Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t8hqh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T09:06:45.008Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

‘Fully Capable of Any Iniquity’: The Atlantic Human Trafficking Network of the Zangroniz Family

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 October 2016

Manuel Barcia
Manuel Barcia*
Affiliation:
University of Leeds, Leeds, West Yorkshire, England
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In the early eighteenth century, two Basque brothers of the Spanish Zangroniz family established a trading house in the Cuban capital. Through the expansion and diversification of their business activities over time, they created a powerful transatlantic commercial network, and in the process became important actors during a period characterized by vastly increased economic integration in the Atlantic world. Behind this growth were technological innovations. The brothers' shrewd use of them “made it possible to transport more and different kinds of items across great distances.

Type
Articles
Information
The Americas , Volume 73 , Issue 3 , July 2016 , pp. 303 - 324
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Immanuel Wallerstein has argued that globalization was a process that began in earnest at the time of Columbus but attained a real global character only in the second half of the nineteenth century. Wallerstein, The End of the World As We Know It: Social Science for the Twenty-first Century (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 59. On greater economic integration in the nineteenth century as a result of new technologies, see Hirst, Paul Q. and Thompson, Grahame, Globalization in Question: The International Economy and the Possibilities of Governance (London: Wiley-Blackwell, 1999)Google Scholar; and more specifically Hughes, Owen E. and O'Neill, Deirdre, Business, Government, and Globalization (London: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2008), 226 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2. See for example Drayton, Richard, “Maritime Networks and the Making of Knowledge,” in Empire, the Sea, and Global History: Britain's Maritime World, c.1760–c.1840, Cannadine, David, ed. (New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2007), 72–82;Google Scholar Sifneos, Evrydiki, “Greek Family Firms in the Azov Sea Region, 1850–1917,” Business History Review 87:2 (2003): 279–308;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Dejung, Christof, “Worldwide Ties: The Role of Family Business in Global Trade in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” Business History 55:6 (2013): 1001–1018;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Llorca-Jaña, Manuel, “Shaping Globalization: London's Merchant Bankers in the Early Nineteenth Century,” Business History Review 88:3 (2014): 469–495.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. See among others Stein, Robert Louis, The French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century: An Old Regime Business (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Eltis, David, “Europeans and the Rise and Fall of African Slavery in the Americas: An Interpretation,” American Historical Review 98:5 (1993): 1399–1423;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Jennings, Judith, The Business of Abolishing the British Slave Trade, 1783–1807 (Oxford and New York: Routledge, 1997)Google Scholar; Morgan, Kenneth, Slavery, Atlantic Trade and the British Economy, 1660–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Morgan, Kenneth, “Remittance Procedures in the Eighteenth-Century British Slave Trade,” Business History Review 79:4 (2005): 715–749;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Rawley, James A., London: Metropolis of the Slave Trade (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Richardson, David, Schwartz, Susanne, and Tibbles, Anthony, eds., Liverpool and Transatlantic Slavery (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; and Marques, Leonardo, “The Contraband Slave Trade to Brazil and the Dynamics of US Participation, 1831–1856,” Journal of Latin American Studies 47:4 (2015): 659–684.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For more general studies of British traders at the time, and the origins of globalization, see Jones, Geoffrey, Merchants and Multinationals: British Trading Companies in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; and Llorca-Jaña, “Shaping Globalization.”

4. The three most comprehensive studies in English on this topic and period continue to be Bethell, Leslie, The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Murray, David, Odious Commerce: Britain, Spain and the Abolition of the Cuban Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980)Google Scholar; and Eltis, David, Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar. Some recent studies have addressed the South Atlantic networks of slave traders. See among others Thompson, Estevam C., “Negreiros in the South Atlantic: The Community of ‘Brazilian’ Slave Traders in Late Eighteenth-Century Benguela,” African Economic History 39 (2001): 73–128;Google Scholar Ferreira, Roquinaldo, Cross-Cultural Exchange in the Atlantic World: Angola and Brazil during the Era of the Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Candido, Mariana, An African Enslaving Port and the Atlantic World: Benguela and its Hinterland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5. For a discussion of the British suppression of the slave-trading business, see the foundational study by Eltis, Economic Growth, 148–159.

6. For a recent study on this issue, see Schneider, Elena, “African Slavery and Spanish Empire: Imperial Imaginings and Bourbon Reform in Eighteenth-century Cuba and Beyond,” Journal of Early American History 5:1 (2015): 3–29 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7. Borucki, Alex, Eltis, David, and Wheat, David, “Atlantic History and the Slave Trade to Spanish America,” American Historical Review 120:2 (2015): 433–461 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8. Murray, Odious Commerce, 13. See also Archivo General de Indias, Seville [hereafter AGI]: Santo Domingo, 2207; and Expediente sobre el tráfico de negros, AGI: Indiferente General, 2827, fol. 1315.

9. Lamikiz, Xabier, Trade and Trust in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World: Spanish Merchants and Their Overseas Networks (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell & Brewer, 2010), 9 Google Scholar.

10. Lamikiz, Trade and Trust, 9; Baskes, Jeremy, “Communication Breakdown: Information and Risk in Spanish Atlantic World Trade during an Era of ‘Free Trade’ and War,” Colonial Latin American Review 20:1 (2011): 44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11. Lamikiz, Trade and Trust, 10; Baskes, “Communication Breakdown,” 45.

12. See for example Ross, David A., “The Career of Domingo Martinez in the Bight of Benin, 1833–64,” Journal of African History 6:1 (1965): 79–90 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jones, Adam, “Theophile Conneau at Galhinas and New Sestos, 1836–1841: A Comparison of the Sources,” History in Africa 8 (1981): 89–106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13. Lamikiz, Trade and Trust, 21.

14. Ebert, Christopher, “From Gold to Manioc: Contraband Trade in Brazil during the Golden Age, 1700–1750,” Colonial Latin American Review 20:1 (2011): 112 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 118.

15. For recent studies on European and African events of this period and how they affected the Iberian Atlantic, see among others Adelman, Jeremy, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006);Google Scholar Borucki, Alex, “The Slave Trade to the Río de la Plata, 1777–1812: Trans-Imperial Networks and Atlantic Warfare,” Colonial Latin American Review 20:1 (2011): 81–107;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Paquette, Gabriel, Imperial Portugal in the Age of Atlantic Revolutions: The Luso-Brazilian World, c. 1770–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014)Google Scholar; and Barcia, Manuel, West African Warfare in Bahia and Cuba: Soldier Slaves in the Atlantic World, 1807–1844 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16. See Sosa, Enrique, Negreros catalanes y gaditanos en la trata cubana (Havana: Fundación Fernando Ortiz, 1998)Google Scholar.

17. See for example Fradera, Josep M., “La participació catalana en el tràfic d'esclaus (1789–1845),” Recerques 16 (1984): 119–139;Google Scholar Azpiazu, José Antonio, Esclavos y traficantes: historias ocultas del País Vasco (Donostia: Ttarttalo, 1997)Google Scholar; Pastor, José Manuel Azcona, Possible Paradises: Basque Emigration to Latin America (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2001)Google Scholar; and Johnson, Lyman L., Workshop of Revolution: Plebeian Buenos Aires and the Atlantic World (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 31–35 and 44–47.

18. Azcona Pastor, Possible Paradises, 194.

19. Bunkanwanicha, Pramuan, Fan, Joseph P. H., and Wiwattanakantang, Yupana, “The Value of Marriage to Family Firms,” Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 48:2 (2013): 611–636 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20. Report of the case of the schooner São Paolo de Loando, Mariano Sgitcovich, master, Sierra Leone, July 1, 1840. National Archives, London [hereafter TNA]: Foreign Office, 84/308, fols. 202–217; Lino Carvallo to T. R. Buron, Havana, September 26, 1838, correspondence with the British commissioners at Sierra Leone, Havana, and Rio de Janeiro, relating to the slave trade, House of Commons Parliamentary Papers [hereafter HCPP] 1839 [188] Class A (Further series), fols. 50–51.

21. Luis de los Rios to the Duke of Montemar, Count of Garcier. Santander, August 9, 1816, AGI, Ultramar, 331/52. They would have at least five more children, all of them born in France between 1818 and 1825.

22. Miguel Pérez Casasolar, a nombre de Juan Jose de Zangroniz, pide copia de una R. O. de 18 de noviembre de 1806 en que se manda se le paguen a este por las cajas de La Habana, veinte mil duros que dice le tocaron allí en la lotería, AGI, Ultramar, 163/66; D. Juan Jose de Zangroniz cobra al Sor. Colector de la lotería Rl. de Nstra. Sra. de Guadalupe de México en esta ciudad, el billete premiado No. 1027, Archivo Nacional de Cuba, Havana [hereafter ANC], Intendencia General de Hacienda, 60/8.

23. Benito San Juan to Josef Antonio Caballero, Bilbao, October 18, 1806, AGI, Ultramar, 327/22.

24. Juan Ruiz de Apodaca granting a passport to Juan Bautista Zangroniz, single and 22 years of age, Havana, June 1, 1815, AGI, Ultramar, 331/52; Josefa Ignacia de Aristoy, natural de Marquina, en Vizcaya y vecina de Cádiz, viuda, solicita licencia para pasar a La Habana para recaudar personalmente intereses que tiene allí y en donde están establecidos sus dos hijos, Juan José y Juan Bautista de Zangroniz, comerciantes (1813), AGI, Ultramar, 328/26.

25. Expediente formado a instancia de Dn. Juan José de Zangroniz, para comprar un buque en los Estados Unidos y agregarlos a nuestra Marina Mercante, ANC, Intendencia General de Hacienda, 137/4; Dn. Juan José de Zangroniz con la Compa de los S.S. Reynols and García sobre cierta consignación, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 517/11; and Dn. Juan José Zangroniz como consignatario de la fragata “María Antonia” sobre averías, apresamiento y rescate de este buque en 1814, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 517/12.

26. Pieza de los autos seguidos por Dn. Juan José Zangroniz contra Dn. José Magin Tarafa sobre pesos, 1811, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 517/10. For Magin Tarafa's participation in the Cuban slave trade alongside well-known slave traders like Santiago Cuesta y Manzanal and Francisco Hernández, see Thomas, Hugh, The Slave Trade: The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440–1870 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997), 578 Google Scholar.

27. D. Juan Bautista de Zangroniz, sobre justificar la pérdida de la fragata española mercantil titulada María (a) Amalia (1815), ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 517/9.

28. Law, Robin, Ouidah: The Social History of a West African Enslaving ‘Port,’ 1727–1892 (Oxford, OH, and Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2004), 173.Google Scholar

29. Juan José de Zangroniz to the Duque of Montemar, Count of Garcier, President of the Supreme Council of Indies, Santander, August 8, 1816, AGI, Ultramar, 331/52.

30. Saugera, Eric, Bordeaux port négrier: chronologie, économie, idéologie, XVIIe-XIXe siécles (Biarritz and Paris: Khartala, 1995), 162.Google Scholar

31. Con motivos y a instancias de D. Juan Josef Zangroniz, he expedido un pasaporte para la corbeta española Flora, que por sí y a nombre de la casa de Lemonauria y Perez, vecino de Bilbao, están armando en dicha Ría, y con destino al sur de la línea Equinoccial, para la compra y conducción de negros a la Havana, Real orden de diciembre 16 de 1816, Apéndice a los tomos I, II, III y IV de la obra Decretos del Rey D. Fernando VII (Madrid: Colección de Reales Resoluciones, 1819), 248–259.

32. ANC, Escribanía de Marina, 1814, vol. 1, fol. 511.

33. See voyages 14758 (Mulato, 1817), 34125 (Télémaque, 1820), 34183 (Mentor, 1820), 2757 (Pénélope), 2756 (Ulysee, 1822), and 2831 (Aimable Claudine, 1826), in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, www.slavevoyages.org, accessed April 28, 2016.

34. There are no doubts that the Zangroniz, like other Havana-based slave traders of the period, got their contacts in Africa through French, Luso-Brazilian, or US traffickers. In the specific case of the Zangroniz, there is evidence that they had significant links with some foreign firms and individuals who were heavily involved in the slave trade at the time, including the American firm of G. G. & S. Howland Co. It may have been to foster those links that Juan José Zangroniz moved to France in the mid 1810s. For Zangroniz's debts to G. G. & S. Howland Co. in 1819, see Howland y Cía contra Juan José Zangroniz en cobro de pesos. ANC, Real Consulado y Junta de Fomento, 109/17.

35. Saugera, Bordeaux, 173. See also “Spanish ship Minerva, don José Sanchez Sangredo captain, with 500 Negroes, consigned to Don Juan Bautista Zagroniz,” in Sixteenth Report of the Directors of the African Institution (London: Ellerton and Henderson, 1822), 105.

36. Terragno, Rodolfo, Diario íntimo de San Martín: Londres, 1824. Una misión secreta (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2011)Google Scholar.

37. Diligencias promovidas por Juan Bautista Zangroni del Comercio de esta ciudad sobre compra de tierras a la Rl. Factoría de Tabacos de las de la Hacienda La Sagua, Jurisdicción de Matanzas, ANC, Intendencia General de Hacienda, 1824, 241/13.

38. Cuadro estadístico de la siempre fiel Isla de Cuba correspondiente al año 1846 (Havana: Imprenta de la Capitanía General, 1847), 31.

39. Quite a few other Havana-based slave trade firms used the same system. Among them were the houses of Pedro Martinez & Cía., Pedro Forçade & Cía., and Abarzuza & Azopardo.

40. Adelman, Sovereignty and Revolution, 78.

41. Macleay to the Earl of Aberdeen, Havana, July 19, 1830, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/107, fols. 204–205. In this letter Macleay referred to the Zangroniz firm as “a house most generally said to be concerned in the traffic [of slaves].”

42. Macleay to John Backhouse, Havana, October 4, 1831, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/119, fols. 171–174.

43. W. G. Ouseley, “Notes on the Subject of the Slave Trade in the Province and City of Bahia, September 1835,” TNA, Foreign Office, 84/179, fol. 325.

44. Ibid.

45. List of ships arrived from the coast of Africa between January and June 1835: “Escuna Hespanhola Amistade de Havana em 61 dias, Mestre Coarrote, Consignatario, Vicente de Paula e Silva, Equipagem 20 toneladas 90, Carga em Lustro. Passageiro João José Zangrome levou certificado, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/180, fols. 43–43v. To return to Whydah he needed to request a new passport in Bahia. Joao Joze Zangrony, hespanhol, solicitando passaporte, March 28, 1835, Arquivo Provincial da Bahia: Policia, 5883, Passaportes, 1834-37.

46. Verger, Pierre, Fluxo e refluxo do tráfico de escravos entre o Golfo do Benin e a Bahia de Todos os Santos, dos séculos XVII a XIX (São Paulo: Corrupio, 1987), 448–451;Google Scholar Report of the Spanish schooner Mosca of which Juan Esifa was originally master, but of which Juan Rosenat, the boatswain, was found in charge, Sierra Leone, September 17, 1836, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/192, fols. 102–126v.

47. J. G. Zangroniz, Jun. to Miguel Palau, Ajuda, October 11, 1836, in Considerations on Negro Slavery (Edinburgh: Longman, 1824), 7–10.

48. For a discussion on this issue, see Barcia, West African Warfare in Bahia and Cuba, 73–79.

49. For details of the ships captured, see voyage 1266 (Negrito, 1833), 1297 (Mosca, 1833), 2492 (General Manso, 1835), 2548 (Josefina, 1837), 2549 (Latona, 1837), and 2674 (Jack Wilding, 1839), www.slavevoyages.org, accessed April 28, 2016.

50. Law, Ouidah, 173.

51. The origin of the term ‘Cha Cha’ is unknown. The closest description to De Souza's status to date is given by Ana Lucia Araujo, who considers him to have been a “commercial intermediary” for King Ghezo. Araujo also discussed some linguistic possibilities for the origin of De Souza's title. See Araujo, Ana Lucia, Public Memory of Slavery: Victims and Perpetrators in the South Atlantic (Amherst, NY: Cambria Press, 2010), 158 Google Scholar.

52. Campbell and Lewis to Viscount Parlmerston, Sierra Leone, March 30, 1837, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/214, fols. 133–135.

53. Report of the case of the Portuguese schooner Latona, Jozé Gervasio de Carvalho, master, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/214, fol. 141v.

54. Appendix No. 2. Commissioner's Report, HCPP 1842 [551][551–II] Report from the Select Committee on the West Coast of Africa, together with the minutes of evidence, appendix, and index, Part I, 27.

55. Report of the case of the schooner Jack Wilding, William Young, master, HCPP 1841, Session 1 (330) Class A. Correspondence with the British commissioners, at Sierra Leone, Havana, Rio de Janeiro, and Surinam, relating to the slave trade, 65. See also Judgement given in the case of the schooner Jack Wilding, William Young, master, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/270, fols. 80–86v.

56. Testimony of Reverend John Beecham. May 31, 1842, HCPP 1842 [551][551–II] Report from the Select Committee on the West Coast of Africa, together with the minutes of evidence, appendix, and index, Part I, Report and Evidence, 200.

57. Report of the case of the brig Emprehendedor, Joaquim Telles de Menezes, master, captured under Portuguese colours, Sierra Leone, September 2, 1839, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/271, fols. 34v–35.

58. Freeman, Thomas Birch, Journal of Various Visits to the Kingdoms of Ashanti, Aku, and Dahomi, in Western Africa (London: John Mason, 1844), 248 Google Scholar.

59. Crawford to Captain General Leopoldo O'Donnell, Havana, April 8, 1844, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/520, fols. 113–114v.

60. M. L. Melville and James Hook to the Earl of Aberdeen, Sierra Leone, November 12, 1844, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/506, fols. 322–329v.

61. Antonio Sanmartí to Fernando Carreira, brig “Dous Amigos,” Adjudah, November 8, 1838, HCPP, 1842 [551][551–II], report from the Select Committee on the West Coast of Africa, together with the minutes of evidence, appendix, and index, Part I.–Report and Evidence, 123.

62. Sanmartí to Juan Allende, Ajuda, July 6, 1844, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/506, fols. 337v–339; Juan Antonio da Silva Chaves to Estavão José Bruxado, Havana, March 14, 1844, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/506, fols. 335v–336v.

63. Sanmartí to Allende, Ajuda, July 6, 1844, TNA, Foreign Office, 84/506, fol. 339.

64. Crawford to the Earl of Clarendon, Havana, March 30, 1855, HCPP 1856 (0.2) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 377.

65. This stratagem was also tried in other parts of the Americas at the time. See for example Alex Borucki, “The ‘African Colonists’ of Montevideo: New Light on the Illegal Slave Trade to Rio de Janeiro and the Río de la Plata (1830–1842),” Slavery & Abolition 30:3 (2009): 427–444.

66. El gobernador capitán general de Cuba da curso a una instancia de Ignacio María Zangróniz solicitando permiso para introducir en la isla a cinco mil aprendices africanos, en calidad de libres, para destinarlos a la agricultura. Denegado por Real Orden de 4 de abril de 1854, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid [hereafter AHN], Ultramar, 4642/13.

67. For an in-depth examination of the transactions between Cuban business firms and the Mexican government for the importation of Mexican laborers, both free and prisoners, into Cuba, see Piña, Javier Rodríguez, Guerra de castas: la venta de indios mayas a Cuba, 1848–1861 (Mexico: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1990)Google Scholar, especially 99–174; and Navarro, Moisés González, Raza y tierra: la guerra de castas y el henequén (Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico, 1974)Google Scholar.

68. Percy W. Doyle to Clarendon, Mexico, February 7, 1855, HCPP 1854–55 (0.4) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 285–286.

69. Doyle to Clarendon, Mexico, March 4, 1855, HCPP 1856 (0.2) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 267.

70. Crawford to Clarendon, Havana, August 16, 1855, HCPP 1856 (0.2) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 400.

71. Diez de Bonilla to Doyle, National Palace, Mexico, March 8, 1855, HCPP 1856 (0.2) Class B. Correspondence with British ministers and agents in foreign countries, and with foreign ministers in England, relating to the slave trade, 270.

72. Doyle to Diez de Bonilla, Mexico, March 10, 1855, ibid., 272.

73. Crawford to Clarendon, Havana, March 30, 1855, ibid., 377.

74. Crawford to Clarendon, Havana, August 16, 1855, ibid., 400.

75. Crawford to Clarendon, Havana, January 29, 1856, ibid., 426.

76. Fernando de Norzagaray to the president of the Council of Ministers, Puerto Rico, July 6, 1854, AHN, Ultramar, 294/15. This company was set up in conjunction with Ignacio María's relatives from France.

77. Expediente general sobre la colonización blanca de Cuba (1863–1899), AHN, Ultramar, 91/2.

78. For the most up-to-date discussion on Chinese immigration to Cuba from 1847, see Yun, Lisa, The Coolie Speaks: Chinese Indentured Laborers and African Slaves in Cuba (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009)Google Scholar. See also Hu-Dehart, Evelyn, “Chinese Coolie Labor in Cuba in the Nineteenth Century: Free Labor of Neoslavery,” Contributions in Black Studies A Journal of African and Afro-American Studies 12 (1994): 38–54 Google Scholar.

79. Dn Ignacio María Zangronis y Cía consignatarios del cargamento de colonos embarcados en la barca francesa Louis, su Capitan D. Augusto Aubril, 1865, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio. 485/24; Ignacio María Zangroniz y Compañía, consignatarios del cargamento de colonos, barca francesa “Louis,” su Capn. Augusto Aubril, contra el buque y sus fletes y los armadores, 1866, ANC, Tribunal de Comercio, 77/10. See also “Line of transatlantic steamers (1854),” The Morning Post, London, March 31, 1855, fol. 5.

80. Testamentaría de Ignacio María Zangroniz, 1882, ANC, Escribanía de Daumy, 801/4.

81. Lombard, Jacques, Cotonou, ville africaine. Études dahoméennes X (Cotonou: IFAN, 1953), 184–185 Google Scholar.

82. Birmingham Daily Post, Birmingham, UK, September 25, 1893, 20.

83. “The Cosmopolitan Club,” The Owl, Birmingham, UK, December 15, 1899, 11.

84. Hopkins, A. G., ed., Globalisation in World History (London: Pimlico, 2002), 5 Google Scholar.

85. Watts, Steven, “Masks, Morals, and the Market: American Literature and Early Capitalist Culture, 1790–1820,” Journal of the Early Republic 6:2 (1986): 127–150.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

86. Llorca-Jaña, “Shaping Globalization,” 494–495.