Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-r5fsc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-26T22:50:01.008Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Complaining Like a Liberal: Redefining Law, Justice, and Official Misconduct in Venezuela, 1790-1850*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Reuben Zahler*
Affiliation:
University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon

Extract

One night in April 1822, a slave snuck into Caracas' main plaza, and under cover of darkness, threw the feces of his entire household into the public well. A month later, a local magistrate appeared at the store of José Castellano and Manuel Gonzalez with a contingent of soldiers and arrested them for having ordered their slave to commit this heinous crime. From their jail cell, the two men asserted their innocence and insisted that the magistrate had behaved unacceptably: “Because we have never had any previous warning, because we have not previously been called to appear in court and also because there is no proof … [the magistrate] cannot have been authorised to commit the public insult that he has shamelessly and scandalously put upon our persons.” Their defense relied not only on questions of evidence but also on attacks against the magistrate's civility; they claimed that his actions had transgressed both proper legal and social behavior. This combination of legislative and non-legislative concerns was typical for complaints against officials from the colonial period, and we see it persist directly after independence. In the coming years, however, the formal responsibilities of government employees would change, as would the paradigm for complaints against them.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I would like to offer particular thanks to Linda Arnold and Chris Albi for helping me to refine my ideas, and to Richard Warren, Greg Thomas, and the reviewers from The Americas for reading drafts and offering invaluable suggestions.

References

1 Archivo General de la Nación de Venezuela (AGN), Civiles y Criminales (CC), 1822, C–19, f1–4.

2 The courts remained adequately strong and effective after independence, as republican Venezuelans continued to use the courts as much as their colonial forebears had. Zahler, Reuben, “Honor, Corruption, and Legitimacy: Liberal Projects in the Early Venezuelan Republic, 1821–50” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2005), pp. 224233. Google Scholar

3 The judicial “magistrate could modify the legally-prescribed sentence in order to render a judgment that sought equidad (equity) and maximized the common good. … [This process represented] an opportunity to shape the law to reflect, or at least strike some balance between, popular and elite expectations.” Scardaville, Michael, “Justice by Paperwork: A Day in the Life of a Court Scribe in Bourbon Mexico City,Journal of Social History 36, no. 4 (2003): pp. 989990.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 Recent scholarship has revised the interpretation of the post-independence republics as radical departures from the past, but rather has increasingly recognized the continuity between late colonial and post-independence state projects. Some excellent examples include Adelman, Jeremy, Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation of the Atlantic World (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999);Google Scholar Chambers, Sarah, From Subjects to Citizens: Honor, Gender, and Politics in Arequipa, Peru, 1780–1854 (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999);Google Scholar Uribe-Uran, Victor, “Honorable Lives”: Lawyers, Family, and Politics in Colombia, 1780–1850 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000);Google Scholar Voekel, Pamela, Alone before God: The Religious Origins of Modernity in Mexico (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5 The archives of the Ministry of Interior and Justice contain correspondence from throughout the country. The court cases come from the provinces of Caracas, Carabobo, and Coro, which correspond roughly to what are today the Distrito Federal and the states of Guaríco, Carabobo, Aragua, Miranda, Falcón, Vargas, and Cojedes.

6 Fisher, John, “The Effects of Comercio Libre in New Granada and Peru,” in Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon Nueva Granada and Perú, ed. Fisher, J.R, Juethe, A.J., and McFarlane, A. (Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1990).Google Scholar

7 Arnold, LindaThe Professionalization of the Bureaucracy in Late Colonial Mexico City,New World 1 (1986).Google Scholar

8 Socolow, Susan Migden, The Bureaucrats of Buenos Aires, 1769–1810: Amor al Real Servicio (Durham: Duke University Press, 1987).Google Scholar

9 Knight, Alan, Mexico, vol. II (The Colonial Era) (New York City: Cambridge University Press, 2002). Part 2, Chapter 2.Google Scholar

10 Albi, Chris, “Derecho Indiano Versus the Bourbon Reforms: The Legal Thought of Francisco Xavier Gamboa,” in Enlightened Reform in Southern Europe and Its Atlantic Colonies, C1750–1830, ed. Gabriel, Paquette (London: Ashgate, forthcoming in 2009).Google Scholar

11 “Arbitrarism was an inherent part of a system that gave judges not only the power to implement laws but also (and mainly) the task of administering justice. A preference for justice over legality instructed judges to ignore what was legal for the sake of preferring what was just, thus making arbitrarism necessary.” Herzog, Tamar, Upholding Justice: State, Law and the Penal System in Quito (1650–1750) (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), p. 35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12 Ibid., pp. 9–21.

13 See Tomás, Francisco y Valiente, , La Venta de Oficios en Indias (1492–1606) (Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Administración Pública, 1982);Google Scholar Andrien, Kenneth J., “Corruption, Self-Interest, and the Political Culture of Eighteenth-Century Quito,” in Virtue, Corruption, and Self-Interest: Political Values in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Matthews, Richard K., (Bethlehem, PA: Lehigh University Press, 1994).Google Scholar

14 Herzog, Tamar, “Reglas Jurídicas E Integración Social: El Comercio (Quito, Primera Mitad del Siglo XVIII),” in Actas y Estudios del XI Congreso del Instituto Internacional de Historia del Derecho Indiano, Tomo IV (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Instituto de investigaciones de historia del derecho, 1997).Google Scholar

15 McFarlane, Anthony, “Political Corruption and Reform in Bourbon Spanish America,” in Political Corruption in Europe and Latin America, ed. Little, Walter and Posada-Carbó, Eduardo (New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, 1996).Google Scholar Horst Pietschmann, , “Corrupción en las Indias Españolas: Revisión de Un Debate en la Historiografía Sobre Hispanoamérica Colonial,” in Instituciones y Corrupción en la Historia, ed. Jimenez, Manuel González et al. (Valladolid, Spain: Universidad de Valladolid, 1998).Google Scholar

16 López Bohórquez, Alí Enrique, Los Ministros de la Audiencia de Caracacs (1786–1810), Caracterización de Una Elite Burocrática del Poder Español en Venezuela (Caracas: Biblioteca de la Academia Nacional de Historia, 1984), pp. 6574.Google Scholar

17 Ibid., pp. 111–125. For more on the struggles between Caracas creoles and Bourbon colonial institutions, see Meza, Robinzon, “La Élite Caraqueña Frente a la Reorganización Político-Administrativa de Venezuela en el Último Cuarto del Siglo XVIII,Islas 100 (Sept-Dec 1991).Google Scholar

18 Díaz, Arlene, Female Citizens, Patriarchs, and the Law in Venezuela, 1786–1904 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), pp. 2425.Google Scholar

19 Found in Chuecos, Héctor García, Estudios de Historia Colonial Venezolana, Tomo 2 (Caracas: Tipografía americana, 1938), pp. 9294.Google Scholar

20 Damas, German Carrera, Una Nación Llamada Venezuela: Proceso Sociohistórico de Venezuela (1810–1974) (Caracas: Monte Avila Editores, C.A., 1984), p. 40.Google Scholar See also Iturrieta, Elías Pino, Fueros, Civilización y Ciudadanía (Caracas, Venezuela: Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, 2000), pp. 711.Google Scholar

21 Letter from Andres Boggiero, December 1, 1799. Archivo de la Academia Nacional de Historia (AANH), CCC, 1800, Sevilla: Ministerio de Educación y Cultura. Archivo General de Indias. Ags/Sec-retaria Guerra, 7205, Exp. 9, f729–30.

22 See McKinley, P. Michael, Pre-Revolutionary Caracas: Politics, Economy, and Society 1777–1811 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 63.Google Scholar

23 Deas, Malcolm, “Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador: The First Half-Century of Independence,” in Cambridge History of Latin America, ed. Bethel, Leslie, 3 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 511.Google Scholar Also, see Bushnell, David, The Santander Regime in Gran Colombia (Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 1954), p. 1.Google Scholar

24 For example, in 1799 the consulado and cabildo of Caracas argued against the crown's trade restrictions. Their discourse about property rights sounded nearly liberal in content in that they asserted, “their private rights practically entitled them to violate political dictates, which came close to claiming that private property rights came before political decisions.” Adelman, Jeremy, Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), p. 113.Google Scholar

25 The “jornalero” [day laborer] laws, which were in place throughout the first decades of independence, prohibited the rural poor from practicing subsistence farming and instead required them to be employed by wealthier landowners. As president Simón Bolívar wrote when he decreed a jornalero law in 1827, he lamented the “corruption of customs in the population and laziness in the countryside” and hoped the law would rid the poor of their tendencies toward “gambling, drunkenness, theft, and crimes of all classes that cause disorder.” Found in Materiales para el Estudio de la Cuestión Agraria en Venezuela (1808–1865), vol. 1 (Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, 1979), p. 71. For more on this subject, see Matthews, Robert Paul, Violencia Rural en Venezuela, 1840–1858: Antecedentes Socioeconómicos de la Guerra Federal (Caracas: Monte Avila Editores, 1977), pp. 3959.Google Scholar See also Lombardi, John V , Venezuela: The Search for Order, the Dream of Progress (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 177.Google Scholar

26 El Venezolano, Caracas, Venezuela, No. 84, 1 May 1824; El Argos, Caracas, Venezuela, 8 April 1825,pp.l–2.

27 Both the 1821 and 1830 constitutions expressed similar positions on these subjects. The 1821 constitution guaranteed to “protect your security, liberty, property, and equality before the law”; Article 128 promised, “no type of work … or commerce will be prohibited to the Colombians, except those that for now are necessary for the subsistence of the Republic.”

28 For example, bureaucrats in post-independence Peru, like their counter-parts throughout the continent, proved unable to build national consolidation in the face of violent political instability, poor communication across rough geography, and an impoverished government. Martínez, Teodoro Hampe and Montero, José Gálvez, “De la Intendencia al Departamento, 1810–1830: Los Cambios en la Administración Pública Regional del Perú,” in Dinámicas de Antiguo Régimen y Orden Constitucional: Representación, Justicia y Adminstración en Iberoamérica, Siglos XVIII–XIX, ed. Bellingeri, Marco (Torino, Italy: Otto Editore, 2000), p. 360.Google Scholar In Mexico City, the professionalization of the late-colonial administrative bureaucracy eroded after independence, as bureaucrats increasingly came under the control of politicians and worked to serve political, rather than administrative, ends. Arnold, “Professionalization.” At the same time, in both Mexico City and Buenos Aires, the lack of both clear administrative guidelines and a robust bureaucracy led to the strengthening of the executive at the expense of the judiciary, and thus enabled the erosion of a republican separation of powers. Arnold, Linda, “Vulgar and Elegant: Politics and Procedure in Early National Mexico,The Americas 50, no. 4 (1994);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Barreneche, Osvaldo, Crime and the Administration of Justice in Buenos Aires, 1785–1853 (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2006).Google Scholar

29 Díaz, Female Citizens, p. Chapter 6; Lombardi, John V, The Decline and Abolition of Negro Slavery in Venezuela, 1820–1854 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Corporation, 1971);Google Scholar Matthews, , Violencia Rural; Elías Pino Iturrieta, País Archipiélago: Venezuela 1830–1848 (Caracas: Fundación Bigott, 2002).Google Scholar

30 The archives of the Ministry of the Interior and Justice are full of letters regarding disgruntled, incompetent, or negligent personnel.

31 Plaza, Elena, “El 'Patriotismo Ilustrado', o la Organización de los Poderes Públicos en Venezuela, 1830–1847,Revista Politela, no. 29 (2002): p. 73.Google Scholar

32 Bolívar, Simón, ‘El Discurso de Angostura,1819.Google Scholar Found in Vila, Manuel Perez, ed., Simón Bolívar: Doctrina del Libertador (Caracas, Venezuela: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1985), pp. 101126.Google Scholar

33 Páez, José Antonio, Autobiografia del General José Antonio Paéz (Lima, Peru: Ediciones Antártida, 1960), pp. vol. 2, 295.Google Scholar

34 El Observador Caraqueño, 1 Jan. 1824, p. 2a.

35 See, for example: El Constitucional, 25 Oct. 1825, p.4; El Argos, 8 April 1825, pp. 3–4.

36 1821 constitution, Article 167: “Nobody can be judged, much less punished, except in virtue of a law that exists prior to the crime or action, and after having been legally heard and cited. …” The text of the 1830 constitution, Article 196, is virtually identical. The 1830 constitution, Article 190 stated, “Venezuelans have the freedom … to do whatever is not prohibited by the law.”

37 See Chiossone, Tulio, Formación Jurídica de Venezuela en la Colonia y en la República (Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, 1980), p. 192.Google Scholar For a wider and more theoretical discussion of legislative changes, see Carrillo Batalla, Tomás Enrique, Historia de la Legislación Venezolana (Caracas: Academia de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, 1984).Google Scholar

38 1821 constitution, Article 185.

39 1821 constitution, Article 180; 1830 constitution, Articles 185 and 210.

40 1830 constitution, Article 188. The constitution did establish property requirements to enjoy the franchise, but otherwise a citizen's political power (i.e., the power of his vote) and legal standing should not vary based on economic or social status.

41 The Ministry of Interior held responsibility for such diverse areas as the judicial system, communication between provinces, administrative standards and conduct, police, domestic peace, public education, religion, indigenous peoples, public health, the indigenous population, etc. For more on this lengthy list of responsibilities, see Plaza, Patriotismo Ilustrado,” p. 75.Google Scholar

42 In the contemporary state of Zulia.

43 AGN, Ministro de Interior y Justicia (I&J), Tomo 6, Expediente 45, f289.

44 Polar, Fundación, “Diccionario de Historia de Venezuela,” (CD ROM, Caracas: Fundación Polar, 2000).Google Scholar “Castañeda, Juan Estanislao”

45 In the contemporary state of Lara.

46 I&J, Tomo 4 (1830), Expediente 8, f54–58.

47 Fermín Toro (1806–65) was a very prominent figure in early republican Venezuela. He was a prolific writer and powerful politician who became one of the leaders of the Liberal Party and served a number of government posts during the 1830s–60s.

48 In the contemporary state of Nueva Esparta.

49 I&J, Tomo 87 (1834), Expediente 28, f29.1–3.

50 In the contemporary state of Zulia.

51 I&J, Tomo 91 (1834), Expediente 15, f108–110 and Expediente 16, f111–14.

52 I&J, Tomo 91 (1834), Expediente 4, f13–18.

53 In the contemporary state of Bolívar.

54 I&J, Tomo 387 (1849), Expediente 55.

55 See for example, I&J, Tomo 3 (1830), Expediente 36, f356; Tomo 4 (1830), Expediente 8, f54–58; Tomo 1 (1830), Expediente 1; Tomo 5 (1830), Expediente 31, f423–27; Tomo 91 (1834), Expediente 1, fl–8.

56 La Plaza Mayor, today called Plaza Bolívar.

57 AGN, CC, 1822, C–19, f1–4.

58 See footnote 36.

59 AGN, CC, 1826, H-10, f2b–3 and f3b–4.

60 In the contemporary state of Miranda.

61 AGN, CC, 1826, 1826, B–02, fl–2b.

62 In the contemporary state of Falcón.

63 Archivo Histórico de Coro (AHC), CC, 1832, #171, fl–lb.

64 AGN, CC, 1844, C–28.

65 AGN, CC, 1850, M–02, f7–8b.

66 In the contemporary state of Miranda.

67 AGN, CC, 1850, C–09, f6.

68 For example: AHC, CC, 1838, #441; 1839, #503. See also AGN, CC, 1835, C–02; 1849, M–01; 1849, P–06; 1850, C–14 #1; 1850, C–15.

69 For a colonial example, see AANH, 1804, 14–5736-1. For republican examples, see AGN, CC, 1822, L–04; 1826, M–05.

70 Plaza, , “Patriotismo Ilustrado,” p. 78.Google Scholar

71 For example, starting in the late eighteenth century, both Britain and France used legislation to impose new strictures on officials that stressed merit over status for acquiring jobs, and that prohibited officials from enriching themselves through their public office. Doyle, William, “Changing Notions of Public Corruption, C.1770–C.1850, in Corrupt Histories, ed. Kreike, Emmanuel and Jordan, William Chester (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2004).Google Scholar