² The general bibliography referring to works on Nabuco published up to the early 1970s is Silvestre, Inalda, “Bibliografia sobre Joaquim Nabuco,” Ciência & Trópico (Recife) 2:1 (Jan./June 1974): 139–55.Google Scholar Biographies include Nabuco, Carolina, A vida de Joaquim Nabuco (São Paulo: Nacional, 1928)Google Scholar and Filho, Luiz Viana, A vida de Joaquim Nabuco (São Paulo: Nacional, 1952).Google Scholar On Abolition, see da Costa, Emília Viotti, Da sentala à colônia, 2a ed. (São Paulo: Ciências Humanas, 1982) [1966];Google Scholar Conrad, Robert E., The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery: 1850–1888 (Berkeley: California, 1972);Google Scholar and, more recently, Scott, Rebecca J., et al., The Abolition of Slavery and the Aftermath of Emancipation in Brazil (Durham: Duke, 1988).CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the diplomacy of the era, see Burns, E. Bradford, The Unwritten Alliance: Rio-Branco and Brazilian-American Relations (New York: Columbia, 1966)Google Scholar or Lins, Álvaro, Rio-Branco (O Barão do Rio Branco): 1845–1912, 2 vols. (Rio: José Olympio, 1945).Google Scholar On Brazilian monarchism, see Freyre, Gilberto, Ordem e progresso, 2 vols. (Rio: José Olympio), 2 Google Scholar:ch.l3; and Monaco Janorti, Maria de Lourdes, Os subversivos da república (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1986).Google Scholar

³ The two most recent attempts to treat Nabuco’s political thought are Richard Graham’s and Marco Aurélio Nogueira’s. Graham’s, is contained in his Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil 1850–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge, 1972 )Google Scholar and “Joaquim Nabuco, Conservative Historian,” Luso-Brazilian Review, 17:1 (Summer 1980): 1–16. Nogueira’s springs from his Universidade de São Paulo doctoral dissertation, published as As desventuras do liberalismo: Joaquim Nabuco, a monarquia e a república (Rio: Paz e Terra, 1984).

⁴ Graham stresses a psychological shift of profound impact, linked to Nabuco’s relationship with his father, José Tomás Nabuco de Araújo; he holds that Nabuco’s politics shifted radically to a conservative position after the fall of the Monarchy, largely owing to a sense of patricidal guilt in which his ambivalent feelings towards his father were associated with the fall of the Monarchy, with which he identified his father (see Britain and the Onset, pp. 177–78 and “Joaquim Nabuco,” pp. 1–2 and passim). Nogueira, chs.2,3, and pp. 219–21, argues that Nabuco left behind his liberalism with the end of the Monarchy because of a lack of the social class or society to make such a political “project” practical, becoming profoundly conservative. With Nogueira, my differences tend to be less striking, as will be seen below; I do think, however, that there is a tendency to extremes and ruptures in his analysis that does not lend itself to finding the continuities I find evident throughout Nabuco’s writings.

⁵ Nabuco, C., A vida, pp. 15–20;Google Scholar Bello, José Maria, Novos estudos críticos (Rio: Revista dos Tribunaes, 1914), p. 112 Google Scholar (Bello was a fellow pernambucano and, besides being a sensitive admirer of Nabuco, was familiar with his lineage alliances); Nabuco, José Thomáz, Um médico do Brasil colonial: O cirurgiãomór Manoel Fernandez Nabuco e sua gente (Rio: Nova Fronteira, 1986),Google Scholar “Apêndice,” passim (this is Nabuco’s youngest son’s biography of the first Nabuco in Brazil; the appendix is an annotated geneology of his descendants).

⁶ See Nabuco’s, intellectual autobiography, Minha formação (Rio: Ganier, 1900),Google Scholar chs. 1,2,20,25; Nabuco, C., A vida, pp. 21–40.Google Scholar On the Pedro, Colégio D. II, see Needell, Jeffrey D., A Tropical Belle Époque: Elite Culture and Society in Turn-of-the-Century Rio de Janeiro (Cambridge: Cambridge, 1987), pp. 54–58.Google Scholar

⁷ Nabuco’s ambition is suggested by the way in which he ranged across a broad field of interests in his publications; his first published work was an amateur study of Camões, , Camões e os Luziadas (Rio: Instituto Artistico Imperial, 1872);Google Scholar indeed, he felt sturdy enough in literature to engage in a noted polemic with the old chief of the Romantics, the novelist and statesman José de Alencar, an exchange Coutinho, Afrânio, published as A polêmica Alencar-Nabuco (Rio: Tempo Brasileiro, 1965)Google Scholar [1875]. Nabuco’s correspondence is partially published in Cartas a amigos, 2 vols. (São Paulo: Progresso, 1949) [1865–1910]; his daughter’s biography is noteworthy for its long quotations from his unpublished and published material. On this period, see I:chs.2,3. On his father, see, of course, Um estadista do imperio: Nabuco de Araujo, sua vida, suas opiniôes, sua época, 3 vols. (Rio: Gamier, 1898, 1899), vs.2,3, passim; on the crisis of 1868, see ibid., 3:bk5:ch.4 and the résumé in Needell, , A Tropical Belle Époque, pp. 3–4.Google Scholar

⁸ On Nabuco de Araújo’s salon, see Needell, pp. 105, 106, 110, 112–4.

⁹ SeeMinha formação, chs.4–6, 9–17; Nabuco, C., A vida, I Google Scholar:chs.3,4; NB the correspondence with Penedo in Cartas a amigos, where the experience in the 1870s is the motif. Penedo, i.e., Francisco Inácio de Carvalho Moreira, baron de Penedo (1815–1906), has his biography in Mendonça, Renato, Um diplomata na côrte da Inglaterra: O Bardo do Penedo e sua época (Rio: R. Mendonça, 1968);Google Scholar cf. Graham, , Britain, pp. 101–102,Google Scholar 266, 267.

¹⁰ A hint of his political ambitions comes through early, in the failed engagement to Eufrásia Teixeira Leite, who refused to return from a life in Europe to Brazil, where Nabuco felt his future must lie. The hesitation seems to have come up later, in connection to the growing pleasure in diplomatic and cultural life in Europe. See the correspondence in Cartas a amigos for the 1870s, as well as the account of the failed courtship, and correspondence quoted, in Nabuco’s, C., notes in ibid., 1:146–47Google Scholar and Viana Filho, ch.4. On the election from Recife, see Nabuco, C., A vida, pp. 60–62.Google Scholar

¹¹ Coutinho, pp. 106,190,217; cf. the Cartas a amigos, to Salvador de Mendonça, [Rio] 25 December 1875, (1:15); to Baron de Penedo, Rio, 31 October 1879, (1:35); and to José Tomás Nabuco de Araújo, Recife, 1870, quoted in Nabuco, C., A vida, pp. 36–37.Google Scholar

¹² “A Escravidáo,” Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, 204 (July-Sept. 1949) [1870]: 4-106. The manuscript was donated to the Instituto Histórico by Nabuco’s widow; it was published in the issue of the Revista dedicated to Nabuco on the centenary of his birth. The reference here is to pp. 11,22,24–25,26,29,42,44–45,47,68, 84, 100.

¹³ Sancho de Barros Pimentel to Nabuco, Aracaju, 7 Sept. 1871, Instituto Joaquim Nabuco de Pesquisas Sociais, P. lpdoc.l2; on the era, see Um estadista, 3:bk.5, chs.4–8; bk.6, chs.3,7.

¹⁴ Discussion of the radical aspect of Abolitionism is in Costa, pp. 356–60; Conrad, pp. 256–63, Graham, , Britain, pp. 150,Google Scholar 208–209, 263, and, more recently, Nogueira, ch.2, and Marinho do Azevedo, Célia Maria, Onda negra meda branco: O negro no imaginário das elites século 19 (Rio: Paz e Terra, 1987), pp. 97–104.Google Scholar Nogueira’s analysis is probably the best to date. Azevedo’s critique stops short at the racism in Nabuco; it does not go far enough to gather the other, contradictory, points Nabuco made in favor of political inclusion and historical rehabilitation of Afro-Brazilians. Nabuco wrote Abolicionismo in London, after his failure to win re-election in Recife and his decision to live and work abroad, rather than accept any employment that might be, or might be construed to be, co-optation (he had no independent income, a problem which dogged his career whenever he was without public office). Although the book itself, if not the central problem and many of his conclusions, was quite different from “A Escravidáo,” his preoccupation with the question of slavery goes back to his student days, when he quite clearly worked to support his father’s efforts on behalf of what became Rio Branco’s Law of the Free Womb (although Nabuco de Araújo was a Liberal, he was in the Senate and the Justice subcommittee of the Council of State and his proposals figured importantly in the final legislation championed by the head of the governing cabinet, the Viscount do Rio Branco, the Conservative chief whose name is associated with the law); see Nabuco to de Araújo, José Tomás Nabuco, Recife, 1870, and Nabuco, , Um estadista, 3: 235–49;Google Scholar and the contextual analysis in Nabuco, C., A vida, pp. 36–37;Google Scholar see, also, Abolicionismo, p. 64nl. I should note that Nabuco intended that others should write companion volumes dealing with other problems facing the Monarchy; see Nabuco to Sancho de Barros Pimentel, London, 18 March 1883 and 31 August 1883 in Cartas a amigos, 1:102, 103–104. Rebouças’, book, Agricultura nacional: Estudos económicos, propaganda abolicionista e democratica (Rio: Lamoureux, 1883)Google Scholar is discussed briefly in da Costa, Emília Viotti, The Brazilian Empire: Myths and Histories (Chicago: Chicago, 1985), p. 148.Google Scholar I was unable to secure a first edition of Abolicionismo, and used the standard edition in the obra completa: O Abolicionismo: Conferências e discursos abolicionistas (São Paulo: Progresso, 1949). The conferencias and discursos give an important sense of just how radical (and demagogic) Nabuco could be in front of an urban audience.

¹⁵ Abolicionismo, pp. 96–97,100,121–22,124–26,140,142–43,146,149,153,167,169–70.

¹⁶ Ibid., pp. 41,119,125,126.

¹⁷ Ibid., pp. 6,12,13,18–21,118–20,125–26,151. NB that Nabuco had taken similar positions regarding both Afro-Brazilian inferiority and Afro-Brazilian rights to political participation in “A Escravidão.” Cf. Azevedo, ch.l, for a sense of how profoundly different such ideas towards political inclusion were with respect to general elite attitudes (although note that Azevedo’s analysis of Nabuco, pp. 122–23, misses this). It is also interesting to note that Nabuco stated here, as he would in his critiques of the Republic in the early 1890s, his sense of the profound prejudice against people of color in the United States, as compared to what he characterized as a complete lack of prejudice in the Empire (see pp. 21–22). One also notes that Nabuco anticipated Freyre, , in Casa grande e senzala (1933),Google Scholar in pointing out that the corruption and perversion brought to Brazilian society by African slavery had much more to do with the conditions of that slavery than with the origins of those enslaved (see p. 123).

¹⁸ Abolicionismo, pp. 8,15–16,139–40,142–43,155,158–61,164,167,169,170–72.

¹⁹ See Minha formação, p. 226 and ch.21; Nabuco, C., A vida, 2 Google Scholar:chs.l–10, especially pp. 241–43; Nabuco, Joaquim, “A Reorganização do partido Liberal, I–IV,” in Campanhas de imprensa (São Paulo: Progresso, 1949);Google Scholar and Cartas a amigos, passim, especially Nabuco to Custódio José Ferreira Martins, Rio, 5 May 1888 (1:169); to José Marianno [Carneiro da Cunha], Rio, July 1888 (1:174–76); to Antônio José da Costa Ribeiro, Rio, 17 July 1888 (1:176–77); to baron de Penedo, Rio, 17 May 1885 (1:136–37).

²⁰ Cartas a amigos, loc.cit.; Nabuco, C., A vida, loc.cit., 11:209–14,Google Scholar and 2:ch.ll; Minha formação, ch.23.

²¹ My sense of these continuities separates my analysis from that of Nogueira, ch.3 and Graham, , “Joaquim Nabuco,” passim.Google Scholar As noted earlier, these analysts posit a dramatic volte face in the 1890s, where I see a rearrangement of emphases and priorities, as discussed in the text, below.

²² Minha formação, pp. 5–8 and ch.2. Nabuco mentions reading broadly in French liberal and reactionary thought, citing the Girondins, Ollivier, Prévost-Paradol, Lamartine, Thiers, Donoso Cortéz and Joseph de Maistre, but makes it clear that Bagehot did what the French constitutional monarchists could not. On the pervasively francophile education of the Brazilian elite, see Needell, chs.2,6. On Bagehot, see StJohn-Stevas, Walter Bagehot: A Study of His Life and Thought Together with a Selection from His Political Writings (London: Eyre & Sjpottiswoode, 1959).Google Scholar

²³ Minha formação, pp. 14,21–25,93,96–104,114–33.

²⁴ Abolicionismo, pp. 15–16,167,169,170–72; Campanhas, loc.cit.; Nabuco, Joaquim, “O Erro do Imperador,” [1886], in Campanhas, p. 243;Google Scholar Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to José do Patrocínio, Rio, 3 May 1886 (1:149).

²⁵ Abolicionismo, pp. 5,6,14–15; C. Nabuco, , A vida, p. 204;Google Scholar “O Erro,” pp. 236,243; “Discurso aos Artistas do Recife,” in O Abolicionismo, pp. 367–68,369–70,373–74. Nabuco, in ibid., p. 169, in only apparent contradiction, argues that slavery made public opinion impossible—he seems, here, to be suggesting what had always been the case. The whole point oí Abolicionismo is to galvanize an emergent public opinion he celebrates in the pages cited above.

²⁶ I do not mean to suggest that Nabuco’s parliamentary and periodical-based movement was the only political element at play, of course. For the central impact of rural slave resistance and revolt, etc., see Costa, Da senzala, Conrad and Dean, Warren,, Rio Claro: A Brazilian Plantation System, 1820–1920 (Stanford: Stanford, 1976).Google Scholar

²⁷ On the question of his personal attitudes towards the dynasty, see the public comments in “Resposta as Mensagens do Recife e de Nazareth,” in Escriptos e discursos literarios (São Paulo/Rio: Nacional/ Civilização Brasileira, 1939), p. 54, as well as his correspondence after 1888 with Rebouças, Hilário de Gouvêa, and the Emperor in Cartas a amigos, 1, passim.

²⁸ See, e.g., ibid., to José Marianno [Carneiro da Cunha], Rio, July 1888 (1:174–76); to the barão de Penedo, Rio, 6 Jan. 1889 (1:180–81).

²⁹ See Minha formação, pp. 6-7, “Erro,” p. 234; Cartas a amigos, to barão de Penedo, Rio, 6 Jan. 1889 (1:180–81); to Quintino Bocaiuva, Rio, 22 June 1888 (1:172); to barão de Penedo, Rio 25 May 1888 (1:171–72); “Resposta,” p. 54. NB that Costa, Brazilian Empire, reminds us that this is still an unproven position (pp. 208–209). Nabuco, however, was not alone in his analysis; Rebouças made the same charge in A questão do Brazil (Lisbon: n.p., 1890), and Graham, raises the contention again in “Landowners and the Overthrow of the Empire,” Luso-Brazilian Review 7 (Winter 1970).Google Scholar

³⁰ “Resposta” and O dever dos monarchistas: Carta: Ao Almirante Jaceguay (Rio: Leuzinger, 1895). I selected these two as the first and the last of such political publications, as a way of capturing any shift or range in positions.

³¹ See Cartas a amigos, both volumes, 1889 through 1899. NB that this continuity in criticism, while it breaks on occasion as the objective reality gives Nabuco some hope for political stability and economic recovery, serves to undermine Nogueira’s argument of subtle transformismo on Nabuco’s part, as he intellectually prepares for political reintegration. On this, see below.

³² On the question of racial oppression, clearly central to Nabuco, see “Resposta,” pp. 56,59,67,72–73 and O dever, pp. 7–10.

³³ “Resposta, pp. 53–54,56,58,59,66,72–73; O dever, pp. 21–22; cf. Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to José Marianno [Carneiro da Cunha], Rio, July 1988 (1:174–76).

³⁴ “Resposta,” pp. 73–74, cf. Balmaceda (Rio: Leuzinger, 1895), pp. 209–10. NB that his private criticism of the military does, however, go back to 1890—see, e.g., Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to barão do Rio Branco, Paquetá, 31 July 1890 (1:188). One wonders if the 1890 public statement, which antedated certain defining events, was designed to encourage military behavior of the “right” sort, or was written in bad faith in order to secure a measure of safety for himself as a public monarchist in a period of violent repression.

³⁵ Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to André Rebouças, Rio, 1 Jan. 1893 (1:219).

³⁶ Carolina Nabuco, following Nabuco’s own appraisal (Minha formação, ch.26, especially p. 305), designates the part of her work dealing with the era from 1889 to 1899, Meditação, as she designated 1879 to 1889, Acção; she also labels the chapters accordingly, to suggest the withdrawal into private concerns and activities. Nogueira’s sense (ch.2) of the era, as one of propaganda and intellectual manoeuvre, seems closer to the reality. For Nabuco, as an essentially political intellectual forced to the wings by a political era alien to his beliefs, writing was politics by another means (Minha formação, pp. 305–307).

³⁷ This, of course, was the era in which he wrote Balmaceda (1895), A intervenção estrangeira durante a revolta (1895), and the journalism of propaganda and criticism, some examples of which are in Escriptos.

³⁸ Minha formação, pp. 146,199–201,210,214,305; Nabuco, C., A vida, 3:Google Scholarch.4. His correspondence seems to suggest that the faith brought him enormous solace in a very difficult time and strengthened his temperamental disposition to a long view and personal tolerance of others.

³⁹ Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to barão de Penedo, Rio, 8 July 1881 (1:48).

⁴⁰ Nabuco married Evelina Torres Soares Ribeiro in 1889; the bride was a wealthy heiress of elite commercial and planting families. Unhappily, Nabuco lost most of his wife’s fortune by investing it in Argentine bonds just before the crisis of 1890. Although what remained of it allowed them to travel and reside with the requisite dignity, financial concerns and his family’s future remain motifs of his private correspondence thereafter. Nabuco went into exile partly because the political climate made either employment or freedom from fear difficult to secure. He went to London in the hope of finding work as an international corporate lawyer and a correspondent for Brazilian periodicals; most of the elite families who went into exile in the early ’90s, and there were many, chose Paris. For a brief résumé and bibliography of Nabuco’s private life, see Needell, pp. 120–22, 122–24; better still, consult Nabuco’s, Carolina, personal memoirs, Oito décadas (Rio: José Olympio, 1973).Google Scholar

⁴¹ It seems clear that, with respect to Penedo, Nabuco considered himself, and was considered by the baron, to be like a son. One wonders if Penedo appealed to Nabuco’s penchant for la vie mondaine, as the complement to the more statesmanlike and intellectual appeal of his own father, whose social life was much more entirely domestic in orientation than either Penedo’s or Nabuco’s.

⁴² Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to barão de Penedo, Paris, 7 June 1892 (1:210–11). His sense of failure at the time seems to derive from his inability to make a new career for himself in London, partly because of failing health, partly because of his ambiguous status and capacity as a monarchist seeking to represent British interests in republican Brazil.

⁴³ Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to Hilario de Gouvêa, Petrópolis, 10 March 1894 (1:227); to same, Rio, 25 August 1894 (1:242).

⁴⁴ Um estadista, l:vi.

⁴⁵ See Needell, pp. 192–96.

⁴⁶ This is explicit in his memoirs (Minha formação, pp. 305–307) and in his inaugural speech as the Academy–s first general secretary (quoted in part in Needell, pp. 194–95).

⁴⁷ Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to visconde de Taunay, Maricá [1898] (1:282–830; and the note by C. Nabuco in ibid., 2:60nl.

⁴⁸ Cartas a amigos, Nabuto to Eunápio Deiró, Paris, 3 Jan, 1900 (2:60); Minha formação, pp. 195–99, ch.26; Um estadista, loc. cit., “Instituto Histórico,” [1896] in Escriptos.

⁴⁹ Martins, Wilson, História da inteligência brasileira, 6 vols., vol.5 (1897–1914) (São Paulo: Cultrix/USP, 1978), pp. 85–90;Google Scholar Graham, , “Joaquim Nabuco,” pp. l Google Scholar,2,14,15nl; note the repeated references in the bibliographical essays following Bethell, Leslie, ed., Brazil: Empire and Republic: 1822–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge, 1989), pp. 318,CrossRefGoogle Scholar329,331. In an interview with Florestan Fernandes, doyen of sociology at the Universidade de São Paulo, he remarked that one should study Nabuco’s Um estadista do impèrio as the most useful portrayal of the history of the Brazilian elite—as the elite liked to see it (14 August 1980).

⁵⁰ See “Instituto Historico,” his acceptance speech on being elected a member of that institute, the bastion of monarchist historiography, where he made a passionate defense of the monarchy’s contribution to the nation in outlining the reasons for his biography.

⁵¹ Thus, there are contrasts that speak to this réévaluation in, e.g., Abolicionismo, pp. 170–73, and Um estadista, 150–51,75–92,104–105,152,154–55,174,176,346–53,3:142–43,549n5–550. One notes, however, that there are important criticisms in Um estadista that echo opinions in Abolicionismo, pp. 170–73. See, e.g., the lack of ideological differences between Conservatives and Liberals, 1:172–73; the evidence of partisan political ambition at national expense, 1:212–13; the failure to confront the slave trade or pursue emancipation, 1:244,250, 3:44–52; the political role of the Emperor at the expense of parliamentary government á la anglaise, 1:346–53, 3:178–79. My disagreement here, again, is with Nogueira (ch.3) and Graham, (Britain, pp. 177–82, 263–67Google Scholar and “Joaquim Nabuco,” pp. 1–2), who see a more dramatic political change in Nabuco’s fundamental beliefs than I.

⁵² Um Estadista, l:vii and Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to Hilario de Gouvêa, Petrópolis, 10 February 1894 (1:22–27); to same, Rio, 23 July 1894 (1:254).

⁵³ Um estadista, loc.cit.; “Instituto,” p. 114; Minha formação, pp. 229–30.

⁵⁴ On the contemporary readership, see Needell, pp. 197–98, 298n59.

⁵⁵ Martins, p. 85.

⁵⁶ Bello, p. 159.

⁵⁷ Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to Tobias Monteiro, St. Germain en Laye, 20 May 1900 (2:75).

⁵⁸ See Needell, pp. 216–17; Barbosa, João Alexandre,, A tradição do impasse (São Paulo: Ática, 1974).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ “Um Historiador Politico: O Sr. Joaquim Nabuco,” [1898] in Veríssimo, José, Estudos de liter-atura brazileira, la serie, 1895–1898 (Rio: Gamier, 1901): 133–66.Google Scholar NB the second review, covering the third volume: “Os Penúltimos Annos do Imperio,” [1899] in Veríssimo, José, Estudos de literatura brazilieira, 2a serie (Rio: Gamier, 1901): 239–52.Google Scholar Veríssimo gives us a brief but useful contextual review of Nabuco in his Historia da literatura brazileira: De Bento Teixeira (1601) a Machado de Assis (1908) (Rio: Francisco Alves, 1929) [1915].

⁶⁰ Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to Eunápio Deiro, Paris, 3 Jan. 1900 (2:60–61); to Domingo Alves Ribeiro, [Rio], July? 1898 (1:298); and C. Nabuco’s note to ibid. One recalls that periodicals of the nineteenth century were often more like modem reviews and magazines, in that they mixed news and opinion with political and economic essays and literary serials or criticism. The Jornal do Commercio was the most venerable Carioca daily (1827), and traditionally tended to represent the more conservative, established point of view in the capital.

⁶¹ See, e.g., Cartas a amigos, to Domingo Alves Ribeiro, [Rio], July?1898 (1:298).

⁶² Monteiro, Tobias, O presidente Campos Salles en Europa (Rio: Briguiet, 1928), p. 15–16.Google Scholar

⁶³ Cf., e.g., Veríssimo, , Estudos, la serie, p. 139;Google Scholar Veríssimo, , Historia, p. 394;Google Scholar and Martins, p. 87.

⁶⁴ I mean to suggest here the generation bom in the period 1880–1900.

⁶⁵ The malaise was certainly sensed by the more critical, or disappointed, members of the older generations, of course. See, e.g., Needell, pp. 215–25 and Sevcenko, Nicolau, Literatura como missão (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1983).Google Scholar For different aspects of the political and ideological alienation, see de Carvalho, José Murilo, Os bestialisados: O Rio de Janeiro e a república que não foi (São Paulo: Companhia Das Letras, 1987)Google Scholar or Needell, Jeffrey D., “ Revolta Contra Vacina of 1904: The Revolt Against ‘Modernization’ in Belle-Époque Rio de Janeiro,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 67:2 (May 1987): 233–270.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed Some sense of the perspective of the generation noted is in Cardoso, Vicente Licinio, org., À margem da história da república (Brasilia: Senado, 1981)Google Scholar [1924], with its “Introdução” by Alberto Venãncio Filho and its “Apéndice” by Alceu Amoroso Lima.

⁶⁶ Amado was a provincial from the Northeast who became a noted journalist and minor politician, celebrated among the younger intellectuals in the Rio of 1910s and ’20s for his literary and political essays. He was one of the few picked to contribute to the collection À margem da história da república cited above. He later became a diplomat and international lawyer on Brazil’s behalf.

⁶⁷ I do not, of course, mean to suggest that Amado was the first to make this charge. Euclides da Cunha made perhaps the most influential attack on these phenomena in his Os sertôes (1903), and Silvio Romero, among other places, received Euclides into the Academy using criticisms that paraphrase this paragraph at greater length. See Needell, pp. 218–22 and Romero, Sylvio, “Discurso de recepção,” in Revista da Academia Brazileira de Letras 2 (1911).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Oliveira Vianna’s attachment to Nabuco is apparent throughout his seminal works of the 1920s and ’30s, because of the centrality of the Second Reign to Oliveira Vianna’s own preoccupations. The earliest reference to Nabuco I have found in Vianna’s, Oliveira, books is in his obra prima, Populações merid-ionaes do Brasil: (Historia-Organizacao-Psychologia): Primeiro Volume: Populações ruraes do centro-sul: (Paulistas-Fluminenses-Mineiros) 2a ed. (São Paulo: Monteiro Lobato, 1922)Google Scholar [1920], where the influence of Nabuco’s interpretation of the Second Reign is clear on pp. 233,237–41,259–62. Vianna, Oliveira, devoted one of his journalistic essays to Nabuco, and published it later as one of the Pequeños estudos de psycologia social (São Paulo: Monteiro Lobato, 1921), pp. 192–206.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Vianna’s, Oliveira, positions are made repeatedly clear in Populações, Evolução do povo brasileiro (1924), O ocaso do imperio Google Scholar (1925), O idealismo da constituição (1922–32), and Problemas de politica objectivo (1930). His racial ideas are stated most influentially in Populações; his attitudes towards nineteenth-century liberalism are clearest there and in O idealismo da constituição. There are two book-length studies of Oliveira Vianna, neither adequate: Vasconcelos Torres, Oliveira Viana (Rio de Janeiro: Freitas Bastos, 1956) is the hagiography of a disciple; Rodrigues, José Honorio, Història da història do Brasil: vol.2, tomo 2 A metafísica do latifundio: O ultra-reacionário Oliveira Viana (São Paulo: Nacional, 1988)Google Scholar is the polemical blast of an opponent. See, instead, Medeiros, Jarbas, Ideologia autoritària no Brasil (Rio: Fundação Getúlio Vargas, 1978),Google Scholar Vieira, Evaldo, Autoritarismo e corporativismo no Brasil (São Paulo: Cortez, 1981);Google Scholar de Holanda, Sérgio Buarque, Tentativas de mitologia (São Paulo: Perspectiva, 1979).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ See, e.g., Veríssimo’s, response in Estudos la serie, pp. 159–60Google Scholar to Nabuco’s analysis of the Regency as a failed republican experiment. That Nabuco intended a comparison with the early military phase of the Republic is clear. Compare the characteristics and topics in Nabuco’s treatment of that era in Balmaceda or O dever or in his “Instituto Histórico” speech (i.e., military, radicals, civil war, anarchy, factionalism, reaction, political parvenus, extra-legal repression, political morality, unique quality of Brazilian monarchy, etc.) with Um estadista, 1:27–28,29–30,31,33,42–43. Oliveira’s sense of the Regency and liberalism is quite congenial; see Populações, pp. 233, 237–8, 240–41.

⁷¹ Op. cit., p. 161.

⁷² Pequeños estudos, pp. 194–95.

⁷³ See the comments in Stein, Stanley J., “The Historiography of Brazil, 1808–1889,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 40:2 (May 1960): 234–78;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Graham, , “Joaquim Nabuco,” pp. 1–3,Google Scholar14. Haring’s, CH., text, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy (Cambridge: Harvard, 1958)Google Scholar was, until very recently, the only useful one in English, and thus had wide influence among students in this country. It was based on a reading of the standard Brazilian secondary sources, precisely the kinds of works to which I allude here. Revision of these views is still underway; a good résumé and review of the literature to date is contained in chapters and the bibliographic essays noted in Bethell or the scattered historiographical discussion in Costa, Brazilian Empire. More specific analysis is in Graham, Richard, “State and Society in Brazil, 1822–1930,” Latin American Research Review 22:3 (1987): 223–36.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Estudos, la serie, p. 159.

⁷⁵ Ibid., pp. 161–65.

⁷⁶ Tobias Monteiro, loc.cit. NB Tobias’s role in Nabuco’s, C., note to Cartas a amigos, Nabuco to Monteiro, Tobias St. en Laye, Germain, 29 June 1899 (2:33).Google Scholar There is a careful, documented reconstruction of the approach to Nabuco in Nabuco, C., A vida, pp. 343–48.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ My sense of the logic and continuity in Nabuco’s final position is close to C. Nabuco, A vida, loc.cit.. I derived it from reading in the Cartas a amigos, vols.l and 2, especially the letters he wrote to friends defending his decision. His sense of the nation’s peril from imperialism can be glimpsed in the letters in the latter part of the 1890s and in his published works, e.g., A intervenção estrangeira, or the chapter on the Latin American dilemma which concludes Balmaceda. Here, again, I disagree with Nogueira’s interpretation (chs.3 and 4), which strongly suggests through the use of such words as “tactics” and “strategy” that Nabuco was working his way towards reconciliation over the course of the decade, as part of his conservative rupture with the 1880s. The impact of Nabuco’s decision on the Monarchists was important; Janotti argues that they used the public furor to solidify their ranks (see pp. 171–7). Nabuco’s position within the Monarchist ranks had never been a comfortable one, largely because of his pre-1889 relations with many of the principal Monarchists and his refusal, for patriotic reasons, to hope for the worst for Brazil in order to create the context for a restoration (the principle tactic of the Monarchist party). See, in this regard, Nabuco, C., A vida, pp. 348–55Google Scholar and the correspondence to Domingo Alves Ribeiro in 1899 (Cartas a amigos, 2) NB that Nabuco’s monarchism eventually fell away; he made a public statement in 1906 that made it clear that he had finally accepted the Republic by that date; see Viana Filho, p. 316.

⁷⁸ See Needell, pp. 112–14; cf. Vianna, Oliveira, Pequenos ensayos, pp. 203–204.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Ibid.; Amado, pp. 118–21; Bello, pp. 107–91, passim; Romero, Silvio, Història da literatura brasileira, 6a ed., 5 vols. (Rio: José Olympio, 1960), 5:1756–58.Google Scholar