¹ See consulta of 26 April 1641 in Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (cited hereafter as ANTT), Habilitações da Ordem de Santiago (cited hereafter as HOS), Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 157. Six documents are included in Doria’s above-mentioned dossier: 1) consulta of Mesa da Consciência e Ordens dated 16 July 1630 (unnumbered); 2) undated petition of Manuel Gonçalves Doria on the eve of returning to Brazil (pre-June 1630) (unnumbered); 3) consulta of the Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, dated 26 April 1641 (fols. 157–162); 4) consulta of the Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, dated 9 September 1641 (fols. 156–156v); 5) consulta of the Mesa da Consciència e Ordens, dated 6 August 1642 (fols. 346–350v); 6) consulta of the Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, dated 16 October 1647 (fol. 156). A seventh document, erroneously filed in a new dossier under the name Manuel Gonçalves, Letra M, Maço 5, Número 29, contains correspondence with the Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, dated 20 April 1630. The original notarized background investigations are missing. For a recent overview of the recapture of Bahia in 1625, see Schwartz, Stuart B. “The Voyage of the Vassals: Royal Power, Noble Obligations, and Merchant Capital before the Portuguese Restoration of Independence, 1624–1640,” The American Historical Review, 96:3 (June 1991), 735–762.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² See Documentos Historicos (cited hereafter as DH) 110 vols. (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional,1928), XVII, p. 36.

³ See especially Chapters XXIIII and XXV. I have used the edition published by the Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro in 1966.

⁴ do Salvador, Frei Vicente, História do Brasil, 1500–1627, 5th ed. by de Abreu, Capistrano, Garcia, Rodolfo, and Willeke, Frei Venâncio, OFM (São Paulo: Edições Melhoramentos, 1965). pp. 441,Google Scholar 446, 447, 449, 460, 461, 463 and 500. Frei Vicente was 63 years of age when he completed his História in 1627. See Ibid., p. 32. Manuel’s exploits are also sketched in his patent of captain dated 18 January 1630. DH XVII, pp. 36–38.

⁵ See footnote 84 below.

⁶ ANTT, Chancelaria da Ordem de Santiago (cited hereafter as COS), liv. 15, fols. 136v–137 and 141–141v.

⁷ ANTT, COS, liv. 13, fol. 139v.

⁸ ANTT, Chancelaria da Ordem de Avis, liv. 14, fol. 43v.

⁹ ANTT, COS, liv. 15, fol. 168.

¹⁰ See also Dutra, Francis A., “Blacks and the Search for Rewards and Status in Seventeenth-Century Brazil,” Proceedings of the Pacific Coast Council on Latin American Studies, vol. 6 (1977–1979), 25–35.Google Scholar

¹¹ ANTT, Ordem de Santiago, liv. 27, fols, lv–2 and 2v [formerly catalogued as Conventos Diversos, Santiago, B–50–27].

¹² ANTT, COS, liv. 1, fols. 369–369v.

¹³ See Saunders, A.C. de C.M. “The Life and Humour of João de Sá Panasco, o Negro, Former Slave, Court Jester and Gentleman of the Portuguese Royal Household (fl. 1524–1567)” in Hodcroft, F.W. et al., Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies on Spain and Portugal in Honor of P. E. Russell (Oxford: Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature, 1981), p. 183.Google Scholar To date, the best evidence that João de Sá Panasco was a knight of Santiago is dito 402: “Zombando Fernão Cardoso com João de Sá, o Negro, diante de el-rei, correu-se João de Sá; e Fernão Cardoso, assoprando-lhe no habito de Sant’Iago que trazia, disse a el-rei: — Senhor, assopro esta brasa, porque se apaga este carvão." In Descon-hecido, Autor, Ditos Portugueses Dignos de Memória. História Íntima do Século XVI. Anotada e comentada por Saraiva, José H. 3rd ed. (Lisbon: Publicações Europa-America, 1997), p. 152.Google Scholar Brasa refers to the red cross of the Order of Santiago on the front of their black habits.

¹⁴ ANTT, Chancelaria de D. João III, liv. 29, fol. 42, cited in Saunders, “Life,” p. 184n. There is a “João de Saa” listed under “cavalleiros” in the “Livro dos Moradores da Casa do Senhor Rey D. João III. do nome, Rey de Portugal,” published by de Sousa, D. António Caetano, Provas da Història Genealógica da Casa Real Portuguesa, 2nd ed., de Almeida, M. Lopes and Pegado, Cesar eds., 6 vols, in 12 (Coimbra: Atlântida-Livraria Editora, 1946–1954), 11:2, p. 491.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See the Biblioteca Nacional’s Ementas de Habilitações de Ordens Militares nos Principios do Século XVII (hereafter cited as Ementas) (Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional, 1931), pp. 86–87, and the consulta of the Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, dated 6 August 1642 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 346. According to the Ementas, Manuel’s paternal grandparents were Jacome Martins and Catarina Pires who were born in Porto. One witness claimed that young Isabel was ten years old when she left Porto for Bahia. See consulta of 26 April 1641, ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 139v.

¹⁶ The early seventeenth-century statutes are conveniently reprinted in José Justino de Andrade e Silva, Collecção Chronológica da Legislação Portugueza (cited hereafter as CCLP), 10 vols. (Lisbon, 1854–1859). Those for the Order of Christ and the Order of Avis are found in volume III, pp. 181–271 and 272–408, respectively, while those for Santiago are found in volume IV, pp. 1–66.

¹⁷ CCLPIV, 65. The Order of Christ’s new statutes were processed through its Chancellery in Lisbon five days earlier on 18 November. CCLP III, 271. For reasons that are not clear, it was not until 7 September 1630 that the same was done for the statutes of Avis. CCLP III, 386.

¹⁸ For more on the Order of Santiago in the sixteenth century, see Dutra, Francis A. “Evolution of the Portuguese Order of Santiago, 1492–1600,” Mediterranean Studies, vol. 4 (1994), 63–72.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Requirements for the Order of Christ are found in its 1627 Rule and Statutes, Part I, Title XVIII (CCLP III, 203). Requirements for knighthood in the Order of Avis are found in Title III, Chapter IX (CCLP III, 309).

²⁰ This Chapter 4 is reprinted in CCLP IV, 20.

²¹ Despite various regulations prohibiting anyone of New Christian background from becoming a member of the military orders, it was possible for those with such a background to obtain dispensations— though usually papal as well as royal ones were required. This was true both before the 1627 reformed statutes for all three orders as well as after (until the early 1670s). See Olival, Fernanda, “Para um Estudo da Nobilitação no Antigo Regime: Os Cristãos Novos na Ordem de Cristo (1581–1621)” in As Ordens Militares em Portugal (Palmela: Câmara Municipal de Palmela, 1991), pp. 233–244.Google Scholar Regulations against the admission of New Christians into the military orders began to harden during the reign of King Sebastian (1557–1578), especially with his regimento on the subject dated 6 February 1572. Despite the strong language both in this regimento and the 1627 statutes, during the last years of Habsburg rule in Portugal (1635–1640) thirteen New Christians received dispensations to become knights of Santiago. For these thirteen—all of whom remained loyal to Philip IV—see Dutra, Francis A., “The Restoration of 1640, the Ausentes em Castela, and the Portuguese Military Orders: Santiago, a Case Study” in dos Santos, João Camilo and Williams, Frederick G. eds., O Amor das Letras e das Gentes. In Honor of Maria de Lourdes Belchior Pontes (Santa Barbara: Center for Portuguese Studies, University of California at Santa Barbara, 1995), p. 118.Google Scholar

²² The regulations in Definição III are found in CCLP IV, 37.

²¹ See CCLP III, 203–207 and 310–311, respectively.

²⁴ For the Order of Christ during this period, see Dutra, Francis A., “Membership in the Order of Christ in the Seventeenth Century: Its Rights, Privileges, and Obligations,” The Americas, 27:1 (July 1970), 325.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁵ See, e.g., that for Pedro de Barbudo Maldonado, dated 8 March 1680, in ANTT, HOS, Letra P, Maço 1, Número 23.

²⁶ CCLP IV, 37.

²⁷ For the number of knights in the Order of Christ 1510–1621, see Dutra, Francis A., “Membership in the Order of Christ in the Sixteenth Century: Problems and Perspectives,” Santa Barbara Portuguese Studies, vol. 1 (1994), 233.Google Scholar

²⁸ Despite the fact that Diogo Luis de Oliveira held office almost three times the normal term and was one of the longest serving governors-general in seventeenth-century Brazil, he has yet to find a biographer,

²⁹ See Serrão, Joaquim Veríssimo, O Brasil Filipino ao Brasil de 1640 (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1968), pp. 202–204.Google Scholar

³⁰ de Varnhagen, Francisco Adolfo, História Geral do Brasil, 7th ed., 5 vols. (São Paulo: Edições Melhoramentos, 1962), 5, p. 245.Google Scholar See also Calmon, Pedro, História do Brasil, 7 vols. (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olympio Editôra, 1959), 2, p. 530.Google Scholar

³¹ See consulta of 26 April 1641 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 158v.

³² ANTT, Chancelaria da Ordem de Cristo (cited hereafter as COC), livro 10, fols. 348–348v. Oliveira also was listed in the order’s Livro da Matricula. See Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (cited hereafter as BNM), lib. 938, fol. 132.

³³ See respectively, ANTT, COC, liv. 13, fol. 203v; liv. 9, fol. 63v; and liv. 21, fol. 54v. As an inducement for him to serve in Brazil, he was issued an alvará dated 14 March 1625, allowing him to use the receipts of his three commanderies for four years to pay his debts if he died in Brazil. The following day he was promised a commandery valued at $400 annually. Later that year, on 20 September, he was granted $100 annually from the commandery of São Martinho de Pombal. See Ibid., liv. 12, fol. 39v and fol. 36v.

³⁴ ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fols. 158v–159.

³⁵ These three witnesses were Francisco de Barbuda, Tomás Pires, and António do. … (The surname of the last-mentioned is lost in the dossier’s binding.)

³⁶ They were Bras da Costa, Pedro Viegas, Jorge Ferreira, Aires de Aguirre, Luís Fernandes, Francisco Dias, Captain João Barbosa [de Melo]; Domingos Perdigão and Mateus Nunes.

³⁷ See consulta of 16 July 1630, ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42. See also Ementas, pp. 86–87.

³⁸ The reorganization had been ordered by the Crown on 12 June 1626 and implemented by the governor-general Diogo Luís de Oliveira on 31 August 1627. See Biblioteca da Ajuda (hereafter cited as BA), 49–X–7, fol. 136. For a brief sketch of the military structure of seventeenth-century Brazil, see “A Note on Portuguese and Brazilian Military Organization” by Schwartz, Stuart B. in Sierra, Juan Lopes, A Governor and His Image in Baroque Brazil. The Funeral Eulogy of Afonso Furtado de Castro do Rio de Mendonça. Schwartz, Stuart B. ed., Jones, Ruth E. trans. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1979), pp. 173–177.Google Scholar In 1638, because of the Dutch threat, there were four terços in Bahia: 1) the Terço Velho with Giovanni Vincenzo de San Felice, Count of Bagnuoli, as mestre de campo; 2) the Terço Novo with Luís Barbalho Bezerra as mestre de campo; 3) the Terço de Castela (also known as the Spanish Infantry Terço) with João Ortiz as mestre de campo; 4) the Terço de Napoles with Heitor de LaCalche as mestre de campo. See de Vilhasanti, Pedro Cadena, Relação Diária do Cêrco da Bahia de 1638. Serafim Leite, S.J. and Múrias, Manuel eds. (Lisbon: Editorial Ática, 1941), pp. 147–156.Google Scholar

³⁹ DH XVII, 36–37. Earlier he had been given a company of infantry by a carta régia dated 29 April 1628. See the requerimento of Manuel Gonçalves Doria and its annexes described in da Fonseca, Luiza “Índice Abreviado dos Documentos do Século XVII do Arquivo Histórico Colonial de Lisboa” in Anais do Primeiro Congresso de História da Bahia, 5 volumes (Salvador: Tipografia Beneditina, Ltda., 1950), 2, p. 42.Google Scholar The items are numbered 466–468. The Arquivo Histórico Colonial is now the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino.

⁴⁰ See document no. 468 mentioned in the preceding note.

⁴¹ DH XVII, 37.

⁴² Ibid.

⁴³ For this or a similar investigation, see Schwartz, Stuart B., Sovereignty and Society in Colonial Brazil. The High Court of Bahia and its Judges, 1609–1751 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), p. 199.Google Scholar For other complaints against Oliveira, see the undated document entitled “Queixas que Lourenço de Brito Correa faz a S. Mag. das vexações, opressões publicas, injustiças e roubos que Diogo Luiz de Oliveira, Governador do Brasil, cometeu naquelle Estado,” BA, 49–X–10, fol. 320. The king’s response is dated 28 August 1631, BA, 51–VI–3, fol. 29v. See also the letters of the governor of Portugal, dated 14 February 1632 (BA, 51–VI–4, fol. 212v) and the king, dated 15 December 1632, (BA, 51–VI–6, fol. 54v). On 27 August 1633 Lourenço was identified as Captain Lourenço de Brito Correa, Fidalgo da Casa de Sua Magestade. See Livro Velho do Tombo do Mosteiro de São Bento da Cidade do Salvador (Bahia: Tipografia Beneditina, 1945), p. 80. Other complaints about the “molestias e vexações” caused by the governor-general are found in the letters of Francisco Soares de Abreu, provedor-mor da fazenda: Letter to the king, dated 20 November 1629, BA, 49–X–10, fol. 144; letters to the king, 25 September and 1 October 1630, BA, 51–X–12, fols. 154, 208, 290 and 370. Oliveira’s retaliation against Soares de Abreu is discussed in the latter’s letter of 3 February 1632, BA, 49–X–12, fol. 22. See also the response of the Conselho da Fazenda in documents dated 11 December 1635, BA, 49–X–10, fol. 165. The case dragged on even after Soares de Abreu’s death. See the consulta of 30 March 1640, BA, 51–V–6, fol. 286. The governor-general imprisoned Lourenço de Brito Correia. See the king’s letters of 18 March and 15 December 1632 in BA, 51–VI–4, fol. 60v and 51–VI–6, fol. 54v, respectively.

⁴⁴ The affidavit by Pedro da Silva is mentioned in the Mesa’s consulta of 6 August 1642 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 346v. In addition, Manuel presented further documentation regarding the governor-general’s “grandes mollestias e perseguições.” See consulta of 26 April 1641 in Ibid., fol. 157.

⁴⁵ Clearly, his military experience as mestre do campo in Flanders and the dangers Brazil was facing from Dutch attack—Pernambuco had been invaded in February of 1630—go far to explain King Philip IV’s reluctance to remove him from office. Oliveira was praised for readying Bahia defensively and for defending the Brazilian capital against the two attacks of Piet Heyn in 1627. See the praise given Oliveira in de Melo, D. Francisco Manuel, Epanáforas de Vária História Portuguesa, 3rd ed., Prestage, Edgar ed. (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 1931), pp. 378–379.Google Scholar For a favorable account by a modem historian of Oliveira’s three terms as governor-general, see Calmon, , História do Brasil 2, 530.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ However, both Matias de Albuquerque (former governor-general of Brazil and superintendent of the war against the Dutch in Pernambuco until 1635) and Diogo Luís de Oliveira, after having arrived in northern Portugal upon returning with the fleet from Brazil in 1636, were ordered to be taken into custody. Albuquerque was imprisoned in Castelo da Vide and Oliveira in Tomar, while official investigations (devassas) were being undertaken by Francisco de Andrade Leitão and Jorge Correia de Lacerda. See letter of King to Vicereine of Portugal, Princess Margarida, Madrid, 11 August 1636, BA, 51–VI–8, fol. 40. Albuquerque remained under arrest until the Portuguese Restoration. Oliveira was freed and in 1637 served in Cantabria as mestre de campo under the Neapolitan D. Francisco Carrafa, Duke of Nochera, to defend northern Spain against the French armies of Louis XIII. However, both men incurred the displeasure of the Count-Duke of Olivares and were imprisoned. For the death of Oliveira in prison, see de Melo, D. Francisco Manuel, Ecco Polytico. Responde en Portugal a la Voz de Castilla (Lisbon: Paulo Craesbeeck, 1645),Google Scholar pp. llv–12. For more on Oliveira after his service in Brazil, see the same author’s Epanáforas, pp. 42; 64; 142–143. Oliveira was still dealing with repercussions from his actions as governor-general of Brazil as late as 26 March 1639. See consulta of that date in BA, 51–V–6, fol. 201.

⁴⁷ See consulta of 6 August 1642 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fols. 346v–347 and the consulta of 26 April 1641 in Ibid., fols. 157–158.

⁴⁸ See consulta of 26 April 1641, ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 158.

⁴⁹ For details on the Dutch invasion and the Iberian response, see Boxer, Charles R., The Dutch in Brazil, 1624–1654 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), pp. 39–43.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See consulta of 6 August 1642 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 347v.

⁵¹ See the letter of 20 April 1630, HOS, Letra M, Maço 5, Número 29 and the consulta of 16 July 1630 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42.

⁵² See letter of 20 April 1630, ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 5, Número 29

⁵³ Ibid.

⁵⁴ Undated formal petition (requerimento) in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42.

⁵⁵ ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 5, Número 29. See also the consulta of 16 July 1630, ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42.

⁵⁶ DH XVII, p. 38. He probably arrived shortly before 18 July 1630, for on that day Captain Santos da Costa,”who only a few days earlier had arrived from Portugal,” was killed in a skirmish against the Dutch. See Albuquerque Coelho, Duarte de, Memórias Diárias da Guerra do Brasil, 1630–1638 (Recife: Secretaria do Interior, 1944), pp. 41–42,Google Scholar under the entry of 18 July. This is a Portuguese translation of Memórias Diárias de la Gverra del Brasil (Madrid: Diego Diaz de la Carrera, 1654). Duarte was the fourth lord-proprietor of Pernambuco. Matias de Albuquerque was Duarte’s younger brother.

⁵⁷ ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42. The consulta was signed by the deputies D. António Mascarenhas, Sebastião de Carvalho, Diogo de Brito, and D. Carlos de Noronha.

⁵⁸ Bento Maciel Parente, who has been described as “a courageous but rapacious Indian-fighter and backwoodsman,” still lacks a definitive biography. The quotation is from Schwartz, Stuart B., “Colonial Brazil, c. 1580-c.1750: Plantations and Peripheries” in Bethell, Leslie, ed., The Cambridge History of Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984) 2, p. 474.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ It is not clear if he were ever a knight in Santiago. There is no record of his membership in the registry books of the order.

⁶⁰ See letters of the king dated 15 May and 8 June 1630 in ANTT, Mesa da Consciência e Ordens, liv. 30, fols. 145v–146 and 146 respectively.

⁶¹ ANTT, COC, liv. 26, fols. 90v–91; He was listed in the Order’s Livro da Matricula for 1630. See BNM, lib. 938, fol. 148v.

⁶² See Coelho, Albuquerque, Memórias Diárias, p. 42.Google Scholar Bento Maciel Parente should not be confused with his illegitimate son with the same name. The younger Bento Maciel Parente’s mother was an Amerindian from São Paulo. The younger Bento possibly was conceived when his father was in São Paulo with D. Francisco de Sousa about 1609. The Brazilian-born younger Bento was awarded a knighthood in the Order of Christ on 5 April 1644 for his services in Brazil and in Portugal during the Wars of Restoration. This Bento received permission to have the São Paulo or maternal part of his background investigation held in Lisbon (the paternal part being conducted in Viana and Caminha). A number of impediments were discovered: His father’s father was a tailor, his maternal grandparents were pagans from Brazil, and he himself was illegitimate. Though in a consulta dated 20 July 1644, the Mesa da Consciència e Ordens recommended a dispensation because of Bento’s services at the front in the Wars of Restoration, King João IV refused. There is no record in the registry books of the Order of Christ that the younger Bento ever received the knighthood he had been awarded, though, earlier, he was made a fidalgo da casa real. See ANTT, Habilitações da Ordem de Cristo (cited hereafter as HOC), Letra B, Maço 12, Número 85. His award of the knighthood in the Order of Christ is found in Inventario dos Livros das Portarias do Reino (cited hereafter as IPR) 2 vols. (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional, 1909–1912), I, p. 94. See fn. 80 below

⁶¹ See Calmon, , História do Brasil, 2, p. 557.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Varnhagen, , História Geral, 5, 273.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Coelho, Albuquerque Memórias Diárias, p. 42.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See consulta of 26 April 1641 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 159.

⁶⁷ Ibid.

⁶⁸ This testimony is synthesized in Ibid., fols. 159–160.

⁶⁹ ibid., fol. 160v.

⁷⁰ Ibid., fols. 160V–161. See also consulta of 6 August 1642, ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 348v.

⁷¹ The confession and the identification of Isabel Fernandes are found in Gonsalves de Mello, José António ed., Confîssões de Pernambuco 1594–1595 (Recife: Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 1970), pp. 118–119.Google Scholar There is no Isabel Fernandes from Itamaracá in the two volumes of Inquisition records from Licenciado Heitor Furtado de Mendoça’s visit to Bahia, 1591–1593, that have been published. See de Abreu, João Capistrano ed., Primeira Visitação do Santo Officio ás Partes do Brasil. Confissões Bahia, 1591–1592 (Rio de Janeiro: F. Briguiet & Ca., 1935)Google Scholar and de Abreu, João Capistrano ed., Primeira Visitação do Santo Officio ás Partes do Brasil. Denunciações da Bahia, 1591–1593 (São Paulo: Homenagem de Paulo Prado, 1925).Google Scholar Finally, none of the women with the name Isabel Fernandes denounced to the Inquisition in Pernambuco, Itamaracá, and Paraiba between 1593–1595 fit the description of the Isabel Fernandes from Itamaracá. See de Mendoça, Heitor Furtado, Primeira Visitação do Santo Officio ás Partes do Brasil. Denunciações de Pernambuco, 1593–1595 (São Paulo: Homenagem de Paulo Prado, 1929).Google Scholar

⁷² See consulta of 26 April 1641, ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 161. The actual consulta of 12 September 1631 and Philip IV’s response is missing from Manuel’s dossier.

⁷³ Ibid.

⁷⁴ BA, 51–VI–3, fol. 131.

⁷⁵ DH XVI, 60–61. Manuel’s patent was registered in Bahia on 9 August 1632. Ibid., p. 61.

⁷⁶ See document no. 676 in Fonseca, , “Índice Abreviado,” p. 57.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ See consulta of 6 August 1642 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 347v.

⁷⁸ DH XVII, 145–148. See also Ibid., pp. 468–469. Duarte de Albuquerque Coelho, who was in the Brazilian capital at the time, calls him Francisco Gonçalves. In an entry dated 26 April 1638, Albuquerque Coelho mentioned the exploits of Francisco Gonçalves, brother of Captain Manuel Gonçalves Doria, both natives of Bahia, fighting the Dutch. See Memórias Diárias, p. 284. According to his patent, Francisco had been serving the crown since 1625 and had played an important role in driving the Dutch from the Brazilian capital that year.

⁷⁹ Boxer, , Dutch in Brazil, 1624–1654, p. 87.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ de Vilhasanti, Cadena, Relação Diària, p. 52.Google Scholar See also pp. 314–315 for Manuel Múrias’s list of documents on the military career of Gonçalves Doria. Manuel’s brother Francisco was rewarded for his bravery against the Dutch in 1638 by being granted an “escudo de vantagem.” Ibid., p. 262. A copy of the award is found in DH XVII, 468–469. This document makes special mention of Francisco’s services against the Dutch forces on 18 May 1638. It also states that Francisco’s father—and presumably Manuel’s father as well—was killed during the 1638 Dutch attack on Bahia, . Ibid., p. 469.Google Scholar

⁸¹ For his services on the armada headed by the 1st Count of Torre, see the consulta of 26 April 1641 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 158. The 1641 consulta states: “E porqto elle supplicante tornou acontinuar na guerra do Brasil desde o dito ano de 1638 ate o passado de 1640 que foi na armada do Conde da Torre e veo deRotado a esta cidade de Indias.” The 1642 consulta gives the impression that he never left Brazil until 1640—“em que se embarcou na armada do Conde da Torre e foi deRotada a Indias.” See fol. 347v. The Count of Torre’s armada left Lisbon in September of 1638. After much loss of life by disease off the Cape Verde islands, the armada arrived in Bahia in 1639. After obtaining reinforcements and supplies, it set sail on 19 November 1639 to attack Dutch-held Pernambuco. For the Count of Torre’s expedition, see Boxer, C.R. Salvador de Sá and the Struggle for Brazil and Angola, 1602-1686 (London: The Athlone Press, 1952), pp. 116–120.Google Scholar

⁸² See consulta of 26 April 1641 in ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 158.

⁸³ Ibid., fols. 157–162.

⁸³ Ibid., fol. 157. King João IV (r. 1640–1656), especially in the early years of his reign—in contrast to his widow Queen Luisa when she served as regent (1656–1662) for young Afonso VI—was reluctant to grant dispensations, especially to those born in Brazil, despite their excellent services. Another good example is the case of the Paraiban-born Feliciano Dourado. On 12 April 1642, Dourado, a future member of the newly-created Portuguese Overseas Council was awarded a knighthood in Santiago. IPR I, 42. He was serving as secretary to the Portuguese embassy to the Netherlands. Dourado’s initial background investigation revealed that his paternal grandfather had been a carpenter and that little was known about his grandmother—though both were from Portalegre in Portugal. The Mesa da Consciència e Ordens in a consulta dated 19 May 1642, recommended a dispensation. On 21 May and 27 October 1642 King João demanded further diligence by the Mesa in obtaining more information about Dourado's maternal grandmother. On 6 February 1643, the Portuguese monarch ordered the Mesa to follow the statutes of the order. It was not until 19 July 1644 that King João IV authorized the dispensation. See ANTT, HOS, Letra F, Maço 2, Número 6. The carta de hábito was dated 23 August 1644 and authorized that the ceremonies take place in the Netherlands. ANTT, COS, liv. 15, fols. 137–137v.

⁸⁵ ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fols. 156–156v. The consulta was signed by the deputies D. Carlos de Noronha, Estêvão Fuzeiro de Sande, Simão TorreSão Coelho and D. Leão de Noronha.

⁸⁶ Ibid., fol. 156v.

⁸⁷ Ibid.

⁸⁸ Ibid., fol. 156.

⁸⁹ ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fols. 346–350v.

⁹⁰ de Vilhasanti, Cadena, Relação Diária, p. 315,Google Scholar citing the consulta of 21 January 1644 in Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (cited hereafter as AHU), códice 13, fol. 25.

⁹¹ For the “armada,” see Boxer, , Salvador de Sá, pp. 182–211.Google Scholar

⁹² See dos Santos, H. Madureira, Catálogo dos Decretos do Extinto Conselho de Guerra (Lisbon: Gráfica Santelmo, Lda., 1957) 1, 160.Google Scholar

⁹³ de Vilhasanti, Cadena Relação Diária, p. 315,Google Scholar citing AHU, códice 92, fol. 97.

⁹⁴ IPR I, 250. The portaria states that Manuel was being rewarded for his services in “Pernambuco, Bahia e Salvador.” Salvador should read Portugal.

⁹⁵ ANTT, HOS, Letra M, Maço 4, Número 42, fol. 345. In addition to Mendonça, the consulta was signed by D. Leão de Noronha, Diogo de Sousa, and André Franco.

⁹⁶ Boxer, , Dutch in Brazil, p. 190.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ ANTT, COS, liv. 15, fol. 168.

⁹⁸ See, Dutra, , “Blacks,” p. 31.Google Scholar The definitive biography of Vieira is that of Gonsalves de Mello, José António, João Fernandes Vieira, Mestre de Campo do Terço de Infantarla de Pernambuco, 2 vols. (Recife: Universidade do Recife, 1956).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ For further discussion of these four cases, see Dutra, , “Blacks,” pp. 26–30.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ ANTT, HOC, Letra B, Maço 12, Número 149.

¹⁰¹ See ANTT, HOC, Letra G, Maço 6, Número 159. For his carta de hábito and dispensation, see COC, liv. 79, fol. 217.

¹⁰² ANTT, Habilitações da Ordem de Avis, Letra D, Maço 1, Número 1.