Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-2brh9 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T09:19:35.678Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Guayaquil Through Independence: Urban Development in a Colonial System*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Michael L. Conniff*
Affiliation:
University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico

Extract

In the 1530’s, as Mexico and then Peru began sending eastward the treasure which would so profoundly affect European life, the town of Guayaquil was established on the coast of present-day Ecuador. During the next three centuries Guayaquil developed into a society fundamentally different from and even antithetical to those of the great highland capitals. Agriculture, industry, and commerce, rather than mining, became the mainstays of Guayaquil’s economy. The decline of indigenous population on the coast and an influx of free Negroes from the north rendered an egalitarian and racially mixed people of low social differentiation. Cacao grown on the coastal lowlands provided the thrust for a wide range of trade and manufacturing activities. Yet tensions between location on a main imperial trade route and the stifling commercial control of nearby Lima resolved into a rough-and-tumble political system which thrived on contraband and autonomy. By the early nineteenth century Guayaquil had achieved a large measure of independence from Spain, and it played an important role in the liberation movements of western South America. After sketching the early development of the city, we will examine in some detail the system of labor and production in Guayaquil during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Then the city’s precocious autonomy within the colonial system will be discussed, prior to a concluding assessment of the social outcomes of Guayaquil’s development by the time of Independence.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 1977

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

The author wishes to acknowledge the valuable advice of professors Frederick Bowser, Richard Morse, and Peter Bakewell, who read earlier drafts of this paper. Full responsibility for the interpretations contained is of course my own.

References

1 The most authoritative work on the foundation of Guayaquil is Ycaza, Julio Estrada, La fundación de Guayaquil (Guayaquil, 1974)Google Scholar, which may be supplemented by Dora León Borja, “Reinterpretación de las fuentes relativas a la fundación de Guayaquil,” Revista de Indias, 24 (July-Dec. 1964), 383–410, as well as the works they cite.

2 Phelan, John Leddy, The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century (Madison, 1967)Google Scholar, ch. 4.

3 Dobyns, Henry F., “Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemispheric Estimate,” Current Anthropology, 7 (Oct. 1966), 395449.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 Hardoy, Jorge E. and Aranovich, Carmen, “Urbanización en América Hispana entre 1580 y 1630,” Boletín del Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Estéticas, 11 (1969), 989 Google Scholar, and Urban Scales and Functions in Spanish America Toward the Year 1600: First Conclusions,” Latin American Research Review, 5 (Fall 1970), 5791.Google Scholar

5 Descripción de la Governación de Guayaquil, en lo natural,” in Colección de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organización de las antiguas posesiones españolas de América y Oceanía (Madrid, 1864–1884), IX, pp. 247290 Google Scholar. Cf. also Espinosa, A. Vázquez de, Compendium and Description of the West Indies, trans, by Clark, Charles Upson (Washington, D. C., 1942), pp. 370379.Google Scholar

6 Data for the 1540’s are from Vargas, José María, La economía politica del Ecuador durante la Colonia (Quito, 1957), pp. 131134 Google Scholar. Crown and Church encomiendas are excluded from the average income. The 1605 figures are from “Descripción de Guayaquil,” pp. 261–263. The pesos used in Guayaquil were of eight reales, and hereafter all monetary data will be given in pesos of eight where possible. Incomes from 30 encomenderos were available for the 1540’s average, whereas only 11 could be used for the 1605 figure. Cf. data which corroborate this decline in the 1580’s, in Espada, M. Jiménez de la, Relaciones geográficas de Indias-Perú, ed. by Carreras, José Urbano Martínez (Madrid, 1965), II, pp. 337340.Google Scholar

7 Phelan, , Kingdom of Quito, p. 59.Google Scholar

8 ‘Descripción de Guayaquil,” p. 266; Soto, Alberto Landazuri, El régimen laboral indígena en la real audiencia de Quito (Madrid, 1959), p. 26.Google Scholar

9 Borja, Dora León and Szászdi, Adam, “El comercio de cacao de Guayaquil,” Revista de Historia de América, 5758 (1964), pp. 7 ff.;Google Scholar Farías, Eduardo Arcila, Comercio entre Venezuela y México en los siglos XVI y XVII (Mexico, 1951), pp. 249278.Google Scholar

10 Phelan, John Leddy, “The Road to Esmeraldas: The Failure of a Spanish Conquest in the Seventeenth Century.Essays in History and Literature Presented by Fellows of the Newberry Library to Stanley Pargellis (Chicago, 1965), pp. 91107.Google Scholar

11 MacLeod, Murdo J., Spanish Central America, A Socioeconomic History, 1520–1720 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1973)Google Scholar, ch. 5 and passim; Farías, Eduardo Arcila, Economía colonial de Venezuela (Mexico, 1946), pp. 89 ff.Google Scholar

12 Clayton, Lawrence Anthony, “The Guayaquil Shipyards in the Seventeenth Century: History of a Colonial Industry,” Diss. Tulane, 1972, pp. 1012 Google Scholar. Much of the discussion which follows is based on this excellent study.

13 Juan, Jorge and Ulloa, Antonio de, Noticias secretas de América (Madrid, 1918), p. 86;Google Scholar Huerta, Pedro José, “Las confradías guayaquileñas,” Cuadernos de Historia y Arqueología (Aug. 1954), 170 ff.Google Scholar

14 Memorias de los Virreyes del Perú, Marqués Mancera y Conde de Salvatierra, ed. by Polo, José Toribio (Lima, 1896), pp. 6162.Google Scholar

15 León Borja and Szászdi, “Comercio de cacao,” and Arcila Farias, Comercio de Venezuela. Both deal extensively with the competition for the market of New Spain.

16 Erneholm, Ivar, Cacao Production of South America. Historical Development and Present Geographical Distrubution (Gothenburg, 1948), pp. 5260 Google Scholar. This published dissertation is a good comparative source on cacao.

17 Franco, Modesto Chávez, Crónicas del Guayaquil antiguo (Guayaquil, 1930), p. 22;Google Scholar Hamerly, Michael T., Historia social y económica de la antigua provincia de Guayaquil, 1763–1842 (Guayaquil, 1973), pp. 4950;Google Scholar Destruge, Camilo, Historia de la Revolución de octubre y campaña libertadora de 1820–22 (Barcelona, 1920), p. 45.Google Scholar

18 Herrera, Dionysio de Alsedo y, Compendio histórico de Guayaquil (1741; facsimile rpt. Madrid, 1946), pp. 1518;Google Scholar Franco, Chávez, Guayaquil antiguo, pp. 97 and passim.Google Scholar

19 Clayton, , “Guayaquil Shipyards,” pp. 189194.Google Scholar

20 Soldán, Manuel Moreyra y Paz and Castillo, Guillermo Céspedes del (eds.), Virreinato peruano, documentos para su historia (Lima, 1955), III, p. 295.Google Scholar

21 Borja, León and Szászdi, , “Comercio de cacao,” pp. 1819.Google Scholar

22 Hussy, Roland Dennis, The Caracas Company, 1728–1784 (Cambridge, Mass., 1934)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, passim; Juan, Jorge and Ulloa, Antonio de, A Voyage to South America (Dublin, 1765), I, p. 141.Google Scholar

23 Pp. 225–226 ff.

24 García, José Antonio García y, Relaciones de los vireyes del Nuevo Reino de Granada (New York, 1869), pp. 67, 250;Google Scholar Vargas, , Economía política, pp. 117 ff.Google Scholar

25 Castillo, , Gobernadores de Guayaquil, p. 220 Google Scholar. New light is shed on this energetic governor in Filemón Arribas, “Nuevas noticias sobre Don Ramón García de León y Pizarro, Gobernador de Guayaquil,” Revista de Indias, 30 (1970), 21–48.

26 A Historical and Descriptive Narrative of Twenty Years’ Residence in South America (London, 1825), II, pp. 213214.Google Scholar

27 II, pp. 233–234. The hats were exported widely along the western seaboard in the nineteenth century, and, popular among French and United States canal engineers, they came to be known as “Panama hats.”

28 Frasco, Juan Pío de Montúfar y, “Razón sobre el estado y gobernación política y militar de la jurisdicción de Quito en 1754,” Colección de libros raros o curiosos que tratan de Ameríca, XI (Madrid, 1894), pp. 149150;Google Scholar Memoria del Virrey del Perú, Marqués de Avilés, ed. by Romero, Carlos Alberto (Lima, 1896), p. 91;Google Scholar Memoria de gobierno del Virrey del Perú, Joaquín de la Pezuela, 1816–1821, ed. by Casado, Vicente Rodríguez and Villena, Guillermo Lohmann (Seville, 1947), pp. 695-696.Google Scholar

29 Baleato, , Monografía de Guayaquil, p. 8;Google Scholar Juan, and Ulloa, , A Voyage, I, p. 142;Google Scholar Stevenson, , Historical Narrative, II, p. 226;Google Scholar Universal, El Viajero, in El Ecuador visto por los extranjeros, ed. by Toscano, Humberto (Pueblo, 1960), p. 178;Google Scholar Terry, Adrian R., Travels in the Equatorial Regions of South America in 1832 (Hartford, 1834), p. 85.Google Scholar

30 This observation is based on details from a variety of sources, including early Lima newspapers. Cf. Hamerly, , Historia social, pp. 123124.Google Scholar

31 Conversely, a country which exported more than it imported would be covering imports of commercial services. For a parallel interpretation, see Hamerly, , Historia social, pp. 131132.Google Scholar

32 García, García y, Relaciones de los vireyes, p. 501 Google Scholar, emphasis added.

33 Borja, León and Szászdi, , “Comercio de cacao,” p. 45;Google Scholar Wood to Canning, British Consular Reports, pp. 242–243.

34 Clayton, , “Guayaquil Shipyards,” pp. 128 ff.Google Scholar

35 Baleato, , Monografía de Guayaquil, p. 84.Google ScholarA

36 Juan, and Ulloa, , in Noticias secretas, pp. 78 ff.Google Scholar, provide an excellent description of Guayaquil’s advantages.

37 Juan, and Ulloa, , Noticias secretas, p. 87;Google Scholar Wood to Canning, British Consular Reports, p. 239; Great Britain, “Consular Reports,” F.O. 25/1-10. Cf. also Clayton, , “Guayaquil Shipyards,” Appendix F; Hamerly, , Historia social, p. 132.Google Scholar

38 Based on a model which assumes that an average ship’s life was 15 years and that fleet growth was from 35 to 83 vessels between 1740 and 1830.

39 Noticias secretas, p. 86.

40 “Relación … de todos los empleos políticos …,” Boletín del Archivo Nacional de Historia, 5 (1959), 24. Some conflict may have arisen by the early nineteenth century, as noted by Hamerly, , Historia social, p. 108.Google Scholar

41 Stevenson, , Historical Narrative, II, p. 228 Google Scholar, noted that cacao trees were planted 14 or 15 feet apart, indicating 513 trees to the hectare. Castillo, , Gobernadores de Guayaquil, p. 220 Google Scholar, contains figures suggesting that a tree produced about two pounds of dried cacao per annum. Similar figures are given by the United States consul during the 1890’s in Cocoa and Chocolate, a Short History, 2nd ed. (Dorchester, 1910), pp. 1315.Google Scholar

42 Hamerly, , Historia social, ch. 4.Google Scholar

43 Hamerly, , Historia social, pp. 154155.Google Scholar

44 Wood to Canning, British Consular Reports, passim.

45 Juan, and Ulloa, , A Voyage, I, p. 155 Google Scholar, indicate that 25 pesos per ton would not cover harvesting costs, while Terry, , Travels in 1832, p. 66 Google Scholar, indicates a minimum of 49 pesos.

46 Hamerly, , Historia social, p. 111.Google Scholar

47 Historical Narrative, II, p. 220 Google Scholar. Cf. also the section on gremios in Hamerly, , Historia social, pp. 145 ff.Google Scholar

48 Wood to Canning, British Consular Reports, p. 228.

49 Hamerly, , Historia social, p. 102.Google Scholar

50 Herrera, Alsedo y, Compendio histórico, p. 80.Google Scholar

51 “Relación de los empleos políticos,” p. 23; Hamerly, Historia social, table 10.

52 Alvarado, Pío Jaramillo, El indio ecuatoriano (Quito, 1936), p. 121;Google Scholar Orbe, Alfredo Rubio, Legislación indigenista del Ecuador (Mexico, 1954), pp. 20 ff.;Google Scholar García, Gabriel Cevallos, Reftecciones sobre la historia del Ecuador (Cuenca, 1967), p. 307.Google Scholar

53 Miño, Luís T. Paz y, La población del Ecuador (Quito, 1936), pp. 6, 37.Google Scholar

54 Hamerly, Historia social, tables 9–14.

55 Donoso, Julio Tobar, “La abolición de la esclavitud en el Ecuador,” Boletín de la Academía Nacional de Historia, 34 (Jan.-June 1959), pp. 513.Google Scholar

56 Andrade, Jorge Carrera, La tierra siempre verde (Paris, 1955), pp. 101 ffGoogle Scholar. Cf. Whitten, Norman E. Jr., Black Frontiersmen, A South American Case (New York, 1974), ch. 3.Google Scholar

57 Sharp, William F., “The Profitability of Slavery in the Colombian Chocó, 1680–1810,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 55 (Aug. 1975), 471 and passim.Google Scholar

58 Curtin, Philip D., The Atlantic Slave Trade, A Census (Madison, 1969), p. 216.Google Scholar

59 Farías, Arcila, Comercio de Venezuela, pp. 108135 Google Scholar. Elsewhere he gives a minimum cost of 164–175 pesos per ton, but this may be dismissed as inflated, for after the establishment of the Caracas Company the free market subsided and such figures were usually the recrimination of disgruntled planters.

60 Farías, Arcila, Economía colonial, pp. 104, 206 Google Scholar. Guayaquil’s yields are estimated in n. 41 above.

61 Lombardi, , Abolition in Venezuela, p. 35 Google Scholar. Other estimates vary, but the total is not essential for our analysis. Farías, Arcila, Economia colonial, p. 206.Google Scholar

62 Lombardi, , Abolition in Venezuela, pp. 9697,164165.Google Scholar

63 Castillo, , Gobernadores de Guayaquil, pp. 274275;Google Scholar Destruge, , Revolución de octubre, pp. 99 ff.;Google Scholar Franco, Chávez, Guayaquil antiguo, p. 220 Google Scholar. Cf. also Moore, John Preston, The Cabildo in Peru under the Bourbons (Durham, 1966)Google Scholar and Alemparte, Julio Robles, El cabildo en Chile colonial, 2nd ed. (Santiago, 1966)Google Scholar.

64 British Consular Reports, p. ix.

65 Castillo, , Gobernadores de Guayaquil, pp. 3537;Google Scholar Memorias de los virreyes, IV, pp. 285286;Google Scholar Romero, Emilio, Historia económica del Perú (Buenos Aires, 1949), p. 247.Google Scholar

66 Castillo, , Gobernadores de Guayaquil, pp. 6 and passim.Google Scholar

67 Cf. Memoria de gobierno de Manuel de Amat y Juniente, ed. by Rodríguez, Vicente and Embid, Florentino Pérez (Seville, 1947), p. 704;Google Scholar Moore, , Cabildo in Peru, p. 182.Google Scholar

68 Borja, Dora León and Szászdi, Adam, “El problema jurisdiccional de Guayaquil antes de la Independencia,” Cuadernos de Historia y Arqueología, 21: 38 (1971), 13146 Google Scholar. The legislation related to Peruvian jurisdiction over Guayaquil has been part of the border litigation between the two republics. Much documentation is available in the polemicodiplomatic literature exemplified by Ycaza, Gabriel Pino, Derecho territorial ecuatoriano (Guayaquil, 1946);Google Scholar Cornejo, Mariano H. and Osma, Felipe de, Arbitrage de límites entre el Perú y el Ecuador, Documentos anexos a la memoria del Perú presentados a S. M. el Real Arbitro, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1905);Google Scholar and Vernaza, Cornelio Escipión, Recopilación de documentos oficiales de la época colonial con un apéndice relativo a la independencia de Guayaquil (Guayaquil, 1894)Google Scholar, to cite but a few.

69 Guayaquil’s separation from Spain is best covered in Destruge, Revolución de octubre; Villamil, José de, “Reseña de los acontecimientos políticos y militares de la provincia de Guayaquil,” Cronistas de la independencia y de la República (Puebla, 1960), pp. 123198;Google Scholar West, Laurence H., “A History of Ecuadorian Regionalism, 1809–1830,” Thesis Stanford 1951;Google Scholar Roca, Juan Emilio, Recuerdos históricos de la emancipación política del Ecuador y del 9 de octubre de 1820, ed. by Concha, Jorge Pérez (Guayaquil, 1957);Google Scholar Memoria de gobierno del Virrey del Perú, 1816–1821, Joaquín de la Pezuela, ed. by Casado, Vicente Rodríquez and Villena, Guillermo Lohmann (Seville, 1947);Google Scholar Castillo, Abel Romeo, La imprenta de Guayaquil independiente (1821-1822) (Guayaquil, 1956);Google Scholar Moncayo, Pedro, El Ecuador de 1825 a 1875. Sus hombres, sus instituciones, y sus leyes (Santiago, 1885), esp. to p. 80;Google Scholar Vargas, Francisco Alejandro, Guayaquil y sus libertadores (Caracas, 1970);Google Scholar Rumazo, José, “Guayaquil alrededor de 1809,” Boletín de la Academia Nacional de Historia, 25 (July-Dec. 1945), 220252.Google Scholar

70 Rodríguez O., Jaime E., The Emergence of Spanish America, Vicente Rocafuerte and Spanish Americanism, 1808–1832 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975)Google Scholar.

71 See for example West, , “Ecuadorian Regionalism,” pp. 69, 76;Google Scholar García, Gabriel Cevallos, Refecciones sobre la historia del Ecuador (Cuenca, 1967), p. 237.Google Scholar

72 Bushnell, David, The Santander Regime in Gran Colombia (Newark, Delaware, 1954), pp. 311313;Google Scholar Szászdi, Adam, “The Historiography of the Republic of Ecuador,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 44 (Nov. 1964), 105 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar