1. The Nueva corónica is in the Royal Library of Denmark, Copenhagen (Gl. Kgl. S. 2234, 4º). Its outer dimensions are 14.5 x 20.5 cm; of that, the written text and the pictorial elements presented within it measure occupy 12.8 x 18 cm. All transcriptions of the text, and all folio designations not otherwise marked, are from Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Facsimile of El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno (1615/1616) (København, Det Kongelige Bibliotek, GKS 2232 4°), Royal Library, Copenhagen, Denmark, http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htm, accessed October 13, 2017. Guaman Poma initially stated that he was 78 at the time of completion, but later changed his age to 80. Fol. 1094 [1104].

2. “Y aci esta Corónica es para todo el mundo,” fol. 1168.” Another letter written by Guaman Poma and sent to Philip III informs the king that he has written the Nueva corónica and will send it on the king's request. Archivo General de Indias, Seville [hereafter AGI], Audiencia de Lima 145. The Nueva corónica demonstrates printing and typesetting conventions of the time and place. Guaman Poma decided to omit color from his drawings, so that the work could be published for a wide audience.

3. An inscription below the scene identifies the figures and book: “Ayala el autor / Presenta personalmente el autor la Corónica a su Magestad,” folio 961 [975].

4. “príncipe, quiere dezir auqui, . . . nieto del rrey dezimo, Topa Ynga Yupanqui,” fols. 962 [976], 1128 [1138].

5. For portraits as fictions of objectivity, see Berger, Harry Jr., “Fictions of the Pose: Facing the Gaze of Early Modern Portraiture,” Representations 46 (1994): 103 Google Scholar; Brilliant, Richard, Portraiture (London: Reaktion Books, 1991), 14, 31Google Scholar; Marie Carrera, Magali, Imagining Identity in New Spain: Race, Lineage, and the Colonial Body in Portraiture and Casta Paintings (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003)Google Scholar; and Woods-Marsden, Joanna, Renaissance Self-Portraiture: The Visual Construction of Identity and the Social Status of the Artist (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 1 Google Scholar.

6. For more on the communicative roles of images, see Elena Alcalá, Luisa, “‘A Call to Action’: Visual Persuasion in a Spanish American Painting,” Art Bulletin 94:4 (December 2012): 611 n112.Google Scholar

7. For an example, see the frontispiece of Le triomphe de neux preux in Van de Guchte, Maarten, “Invention and Assimilation: European Engravings as Models for the Drawings of Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala,” in Guaman Poma de Ayala: The Colonial Art of an Andean Author, Adorno, Rolena et al., eds. (New York: Americas Society, 1992), 94 Google Scholar, fig. 62.

8. For example, Philip II's portraits appeared in the Americas as a way to make himself “presente en todos sus estados, donde causando alegría,” as noted in Juan de Zabaleta, Errores celebrados (Madrid: Gregorio Rodríguez, 1653), 41.

9. See Louise Pratt, Mary, “Arts of the Contact Zone,” Profession 91 (1991): 33–40 Google Scholar; and Louise Pratt, Mary, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992), 3, 6–7.Google Scholar

10. Guaman Poma differs from artists who aspired to elevate the status of art itself, concerned as he was with elevating his own. An extensive bibliography about Early Modern portraiture exists. I cite here discussions of how portraits aided artists in elevating their status and shaped art, especially painting, as a liberal art. For an influential study, see Pope-Hennessy, John, The Portrait in the Renaissance (New York: Pantheon, 1966)Google Scholar. For more recent discussions about Early Modern portraiture, see Brilliant, Richard, Portraiture (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Cranston, Jodi, The Poetics of Portraiture in the Italian Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; and West, Shearer, Portraiture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004)Google Scholar. For discussions of European artists who used self-portraits to elevate their status and the status of painting to a liberal art, see Woods-Marsden, Renaissance Self-Portraiture; and Perry Chapman, H., “Self-Portraiture 1400–1700,” in A Companion to Renaissance and Baroque Art, Bohn, Babette and Saslow, James M., eds. (Somerset, NJ: Wiley and Sons, 2013).Google Scholar

11. Rappaport, Joanne and Cummins, Tom, Beyond the Lettered City: Indigenous Literacies in the Andes (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2012), 51 Google Scholar.

12. Adorno, Rolena, “Don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala: Author and Prince,” in Guaman Poma de Ayala: The Colonial Art of an Andean Author, 36–39; Nenita Ponce de León Elphick, “Memory, Presence, and Power: The Social Life of Peruvian portraits” (PhD diss.: Harvard University, 2007), 93 Google Scholar; Favrot Peterson, Jeanette, “Renaissance: A Kaleidoscopic View from the Spanish Americas,” in Renaissance Theory (The Art Seminar), Elkins, James and Williams, Robert, eds. (London: Routledge, 2008), 323 Google Scholar.

13. For more on the Andean search for social recognition, see Dueñas, Alcira, “Ethnic Power and Identity Formation in Mid-Colonial Andean Writing,” Colonial Latin American Review 18:3 (2009): 407–433 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Dueñas, Alcira, Indians and Mestizos in the “Lettered City”: Reshaping Justice, Social Hierarchy, and Political Culture in Colonial Peru (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2010)Google Scholar.

14. Bleichmar, Daniela, “The Imperial Visual Archive: Images, Evidence, and Knowledge in the Early Modern Hispanic World,” in Colonial Latin American Review 24:2 (2015): 236–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15. Y no ay remedio is also known as the Expediente Prado Tello. See Prado Tello, Elías and Prado Prado, Alfredo, eds., Y no ay rremedio . . . (Lima: Centro de Investigación y Promoción Amazónica, 1991)Google Scholar. For a recent discussion of these illustrations, see Joanne Rappaport and Tom Cummins, Beyond the Lettered City, 176–183. The drawings are copies of originals created by Guaman Poma, and are generally agreed to be faithful copies. See also Adorno, Rolena, Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986), 56 Google Scholar. See the digital facsimile of the Expediente Prado Tello: Legal Actions (Royal Library of Denmark, 2002): http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/manus/21/eng/, accessed October 13, 2017.

16. See Bleichmar, “Imperial Visual Archive,” 236–266; Cohen Suárez, Ananda, “From the Jordan River to Lake Titicaca: Paintings of the Baptism of Christ in Colonial Andean Churches,” The Americas 72:1 (January 2015): 103–140 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cummins and Rappaport, Beyond the Lettered City; and Stanfield-Mazzi, Maya, “The Possessor's Agency: Private Art Collecting in the Colonial Andes,” Colonial Latin American Review 18:3 (2009): 339–364.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. Iriarte, Isabel, “Las túnicas incas en la pintura colonial,” in Mito y simbolísmo en los Andes: la figura y la palabra, Urbano, H., ed. (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos “Bartolomé de las Casas”), 70–78.Google Scholar

18. Dean, Carolyn, Inka Bodies and the Body of Christ: Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco, Peru (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1999), 99, 125, 169.Google Scholar

19. Various archival sources support these claims, including the Archivo Departamental de Cusco [hereafter ADC], Intendencia, Gobierno, leg. 133, 1786; and ADC, Corregimiento, Pedimentos, leg. 82, 1582–1699. See also Dean, Inka Bodies, 103–104; and Phipps, Elena, “Garments and Identity in the Colonial Andes,” in The Colonial Andes: Tapestries and Silverwork, 1530–1830, Phipps, Elena, Hecht, Johanna, and Esteras Martín, Cristina, eds. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press and The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2004), 28.Google Scholar

20. Wills and inventories, in particular, reveal concerns about dynastic continuity. These records indicate that many Qos'qo nobles, including Juan Quispe Tito in 1648 and his daughter doña Ysavel Uypacoca in 1662, commissioned Inka portrait paintings (“rretratos de yngas”); these sometimes included a portrait of the individual who portrayed a series. See ADC, Notariales, Jose Calvo, leg. 52 (1645–1650), fol. 479r; and ADC, Notariales, Lorenzo Messa Andueza, leg. 197 (1662), fols. 1354r–1370r. Doña Ysavel's inventory lists, for instance: “ocho yngas de la estatura del tamaño de un hombre y el rretrato de mi padre entre ellos.”

21. For an extensive list of bibliographic sources on Guaman Poma, see the Royal Library of Denmark's digital facsimile online: http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/biblio/index.htm, accessed October 13, 2017.

22. The Getty Murúa measures 29 x 20 cm and contains 397 folios with 37 color illustrations. The Galvin Murúa measures 32 x 21 x 2 cm and contains 145 folios with 113 watercolor illustrations.

23. Cummins, Thomas B. F. and Engel, Emily A., “Introduction: Beyond the Normal; Collaborative Research and the Forensic Study of New World Manuscripts,” in Manuscript Cultures of Colonial Mexico and Peru: New Questions and Approaches, Cummins, Thomas B. F., Engel, Emily A., Anderson, Barbara, and Ossio, Juan M., eds. (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2014), 3 Google Scholar; Cummins, Thomas, “I Saw It with My Own Eyes: The Three Illustrated Manuscripts of Colonial Peru,” in Colors Between Two Worlds: The Florentine Codex of Bernardino de Sahagún, Wolf, Gerhard and Connors, Joseph, eds. (Florence: Villa I Tatti, 2011), 339 Google Scholar; and Cummins, Thomas B. F., “The Images in Murúa's Historia general del Piru: An Art Historical Study,” in The Getty Murúa: Essays on the Making of Martín de Murúa's Historia general del Piru, J. Paul Getty Museum MS. Ludwig XIII 16, Cummins, Thomas B. F. and Anderson, Barbara, eds. (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2008), 147–174 Google Scholar. For more on the relationship between Murúa and Guaman Poma, see Anderson, Barbara and Cummins, Thomas, “Introduction,” in the Getty Murúa, 1–6; Juan M. Ossio, “Myth and History: The Seventeenth-century Chronicle of Guaman Poma de Ayala,” in Text and Context, Jain, Ravindra K., ed. (Philadelphia: ISHI, 1977), 51–65 Google Scholar; and Juan M. Ossio, “Murúa's Two Manuscripts: A Comparison,” in the Getty Murúa, 77–94.

24. Recent discussions of Spanish colonial portraiture do not mention Guaman Poma's self-portraits or his depictions of his ancestors. For more on colonial Andean portraits, see Engel, Emily, “Official Portraiture and Authority in Late-Colonial Lima and Buenos Aires,” Dieciocho 33:1 (Spring 2010): 169–206 Google Scholar; Stanfield-Mazzi, Maya, “Cult, Countenance, and Community: Donor Portraits from the Colonial Andes,” Religion and the Arts 15:4 (2011): 429–459 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Janet Garver Stephens, “Constructing the Pre-Columbian Past: Peruvian Paintings of the Inka dynasty, 1572–1879” (PhD diss.: UCLA, 2013).

25. See for instance Chang-Rodríguez, Raquel, La palabra y la pluma en Primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Fondo Editorial, 2005), 143–163 Google Scholar.

26. The number five also suggests their importance, as Andean cosmology considers the number five particularly significant. See Urton, Gary, The Social Life of Numbers: A Quechua Ontology of Numbers and Philosophy of Arithmetic (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997), 174–177 Google Scholar. For more on the ideology of numbers, see Brokaw, Galen, “ Khipu Numeracy and Alphabetic Literacy in the Andes: Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala's Nueva corónica y buen gobierno ,” Colonial Latin American Review 11:2 (2002): 275–303 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27. Title page, Nueva corónica: “Don Phelipe Guaman Poma de Aiala, s[eñ]or i prí[n]cipe . . . su s[an]tidad S[acra] C[atólica] R[eal] M[agestad] F. G. P. D. Aiala, préncipe.”

28. Quispe-Agnoli, Rocío, “Spanish Scripts Colonize the Image: Inca Visual Rhetorics,” in Rhetorics of the Americas, 3114 BCE to 2012 CE, Baca, Damián and Villanueva, Victor, eds. (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 41–68.Google Scholar

29. “la figura contrahecha de alguna persona principal, y de cuneta, cuya efigie, y semejança, es justo quede por memoria a los siglos venideros.” de Covarrubias, Sebastián, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Madrid: Luis Sánchez, 1611), 11.Google Scholar

30. For numerous examples, consult Burke, Marcus B. and Cherry, Peter G., Collections of Painting in Madrid, 1601–1755, Gilbert, Maria, ed., 2 vols. (Los Angeles: Provenance Index of the Getty Information Institute, 1997).Google Scholar

31. Portús, Javier, “The Varied Fortunes of the Portrait in Spain,” in The Spanish Portrait from El Greco to Picasso, exhibition catalogue (London: Scala Publishers, 2004), 20–27.Google Scholar

32. Woods-Marsden, Renaissance Self-Portraiture, 1; Javier Portús et al., eds., The Spanish Portrait from El Greco to Picasso (London: Scala Publishers and Museo del Prado, 2004).

33. Brilliant, Portraiture, 104–05. Portraits foregrounding an individual's social “type” existed in other parts of the Spanish Empire. For example, Francisco Goméz de Sandoval y Rojas, duke of Lerma (d. 1625) had occupied the position of Philip III's valido or privado and used portraits to announce his position, as did Gaspar de Guzmán y Pimentel (d. 1645), the count duke of Olivares, under Philip IV. Antonio Feros, Kingship and Favoritism in the Spain of Philip III, 1598–1621 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Laura Bass, The Drama of the Portrait: Theater and Visual Culture in Early Modern Spain (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008), 89–94. For more on portraits representing types, see Stephen Perkinson, “From ”Curious" to Canonical: Jehan de Roy de France and the Origins of the French School," Art Bulletin 87:3 (September 2005): 507–532.

34. Azar M. Rejaie, “Late Medieval Self-Portraiture and Patronage: da Pavia's Ambrosiana Pliny,” Authorship 1:1 (Fall 2011), http://www.authorship.ugent.be, accessed October 13, 2017. For an in-depth study of embedded self-portraits, see Azar M. Rejaie, “Defining Artistic Identity in the Florentine Renaissance: Vasari, Embedded Self-Portraits, and the Patron's Role” (PhD diss.: University of Pittsburgh, 2006), esp. chapts. 3 and 4.

35. The literature on Early Modern portraiture is vast. Beyond what has already been cited, see Woodall, Joanna, ed., Portraiture: Facing the Subject (New York: Palgrave, 1997).Google Scholar

36. Representative sources on casta paintings include Katzew, Ilona, Casta Painting: Images of Race in Eighteenth-century Mexico (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004)Google Scholar; and Carrera, Imagining Identity in New Spain. Textual documentation confirms how commonly people engaged in physiognomic readings to ascertain a person's character. See also Joanne Rappaport, “‘Asi lo paresçe por su aspeto’: Physiognomy and the Construction of Difference in Colonial Bogotá,” Hispanic American Historical Review 91:4 (November 2011): 601–631.

37. Colors had important symbolic valence. Although Guaman Poma's black-and-white drawings do not borrow from this sign system, he sometimes describes the colors of clothing. For more on the color significance of unkus, see Joanne Pillsbury, “Inka Unku: Strategy and Design in Colonial Peru,” Cleveland Studies in the History of Art 7 (2002): 85. For more on the unku, see Phipps et al., eds., “Garments and Identity,” 16–39.

38. See for instance the essays in The Politics of Dress in Asia and the Americas, Mina Roces and Louise Edwards, eds. (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2008).

39. Jones, Ann Rosalind and Stallybrass, Peter, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 34–35.Google Scholar

40. Berger, “Fictions of the Pose,” 103.

41. “La dicha corónica es muy útil y prouechoso y es bueno para emienda de uida para los cristianos y enfieles y para confesarse los dichos yndios y emienda de sus uidas y herronía, ydúlatras y para sauer confesarlos a los dichos yndios los dichos saserdotes,” fol. 1 [1]. Confessional manuals were in wide circulation throughout the viceregal Andes, with the first written in Quechua appearing in 1560 as part of Domingo de Santo Tomás's Lexicón, o vocabulario de la lengua general de Peru. Guaman Poma would have had access to them, or at least been acquainted with their content. For an overview of the significance of confession and confession manuals in the Andes, see Harrison, Regina, Sin and Confession in Colonial Peru: Spanish-Quechua Penitential Texts, 1560–1650 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014)Google Scholar.

42. Adorno, Rolena, Guaman Poma and His Illustrated Chronicle from Colonial Peru: From a Century of Scholarship to a New Era of Reading (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, 2001), 15–16 Google Scholar.

43. In his chapter on “good government,” Guaman Poma mentioned that, “Después de auerse acauado cada uno estos dichos señores gouernadores cristianícimos, jamás se a hallado que aya uenido en fabor de los pobres yndios. Que antes todos uienen a cargar en más a los yndios. . . . Nenguno a parecido que aya escrito, abizado todo los trauajos y mala uentura de los pobres yndios,” folio 485 [489].

44. Adorno, Guaman Poma, xlv–xlvi.

45. Adorno, Guaman Poma and His Illustrated Chronicle, 16. Guaman Poma's goals are related to those of the many religious figures of the period who wrote lengthy reports depicting the plight of indigenous peoples in the Spanish Americas. For a longer discussion of Guaman Poma's borrowing from Las Casas, see Adorno, “Court and Chronicle: A Native Andean's Engagement with Spanish Colonial Law,” in Native Claims: Indigenous Law Against Empire, 1500–1920, Sarah Belmessous, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 73–80.

46. It is worth noting that Guaman Poma lauds his half-brother Martín de Ayala—a mestizo priest— as an exception, claiming his brother was a devout Christian of good moral fiber. For more on Guaman Poma's use of his half-brother as a virtuous example, see Bourchoff, David A., “Martín de Murúa, Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, and the Contested Uses of Saintly Models in Writing Colonial American History,” in Religious Transformations in the Early Modern Americas, Kirk, Stephanie and Rivett, Sarah, eds. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 96–104.Google Scholar

47. For more on Guaman Poma's exile, complaints about the Chachapoyas, and anti-mestizo sentiments, see Adorno, Guaman Poma, xxxvi–xlii.

48. “[P]or rrelaciones y testigos de uista que se tomó de los quatro partes destos rreynos de los dichos yndios muy biejos de edad de ciento y cincuenta años,” fols. 6-7 [6-7].

49. “el primero [letrado] deste rreyno,” fol. 8 [8].

50. “en la rudeza de mi engenio y ciegos ojos y poco uer y poco sauer, y no ser letrado ni dotor ni lesenciado ni latino,” fol. 8 [8].

51. Rama, Ángel, The Lettered City, Charles Chasteen, John, trans. (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1996 [1984]), ix.Google Scholar

52. Adorno, Polemics of Possession, 176.

53. Adorno, Guaman Poma and His Illustrated Chronicle, 16.

54. See for instance Adorno, Rolena, “The Depiction of Self and Other in Colonial Peru,” Depictions of the Dispossessed (special issue), Art Journal 49:2 (1990): 113 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55. For more on these projects, see de Gamboa, Pedro Sarmiento, The History of the Incas, Bauer, Brian S. and Smith, Vania, trans. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2007)Google Scholar; and Mundy, Barbara E., The Mapping of New Spain: Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of the Relaciones Geográficas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

56. See Rama, The Lettered City.

57. Rappaport and Cummins, Beyond the Lettered City; Charles, John, Allies at Odds: The Andean Church and Its Indigenous Agents, 1583–1671 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010)Google Scholar. See also Schröder de Holland, Augusta E., “El dibujante de la Nueva corónica,” in Guaman Poma and Blas Valera: tradición andina e historia colonial, actas del Coloquio Internacional Instituto Italo Latinoamericano, Cantù, Francesca, ed. (Rome: A. Pellicani, 2001).Google Scholar

58. Yupanqui, Titu Cusi, History of How the Spaniards Arrived in Peru, Julien, Catherine, trans. (Indianapolis, IN, and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing, 2006).Google Scholar

59. Dueñas, “Ethnic Power and Identity Formation,” 424.

60. Guaman Poma uses the word quilca or a variant of it on many pages of his chronicle, including fols. 191 [193], 359 [361], 381 [383], 814 [828], 1150 [1160]. For more on the complicated meaning of quilca, see Brokaw, Galen, “Semiotics, Aesthetics, and the Quechua Concept of Quilca ,” in Colonial Mediascapes: Sensory Worlds of the Early Americas, Cohen, Matt and Glover, Jeffrey, eds. (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2014), 166–202 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Dean, Carolyn, “The Trouble with (the term) Art,” Art Journal 65:2 (Summer 2006): 24–33 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mignolo, Walter D., “Afterword: Writing and Recorded Knowledge in Colonial and Postcolonial Situations,” in Writing without Words, Boone, Elizabeth Hill and Mignolo, Walter D., eds. (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1994), 292–313 Google Scholar; Walter D. Mignolo, “Signs and Their Transmission: The Question of the Book in the New World,” in Writing without Words, 239–240; and Tom Cummins, “The Uncomfortable Image: Pictures and Words in the Nueva corónica i buen gobierno,” in Guaman Poma de Ayala: The Colonial Art of an Andean Author, 58–59.

61. I refrain from referring to Guaman Poma's artistic strategies or his manuscript as hybrid, (de)colonial, subaltern, or syncretic. As others have noted, the politics of naming the artist and his manuscript with such labels mark the subject as “other.” See Dean, Carolyn and Leibsohn, Dana, “Hybridity and Its Discontents: Considering Visual Culture in Colonial Spanish America,” Colonial Latin American Review 12:1 (June 2003): 5–35 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walter Mignolo, D., “Crossing Gazes and the Silence of the “Indians”: Theodor De Bry and Guaman Poma de Ayala,” Journal of Medieval and Rennaissance Studies 4:1 (Winter 2011): 175 Google Scholar; Taylor, William B., “Introduction,” in Contested Visions in the Spanish Colonial World, Katzew, Ilona, ed. (New Haven: Los Angeles County Museum of Art and Yale University Press, 2011), 15 Google Scholar; and Vogeley, Nancy, “Colonial Discourse in a Postcolonial Context: Nineteenth-Century Mexico,” Colonial Latin American Review 2:1-2 (1993): 189–192.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

62. For more on the indigenous mediation of European pictorial conventions and ideas, see Peterson, Jeanette Favrot, “Synthesis and Survival: The Native Presence in Sixteenth-Century Murals of New Spain,” in Native Artists and Patrons in Colonial Latin America, Umberger, Emily and Cummins, Tom, eds. (Tempe: Arizona State University, 1995), 14–35 Google Scholar; and Nair, Stella, “Localizing Sacredness, Difference, and Yachacuscamcani in a Colonial Andean Painting,” Art Bulletin 89:2 (June 2007): 211–238 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

63. Ramos, Gabriela and Yannakakis, Yanna, “Introduction,” in Indigenous Intellectuals: Knowledge, Power, and Colonial Culture in Mexico and the Andes, Ramos, Gabriela and Yannakakis, Yanna, eds. (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2014), 12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

64. Nueva corónica fol. 15 [15]. For more on Guaman Poma's family and genealogy, see Zuidema, Tom, “Guaman Poma Between the Arts of Europe and the Andes,” Colonial Latin American Review 3:1-2 (1994): 37–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

65. Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Lima, 145.

66. For in-depth discussions of women before and during Spanish rule, and the transformations in gender ideologies and hierarchy, see Silverblatt, Irene, Moon, Sun, and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Class in Colonial Peru (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Socolow, Susan M., The Women of Colonial Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Powers, Karen Viera, Women in the Crucible of Conquest: The Gendered Genesis of Spanish-American Society, 1550–1600 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

67. María Elena Martínez, “Indigenous Genealogies: Lineage, History, and the Colonial Pact in Central Mexico and Peru,” in Indigenous Intellectuals, 173–201; and Ramos and Yannakakis, “Introduction,” 12.

68. Douglas, Eduardo de J., In the Palace of Nezahualcoyotl: Painting Manuscripts, Writing the Prehispanic Past in Early Colonial Period Tetzcoco, Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010), 97–98 Google Scholar. See also Rowe, John H., “Colonial Portraits of Inca Nobles,” in The Civilization of Ancient America, selected papers of the XXIX International Congress of Americanists, Sol Tax, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951), 258–268 Google Scholar; Cummins, Thomas B. F., “We Are the Other: Peruvian Portraits of Colonial Kurakakuna,” in Transatlantic Encounters: Europeans and Andeans in the Sixteenth Century, Andrien, Kenneth J. and Adorno, Rolena, eds. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 203–270 Google Scholar; Dean, Carolyn, “Inka Nobles: Portraiture and Paradox in Colonial Peru,” in Exploring New World Imagery, Spanish Colonial Papers from the 2002 Mayer Center Symposium, Donna Pierce, ed. (Denver: Denver Art Museum, 2005), 81–103 Google Scholar; and Afanador-Pujol, Angélica J., “The Tree of Jesse and the ‘Relación de Michoacán’: Mimicry in Colonial Mexico,” Art Bulletin 92:4 (December 2010): 293–307.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

69. It is possible that Inka ruler effigies, known as huauques, functioned as true portraits, but they have not survived. Maya Stanfield-Mazzi, Object and Apparition: Envisioning the Christian Divine in the Colonial Andes (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2013), 18.

70. I draw here on Carolyn Dean's definition of kamay, which she claims is not simply the “essence” of something or someone, but the “unique identity” of it. Carolyn Dean, “Inka Ancestors in the Flesh,” presentation at College Art Association 2015 Conference, Divine Impersonators: Substance and Presence of Precolumbian Embodiments, New York.

71. Dean, Carolyn, “Reviewing Representation: The Subject-Object in Pre-Hispanic and Colonial Inka Visual Culture,” Colonial Latin American Review 23:3 (December 2014): 298–319 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Carolyn Dean, “The After-Life of Inka rulers: Andean Death Before and After Spanish Colonization,” in Death and Afterlife in the Early Modern Hispanic World, John Beusterien and Constance Cortez, eds., Hispanic Issues On Line 7 (Fall 2010): 27–54, http://hispanicissues.umn.edu./assets/doc/03_DEAN.pdf, accessed October 13, 2017; Dean, Carolyn, A Culture of Stone: Inka Perspectives on Rock (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Carolyn Dean, “Inca Transubstantiation,” presentation at the symposium Contested Visions in the Spanish Colonial World, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, December 3, 2011; Brosseder, Claudia, The Power of Huacas: Change and Resistance in the Andean World of Colonial Peru (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 2014)Google Scholar, esp. chapt. 3; and Stanfield-Mazzi, Object and Apparition, 16. For more on the theoretical notion of embodiment, see Henare, Amiria, Holbraad, Martín, and Wastell, Sari, eds., Thinking Through Things: Theorising Artefacts Ethnographically (London: Routledge, 2006).Google Scholar

72. Dean, Culture of Stone, 125.

73. Artistic negotiations occurring as a result of colonialism have been theorized by a number of scholars, including Quilter, Jeffrey and Urton, Gary, eds., Narrative Threads: Accounting and Recounting in Andean Khipu, Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long Series on Latin American and Latino Art and Culture (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002)Google Scholar; Tom Cummins, “Representation in the Sixteenth Century and the Colonial Image of the Inca,” in Writing without Words, 188–219; and Terraciano, Kevin, “Three Texts in One: Book XII of the Florentine Codex,” Ethnohistory 57:1 (2010): 51–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

74. These portraits no longer survive. They were painted on a large cloth and figured both Sapa Inkas and their coyas. Three additional cloths depicted the history of Inka lineage. These paintings were known as paños, and were sent to Spain along with Sarmiento de Gamboa's Historia de los incas (1572). For more discussion of the paños, see Cummins, Thomas B. F., “Imitación e invención en el barroco peruano,” in El barroco peruano, Ramón Pinilla, Mujica et al., eds., Vol. 2 (Lima: Banco de Crédito, 2003), 27–59 Google Scholar; Julien, Catherine J., “History and Art in Translation: The Paños and Other Objects Collected by Francisco de Toledo,” Colonial Latin American Review 8 (1999): 61–89 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Dorta, Enrique Marco, “Las pinturas que envoi y trajo a España don Francisco de Toledo,” Historia y Cultura 9 (1975): 67–78 Google Scholar. Cummins notes that these paintings aided in introducing European visual conventions into the Andes and served as “some kind of historical record.” Cummins, Thomas, “A Tale of Two Cities,” in Converging Cultures: Art and Identity in Spanish America, Fane, Diana, ed. (New York: Brooklyn Museum of Art and Harry N. Abrams, 1996), 166 Google Scholar. For late colonial portraits of the Inca, see Maljuf, Natalia, “De la rebelión al museo: genealogías y retratos de los Incas, 1781–1900,” in Los Incas, reyes del Perú (Lima: Banco de Crédito, 2005), 255–257.Google Scholar

75. Thomas B. F. Cummins, “Silver Threads and Golden Needles: The Inca, the Spanish, and the Sacred World of Humanity,” in Phipps et al., eds., The Colonial Andes: Tapestries and Silverwork, 10–11.

76. See Emily Anne Engel, “Facing Boundaries: Identity and Authority in South American Portraiture, 1750–1824” (PhD diss.: University of California, Santa Barbara, 2009), 73–81; Osorio, Alejandra, “The King in Lima: Simulacra, Ritual, and Rule in Seventeenth-Century Peru,” Hispanic American Historical Review 83:3 (August 2004): 450 Google Scholar; and Bretos, Miguel A., “From Prehispanic to Post-Romantic: Latin America in Portraits,” Retratos: 2000 Years of Latin American Portraits, Benson, Elizabeth et al., eds. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2005), 30–43.Google Scholar

77. Weppelman, Stefan, “Some Thoughts on Likeness in Italian Early Renaissance Portraits,” in The Renaissance Portrait from Donatello to Bellini, Christiansen, Keith and Weppelman, Stefan, eds. (New Haven and London: Metropolitan Museum of Art and Yale University Press, 2011), 41, 64.Google Scholar

78. Dean, “After-Life of Inka Rulers,” 40. See also Gisbert, Teresa, Iconografía y mitos indiǵenas en el arte (La Paz: Talleres-Escuela de Artes Gráficas de Colegio “Don Bosco,” 1980), 119 Google Scholar.

79. For the image, see Rishel, Joseph, ed. The Arts in Latin America (New Haven: Philadelphia Museum of Art and Yale University Press, 2006), pl. VI–115, 465.Google Scholar

80. For more on how indigenous peoples manipulated heraldic devices to encode ideologies of power and ethnic identity using elements of the European visual vocabulary, see Torres, Mónica Domínguez, “Emblazoning Identity: Indigenous Heraldry in Colonial Mexico and Peru,” in Contested Visions in the Spanish Colonial World, Katzew, Ilona, ed. (Los Angeles and New Haven: Los Angeles County Museum of Art and Yale University Press, 2011), 96–115 Google Scholar; and Torres, Mónica Domínguez, “Claiming Ancestry and Lordship: Heraldic Language and Native Identity in Post-Conquest Mexico,” in Negotiating Difference in the Hispanic World, Kefala, Eleni, ed. (London: Blackwell, 2011).Google Scholar

81. Dean, “After-Life of Inka Rulers,” 35–40; Dean, “Reviewing Representation”; Dean, “Inka Ancestors in the Flesh.”

82. Pratt, “Arts of the Contact Zone,” 33–40; Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 3, 6–7. See also Adorno, Rolena, The Polemics of Possession in Spanish American Narrative (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Mignolo, Walter D., The Darker Side of the Renaissance: Literacy, Territoriality, and Colonialism, rev. ed. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005), 475–479 Google Scholar; and Mignolo, Walter D., “Crossing Gazes and the Silence of the ‘Indians’: Theodor De Bry and Guaman Poma de Ayala,” Journal of Medieval and Rennaissance Studies 4:1 (Winter 2011): 173–223 Google Scholar.

83. See Elphick, “Memory, Presence, and Power,” 56–57.

84. It is likely that the descendants of Inka kings commissioned the original painting, now lost, to substantiate legal claims to lands. Other sources for Herrera's imagery were European costume books and travel books. Cummins, “Representation in the Sixteenth Century,” 188–191. Garcilaso de la Vega apparently saw this painting in Spain in 1603. See also Fane, Diana, “Portraits of the Inca: Notes on an Influential Spanish Engraving,” Source: Notes in Art History 29:3 (Spring 2010): 31–39.Google Scholar

85. Four of the watercolor drawings in the Galvin Murúa were removed and added to the Getty Murúa. It is well known that Guaman Poma disliked Murúa. He felt that Murúa had inaccurately related the history of the Inka in his Historia general del Pirú. Adorno, Guaman Poma, 55. In Nueva corónica, he portrays Murúa several times; one portrayal shows him beating an indigenous woman at her loom (fol. 647 [661]).

86. Cummins, “I Saw It with My Own Eyes,” 334–365; Cummins, “The Uncomfortable Image,” 49; Urton, Social Life of Numbers, 202.

87. Adorno, Guaman Poma and His Illustrated Chronicle, 25. See also Cummins, “Images in Murúa's Historia general del Piru.”

88. Cummins, “The Uncomfortable Image,” 56. For stylistic similarities between Guaman Poma's chronicle and illustrations in Murúa's earlier manuscript, see Emilio Mendizabal Losack, “Las dos versiones de Murúa,” Revista del Museo Nacional 32 (1963): 176; and Cummins, “The Images in Murúa's Historia General del Piru,” 166–167.

89. The first signed South American portrait, Andrés Sánchez Gallque's Don Francisco de Arobe and His Sons, Pedro and Domingo (1599), is an exception; it gives the impression that the artist documented his subjects' appearance in detail. See Susan Verdi Webster, “Of Signatures and Status: Andrés Sánchez Gallque and Contemporary Painters in Early Colonial Quito,” The Americas 70:4 (April 2014): 603–644.

90. Dean, Carolyn, “Inka Nobles,” 85; Brilliant, Portraiture, 46; Roland Barthes, Image/Music/Text, Stephen Heath, trans. (New York: Hill and Wang, 1977), 31–51.Google Scholar

91. Adorno, “The Depiction of Self and Other,” 113. Adorno unpacks the term further in “The Indigenous Ethnographer: The ‘Indio Ladino’ as Historian and Mediator, Cultural,” in Implicit Understandings: Observing, Reporting, and Reflecting on the Encounters Between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early Modern Era, Schwartz, Stuart B., ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 379–381.Google Scholar

92. “que aprendio nuestra lengua con tanto cuidado, que apenas le diferenciamos de nosotros.” Covarrubias, Tesoro, 511.

93. The designation indio ladino had negative associations in the sixteenth century, as discussed by Rolena Adorno, “Images of Indios Ladinos in Early Colonial Peru,” in Transatlantic Encounters, 232–270. See also Rappaport and Cummins, Beyond the Lettered City, 18, 41; and Dueñas, Indians and Mestizos in the “Lettered City,” 5–6. Cummins and Rappaport note that the term ladino allows us to better comprehend the anxieties involved in colonial identities (2013, 40–43).

94. “Estos señores prencipales uirreys y príncipes y capac apo, apo, curaca, allicac y otros caualleros estauan y rrecidían en la gran ciudad del Cuzco. . . . Como dicho es, que no se elexía a hombres pobres que no sea de la casta principal,” fol. 365 [367].

95. “administrador, protetor, tiniente general de corregidor de la prouincia de los Lucanas, señor y príncipe deste rreyno,” fol. 367 [369].

96. “Nunca le hablaua yndio y yndia pobre al Ynga, cino que trayýa lengua y asesor para oýlle su justicia,” fol. 365 [367].

97. See de Guchte, Van, “Invention and Assimilation,” 97; and Valerie Fraser, “The Artistry of Guaman Poma,” RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics 29/30 (Spring 1996): 274–281 Google Scholar. For a detailed examination of visual sources for the Nueva corónica, see Augusta Emilia Holland, “The Drawings of El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno: An Art Historical Study” (PhD diss.: University of New Mexico, May 2002). Guaman Poma had access to European prints in libraries, including those of Cristóbal de Albornoz, whom he served as an assistant, and friar Martín de Murúa.

98. Fraser, “The Artistry of Guaman Poma,” 281.

99. Adorno, “The Indigenous Ethnographer,” 383.

100. For more on clothes as social signifiers, see Eicher, Joanne B., “The Anthropology of Dress,” Dress 27 (2000): 59–70 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roach-Higgins, Mary Ellen and Eicher, Joanna B., “Dress and Identity,” Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 10:4 (June 1992): 1–8 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Barthes, Roland, The Fashion System, Ward, Matthew and Howard, Richard, trans. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990)Google Scholar. For discussions of dress, social status, and ethnicity as they relate to the pre-Columbian Americas, see Orr, Heather and Looper, Mattew, eds., Wearing Culture: Dress and Regalia in Early Mesoamerica and Central America (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Schele, Linda and Miller, Mary Ellen, The Blood of Kings: Dynasty and Ritual in Maya Art (New York: Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth, in association with George Braziller, 1986)Google Scholar.

101. Bernabé Cobo (1582–1657) described the unku as “without sleeves or collar . . . shaped like our [Spanish] shirts. . . . [I]t is three and one-half spans wide and two varas long. . . . Normally this garment reaches down to their knees or more or less to within three or four fingers to the knees.” Cobo, Inca Religion and Customs, Roland Hamilton, trans., 2 vols. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), 2: 186.

102. Man's unku with lions and double-headed crowned eagles, seventeenth century, southern Andes (Bolivia?), cotton warp and camelid weft, garment dimensions: 88.9 x 75.6 cm (private collection). See Phipps, The Colonial Andes: Tapestries and Silverwork, 172–174.

103. Pillsbury, “Inka Uncu,” 84.

104. Tocapu Unku, early or mid sixteenth century, tapestry weave, wool and cotton, 91 x 76 cm (Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C.).

105. Küchler, Susanne and Were, Graeme, “Introduction,” in The Art of Clothing: A Pacific Experience, Küchler, Susanne and Were, Graeme, eds. (London: University of College London Press, 2005), ixx, xxv Google Scholar; Jones and Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing, 3, 35; Tom Cummins, “Let Me See! Reading is for Them: Colonial Andean Images and Objects ‘como es costumbre tener los caciques Señores,’” in Native Traditions in the Postconquest World, Elizabeth Hill Boone and Tom Cummins, eds. (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1998), 134.

106. Bourdieu, Pierre, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, Nice, Richard, trans. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Joyce, Rosemary A., “Archaeology of the Body,” Annual Review of Anthropology 34 (2005): 139–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Butler, Judith, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (London: Routledge, 1990)Google Scholar; Turner, Terence S., “The Social Skin,” in Not Work Alone: Cross-Cultural Views of Activities Superfluous to Survival, Cherfas, Jeremy and Lewin, Roger, eds. (London: Temple Smith, 1980), 112–140.Google Scholar

107. Voss, Barbara L., “‘Poor People in Silk Shirts’: Dress and Ethnogenesis in Spanish-Colonial San Francisco,” Journal of Social Archaeology 8:3 (2008): 411.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

108. Nueva corónica fol. 800 [814].

109. “Qué bien parese cada uno a su trage, el cacique principal como cacique principal, el yndio como yndio, y la principala como señora y la yndia como yndia bestidos, para que sean conocidos y rrespetados y honrrados. De puro borracho y coquero no se honrra, aunque esté bestido su natural camegeta y cauello cortado al oýdo,” fol. 787 [801].

110. Guaman Poma lived in the province of Lucana (or Rucana), just south of Huamanga, during his exile. Adorno, Polemics of Possession, 30–31. See also Rappaport and Cummins, Beyond the Lettered City, 176; and Prado Tello and Prado Prado, Y no ay rremedio. . . .

111. Pillsbury, “Inka Unku,” 81.

112. AGI, Legajo, Mexico, 2346 MP–Escudos y Árboles Genealógicas, 78. For an extended discussion of the significance of coats of arms for one's noble rights, see Domínguez-Torres, “Emblazoning Identity.”

113. Cummins, “We are the Other,” 203–231. For the image titled Don Marcos Chiquathopa, c. 1740–50, oil on canvas (Museo Inca, Cuzco), see Dean, Inka Bodies, pl. VII.

114. Testamento de Angelina Palla, Archivo Regional de la Libertad [hereafter ARLL] Contratos Privados, Diego de Siquiera, leg. 2307 [1571]. See also Graubart, Karen B., With Our Labor and Sweat: Indigenous Women and the Formation of Colonial Society in Peru, 1550–1700 (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2007), 137 Google Scholar. Graubart notes that the name “Palla” is a Quechua word for someone of the female Inka line.

115. For instance, see the wills of Martín Cungo (1572) or Juan Quispe (1584). Testamento de Martín Cungo, Archivo General de la Nación, Lima [AGN], Protocolos Notariales, Esquivel 33 [1572] fol. 356; and "Testamento de Juan Quispe, Archivo Regional de La Libertad, Trujillo, Protocolos Notariales, Vega 76, doc. 67 [1584]. Cited in Graubart, With Our Labor and Sweat, 216–217 n62-63.

116. Pillsbury, “Inka Unku,” 92. The kantuta (“qellmo” in Aymara) is also mentioned by Garcilaso Inca as Kantut, and is compared to clavelinas in Spain. Bernabé Cobo refers to the flower in the following manner: “Tambien le suelen llamar los indios Flor del Inka, por que la estimaban mucho los Reyes Inkas.” Fortunato L. Herrera, “Fitolatría indígena: plantas y flores simbólicas de los Inkas,” Inca 1:2 (1932): 443. See also Mulvany, Eleonora, “Motivos de flores en keros coloniales: imagen y significado,” Chungara, Revista de Antropologia Chilena 36:2 (2004): 407–419 Google Scholar; and Pardo, Luís A., “Los vestidos del inca y de la coya,” Revista del Museo e Instituto Arqueológico (Cuzco) 9:15 (1953): 16Google Scholar. Dean notes the continued use of the kantuta as a symbol of Inka authority in Inka Bodies, 140.

117. See Cummins, Thomas B. F., Toasts with the Inca: Andean Abstraction and Colonial Images on Quero Vessels (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002)Google Scholar; and Mulvany, “Motivos de flores.” For an image, see Pair of Keros, sixteenth to seventeenth century, wood and pigmented resin inlay, height: 7 in. (Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.35.15, .16), http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/1994.35.15,.16/, accessed October 6, 2017.

118. Titu Cusi Yupanqui, 158: “Avnque avia otras muchas cossas que auisar e que dezir, en especial de nuestro origen y prençipio y trajes y manera de nuestras personas, confforme a nuestro vsso . . . ” Joanne Pillsbury notes that in Peru's colonial period “textiles were symbols of social membership, rank, and prestige” much as they had been prior to the conquest. Pillsbury, “Inka Unku,” 69. See also Cummins, “Representation in the Sixteenth Century,” 199.

119. There is a large bibliography on dress in the pre-Hispanic and colonial Andes. Besides those works already cited, see Elena Phipps, “Cumbi to Tapestry: Collection, Innovation, and Transformation of the Colonial Andean Tapestry Tradition,” in The Colonial Andes: Tapestries and Silverwork, 72–99; Tom Zuidema, “Guaman Poma and the Art of Empire: Toward an Iconography of Inca Royal Dress,” in Transatlantic Encounters, 151–203; Murra, John V., “Cloth and Its Functions in the Inca State,” American Anthropologist, New Series, 64:4 (August 1962): 710–728 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cummins, Thomas B. F., “ Tocapu: What is It, What Does It Do, and Why is It Not a Knot?,” in Their Way of Writing: Scripts, Signs, and Pictographies in Pre-Columbian America, Boone, Elizabeth Hill and Urton, Gary, eds. (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2011), 277–317.Google Scholar

120. Phipps, “Garments and Identity,” 19.

121. Phipps, “Garments and Identity,” 27.

122. In a 1781 letter addressed to the Spanish king Charles III, the visitador don José Antonio de Areche noted that “the use of national garments, that could bring to their minds, the ancient Incaic memories, should be prohibited.” AGI, leg. 1085, AGI Cuzco 29, cited in Phipps, “Garments and Identity,” 27 fn71. See also Johanna Hecht, “Textiles as Cultural Memory: Andean Garments in the Colonial Period,” in Converging Cultures, 153; and Cahill, David, “Refashioning the Inca: Costume, Political Power and Identity in Late Bourbon Peru,” in The Politics of Dress in Asia and the Americas, Roces, Mina and Edwards, Louise, eds. (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2008), 182–199 Google Scholar. For more on clothing prohibitions, see Solórzano y Pereya, 1972 [1606], 395, 403, cited in Johanna Hecht, “Textiles as Cultural Memory,” 156 fn44.

123. Mercedes López-Baralt notes that in “Camina el autor,” Guaman Poma placed the sun to his right, the moon to his left. She argues that this act fashions Guaman Poma into Viracocha, “as creator of a new order that his Nueva corónica is to impose on the Andean world.” See López-Baralt, “From Looking to Seeing: The Images As Text and the Author As Artist,” in Guaman Poma de Ayala: The Colonial Art of an Andean Author, 19.

124. Dean, Inka Bodies, 109–121.

125. Nueva corónica, fol. 336 [338].

126. By 1520, Chinchaysuyu extended northwest from Q'osqo and included Quito.

127. These animals are in the Huanuco area of Guaman Poma's ancestors, fol. 165 [167]. Pillsbury, “Inka Unku,” 84. The author fabricates his coat of arms to resemble his own name (waman and poma), as well as to represent the eagle and lion emblazoned on the Castile and Leon coat of arms. Cummins suggests that Guaman Poma likely believed the king would grant the coat of arms once he recognized Guaman Poma's noble lineage. Cummins, “Let Me See!,” 100–101.

128. Positioned to the left of Q'osqo, his ancestors are placed in a hanan region, or upper region, of Tawantinsuyu rather than in a hurin region, as a way to elevate their status.

129. Capac apo, administrador, tiniente general de corregidor, protetor de la prouincia, fol. 809 [823].

130. Julien, Catherine, Reading Inca History (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2002), 27–28, 30Google Scholar.

131. “mucho mas mayor que rrey.” Juan Betanzos, n.d. [1551–1557], pt. 1, chapt. 27, fols. 64v–65; 1987, 132.

132. Lexicón, facsimile edition, Instituto de Historia. Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Lima, 1951 [1563]).

133. González Holguín, Diego, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Perú (Lima: Instituto de Historia, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1952 [1608])Google Scholar. Cited in María Rostworowski, History of the Inca Realm, Harry B. Iceland, trans. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 140–141.

134. “don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, señor y capac apo, ques préncipes,” fol. 11 [11].

135. Henry Wássen translates the Quechua “apo” as “Señor grande, juez superior.” Wássen, “El antiguo abaco peruano según el manuscrito de Guaman Poma,” in Quipu y yupana: colección de escritos, Carol Mackey, Hugo Pereyra et al., eds. (Lima: Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología, 1990), 205.

136. Guaman Poma refers to himself as capac, capac apo, and préncipe (príncipe) on many occasions, such as the titlepage. See fols. 5 [5], 11 [11], 17 [17], and 75–76 [75–76].

137. Adorno, “Don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala,” 44–45.

138. Rappaport and Cummins, Beyond the Lettered City, 176; Prado Tello and Prado Prado, Y no ay rremedio. . . .

139. Rappaport and Cummins, Beyond the Lettered City, 31.

140. For more on Andean literacy, see Rappaport, Joanne and Cummins, Tom, “Between Images and Writing: The Ritual of the King's Quillca,” Colonial Latin American Review 7:1 (1998): 7–32 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rappaport and Cummins, Beyond the Lettered City, 9–10.

141. “Señor y Cobernador fue primer conquistador y poblador de la ciudad de Guamanga,” fol. 49v of the digital facsimile of the Expediente Prado Tello, http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/manus/21/eng/49+verso/, accessed October 14, 2017.

142. “segunda persona del Ynga,” fol. 166 [168].

143. For more on the mitmaqkuna, see Kolata, Alan L., Ancient Inca, Case Studies in Early Societies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 81–84.Google Scholar

144. “Abido grandes rreys y señores y señoras prencipales y caballeros, duques y condes y marqueses en todo el rreyno. Sobre ello fue enperador apo [poderoso señor] Guaman Chaua, Yaro Uillca. Acimismo de Chinchay Suyo, Ande Suyo, Colla Suyo, Conde Suyo, Tauantin Suyo,” fol. 65 [65]; Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, The First New Chronicle and Good Government: On the History of the World and the Incas up to 1615, Roland Hamilton, trans. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009), 48.

145. “Destos rreynos del Pirú el primero gran señor sobre los tres fue Apo Guaman Chaua, Yarobilca, Allauca Guanoco, del pueblo de Guanoco el biejo.” Galvin Murúa, 1611-1613, 307r. Quoted in Adorno, Polemics of Possession, 53–54.

146. “hijo de capac apo Guaman Chaua, fue llamado Carua Poma,” fols. 349 [351] and 321 [51].

147. “el Primer enbajador de Vascar Ynga” and “virrey y segund persón del Ynga, deste rreyno príncipe,” fol. 375 [377]; “Don Martín de Ayala, segunda persona, fue por parte de Guascar Ynga, rrey lexítimo, se fue en su lugar y tiniente birrey deste rreyno y pareció ante los cristianos,” fol. 16 [16]. See also fol. 47 [47]: “y fue su segunda persona del Ynga, uirrey, capac apo [señor poderoso] don Martín de Ayala, y le besó las manos del enperador y se dio pas.”

148. “hijo y nieto de los grandes señores y rreys que fueron antiguamente y capitán general y señor del rreyno y capac apo, ques préncipe, y señor de la prouincia de los Lucanas, Andamarcas y Circamarca y Soras y de la ciudad de Guamanga y de su juridición de Sancta Catalina de Chupas, príncipe de los Chinchay Suyos y segunda persona del Ynga deste rreyno del Pirú, a la rreal Magestad del rrey don Felipe nuestro señor el ssegundo,” fol. 5 [5]. Guaman Poma borrowed this letter from the Galvin Murúa. See Juan M. Ossio, “A New Assessment of the Hidden Texts in the Galvin Manuscript of Fray Martín de Murúa,” in Manuscript Cultures of Colonial Mexico and Peru: New Questions and Approaches, Thomas B. F. Cummins, Emily A. Engel, Barbara Anderson, and Juan M. Ossio, eds. (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2014), 17–18.

149. “don Martín de Ayala, segunda persón del Topa Ynga Yupanque, y su muger, doña Juana Curi Ocllo, coya [reina], hija de Topa Ynga Yupanque, y de sus hijos. . . . don Martín Guaman Malque de Ayala fue uno de los más prencipales yndios y señor y cauallero deste rreyno, muy gran seruidor de su Magestad, segunda persona del mismo Ynga de todo este dicho rreyno],” fol. 15–16 [15–16]. See also fol. 18 [18].

150. Nueva corónica fol. 66 [66].

151. Nueva corónica fols. 49–51 [49–51].

152. “Daquí prosederá los dichos segunda persona de los dichos Yngas, la dicha generación y casta de la dicha ariua de los rrey capac apo Yaro Bilca, el quien se dio de pas y fue amigo con el dicho Topa Ynga Yupanqui. . . . Susedió capac apo Guaman Chaua, capac apo Guaman Lliuyac, capac apo Guayac Poma, capac apo Carua Poma, capac apo Lliuyac Poma. Estos dichos señores grandes duraron desde el tienpo de Topa Ynga Yupanqui y Guayna Capac Ynga hasta el tienpo de Tupa Cuci Gualpa Guascar Ynga y de su ermano Atagualpa Ynga, uastardo, y hasta la destrución del capitán Chalco Chima Quis Quis y llegó a la conquista,” fols. 75–76 [75–76].

153. There are two different types of kantuta flower. A local magistrate in “Alcaldes Horndenario de su Mag[esta]d, camiua” wears the same floral headdress and is holding a rosary. While the text does not name him as one of Guaman Poma's ancestors, the author intended to signify the connection or to associate his family members with the role of an alcalde of the king. See fol. 794 [808].

154. “Yncap rantin [que remplaza al Inka], uirrey del Ynga y deste rreyno capac apo Guaman Chaua, Yaro Bilca, Allauca Guanoco, agüelo del autor deste dicho libro, que fue segunda persona de Topa Ynga Yupanqui, como en Castilla el excelenticimo señor duque de Alua. . . . cino que le uenga derecho y antigo rrey,” fol. 341 [343].

155. Nueva corónica fol. 321 [323]; Hamilton, The First New Chronicle and Good Government, 319–320 n333. Poma Chaua was an ancestral name of Guaman Poma.

156. Phipps, “Garments and Identity,” 29; Cummins, “Tocapu.”

157. Cobo, Bernabé, History of the Inca Empire, Hamilton, Roland, trans. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979), 2: chapt. 24, 196–97.Google Scholar

158. See the Galvin Murúa MS. 141v.

159. For more on the notion of plus ultra and the columns of Hercules, see Rosenthal, Earl, “Plus Ultra, Non Plus Ultra, and the Columnar Device of Emperor Charles V,” Journal of Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 34 (1971): 204–228.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

160. Bleichmar, “Imperial Visual Archive,” 236.

161. Ossio, “Myth and History,” 81.

162. Brilliant, Portraiture, 14.