de Carranza y los cambios socio-economicos, 1915–1920,” Historia Mexicana, XXVI (July-September, 1976), 107–131, and “Carranza: The Authoritarian Populist as Nationalist President,” in Wolfskill, George and Richmond, Douglas W., eds., Essays on the Mexican Revolution (Austin, 1979), 48–80.Google Scholar See also, Camín, Héctor Aguilar, La frontera nómada: Sonora y la Revolución Mexicana (México, 1977):Google Scholar Rodírguez, Los estupefacientes y el Estado en México; Ruiz, Ramón Eduardo, The Great Rebellion: Mexico, 1905–1924 (New York, 1980).Google Scholar

⁵¹ Richmond, , “Factional Political Strife in Coahuila, 1910–1920,” 54.Google Scholar

⁵² Bossero, Luis, “Temperance in Mexico, “The Mexican Review, 1 (October, 1916), 9.Google Scholar

⁵³ Ibid. For background on Porfirian encouragement of drinking see, Cumberland, Charles C., Mexico: The Struggle for Modernity (New York, 1968), 205–206.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ramírez, Rafael, “The Anti-Alcoholic Campaign,” in Herring, Hubert C. and Terrill, Katherine eds., The Genius of Mexico (New York, 1930), 199.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ U.S. Consul, Ensenada to Secretary of State, April 23,1919, RFSP, Ensenada, 811.4; Andrés Osema, Governor of Tamaulipas to G. B. Wilson, U.S. consul, Matamoros, May 2, 1919, RFSP, Matamoros, 811.4.

⁵⁶ George A. Chamberlain, U.S. consul general, Mexico City to American Issue Publishing Company, April 16, 1918, RFSP, Mexico City, 811.4.

⁵⁷ Ulises Irogoyen, founder of the de Ciudad Juárez, Cervecería, Diccionario Porrúa, 1, 1085.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Irígoyen, Ulises, “El problema económico de las ciudades fronterizas,” Boletín de la Sociedad Chihuahuense de Estudios Históricos, 4 (July 20, 1942), 65–66.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Langston, , “The Impact of Prohibition on the Mexican-United States Border.” Martinez, Oscar J., Border Boom Town: Ciudad Juarez since 1848 (Austin, 1978),Google Scholar draws on Langston’s dissertation heavily for the Prohibition era.

⁶⁰ Fosdick, Raymond B., “The Program of the Commission on Training Camp Activities with Relation to the Problem of Venerei Disease,” Social Hygiene, 4 (1918), 71.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Langston, , “The Impact of Prohibition on the Mexican-United States Border,” 29,Google Scholar 35, 48.

⁶² Ibid, 99–103.

⁶³ Martínez, , Border Boom Town, 53–54 Google Scholar; Langston, , “The Impact of Prohibition on the Mexican-United States Border,” 103.Google Scholar Peixoto, Ernest, Our Hispanic Southwest (New York, 1916), 95–96,Google Scholar described Juárez as of 1915 when the traffic had been interrupted by the battles of the Revolution. By 1918 Juárez had begun to recover.

⁶⁴ Langston, , “The Impact of Prohibition on the Mexican-United States Border,” 222–225.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Bossero, , “Temperance in Mexico,” 8 Google Scholar; Cumberland, Mexico, 205–206.

⁶⁶ Gregory, Menas S. M.D., “Modem Conception of Inebriety,” New York Medicai Journal, CV (April 7, 1917), 629.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Langston, , “The Impact of Prohibition on the Mexican-United States Border,” 90.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ The portrait of Cantu has been drawn inter alia from: Kenamore, Claire, “The Principality of Cantú,” The Bookman, LVI (1917), 23–28 Google Scholar; [Aurelio de Vivanco y Villegas], Baja California al dia: Lower California Up to Date [Los Angeles, c. 1924], 329–330: González, Héctor, “The Northern District of Lower California,” in Fair, F. C., ed., The History of Imperial County, California (Berkeley, 1918), 296–308 Google Scholar; Chamberlin, Eugene K., “Mexican Colonization versus American Interests in Lower California,” Pacific Historical Review, 20 (February, 1951), 43–55:CrossRefGoogle Scholar Rathbun, Morris M., “Facts About Lower California, “The Mexican Review, 1 (August, 1917), 9,Google Scholar 13; Dulles, John W. F., Yesterday in Mexico: A Chronicle of the Revolution, 1919–1936 (Austin, 1961), 75–76 Google Scholar; Diccionario Porrúa, I, 354–355. For his own perspective on events from 1911-1920 which omits any reference to drug use or conflicts with superiors see, Jiménez, Esteban Cantu, Apuntes históricos de Baja California (Mexico, 1957), passim.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Carr, Harry, “The Kingdom of Cantú: Why Lower California is an Oasis of Perfect Peace in Bloody Mexico,” Sunset, 38 (1917), 33–34,Google Scholar 65–67.

⁷⁰ Ibid, 65.

⁷¹ Chamberlin, , “Mexican Colonization versus American Interests in Lower California,” 48.Google Scholar

⁷² México, Secretaria de Relaciones Exeteriores, La salinidad del Rio Colorado: Una diferencia internacional (México D.F., 1975), 11.

⁷³ Kenamore, , “The Principality of Cantu,” 27.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Charles H. Randall, Imperial County to Robert Lansing, December 8,1915, with Imogen Aten, Imperial County President, Women’s Christian Temperance Union to Charles H. Randall, November 29, 1915 attached, Microcopy (274 (M 274), r 135., 812.114/Liquor/1, Records of the Department of State, RG 59, USNA.

⁷⁵ Walter F. Boyle to Robert Lansing, March 28, 1919, M 274, r 135, 812.114/Liquor/8.

⁷⁶ Kenamore, , “The Principality of Cantú,” 27.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ H. J. Peters, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury to Robert Lansing, October 13,1916, M274, r 135, 812.114/Narcotics/12.

⁷⁸ Deputy Collector of Customs, San Diego to Collector of Customs, Los Angeles, October 12, 1916, Ibid.,in.

⁷⁹ Intelligence Officer, El Paso, November 12, 1917, MID, #8532–335.

⁸⁰ Cumberland, Charles C., “The Sonora Chinese and the Mexican Revolution,” Hispanic American Historical Review, XL (May, 1960), 191–211,CrossRefGoogle Scholarargues that in late 1919and early 1920, Cantú was forced to abandon a scheme to bring 15,000 Chinese contract laborers into Baja California which would have paid him a 100 peso head tax, or 1.5 min pesos, because of local Mexican opposition to Chinese labor competition.

⁸¹ New York, Times, July 30, 1920, 2:7.

⁸² Intelligence Officer, El Paso, November 11, 1917, MID #8532–335.

⁸³ Kenamore, , “The Principality of Cantú,” 25–27.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Customs Collector, Los Angeles to Robert Lansing, December 26,1917, M274, r 135,812.114/ Narcotics/19, “from the most authentic source.”

⁸⁵ Courtwright, “Opiate Addiction as a Consequence of the Civil War,” 104.

⁸⁶ Meyer, Michael C., Huerto: A Political Portrait (Lincoln Nebraska, 1972), 130–131.Google Scholar Of course it would have been impossible for Huerta to have been “addicted to marijiuana” exclusively [ Mendelson, Jack H., Rossi, A. Michael and Meyer, Roger E., eds., The Use of Marijhuana: A Psychological and Physiological Inquiry (New York, 1974)CrossRefGoogle Scholar passim], but it is possible that he became exposed to opiates via medication in the course of his military career.

⁸⁷ Immediately after the explosion which blew away most of the arm, Obregón felt pain so intense that he unsuccessfully attempted suicide. Dr. Enrique Osornio gave the General an unspecified anesthetic to relieve the pain and it caused him to lose consciousness. Later, during surgery to clean and bind the remaining stump, Obregón’s doctors allegedly used cloroform. See, Obregón, Álvaro, Ocho mil kilómetros en campaña (Paris and México, 1917), 565–570.Google Scholar For his subsequent poor health see Hall, Linda B., Álvaro Obregón: Power and Revolution in Mexico 1911–1920 (College Station, Texas, 1981), 185–186.Google Scholar His physical symptoms described seem similar to drug withdrawal.

⁸⁸ Richmond, Douglas W., “The Venustiano Carranza Archive,” Hispanic American Historical Review, LVI (May, 1976), 290–294:CrossRefGoogle Scholar Eduardo Ruiz, Ramón, “The Centro de Estudios de Historia de México,” in Greenleaf, Richard E. and Meyer, Michael C., eds., Research in Mexican History (Lincoln, Nebraska, 1973), 95–96.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ U.S. Congress, Senate, Judiciary Committee, Hearings on Brewing and Liquor Interests and German and Bolshevik Propaganda, 66th cong., 1st sess., senate document 62 (1920), III vols., passim, contains virtually no mention of American liquor interests in Mexico, suggesting that further research will have to begin with leads developed in the Mexican archives.