My special thanks to William Beezley, Allen Wells, Tanalís Padilla, and Susan Smith for their close reading and constructive critique of earlier drafts of this article, as well as the two anonymous Americas readers. My appreciation also to Eric Zolov, who encouraged me to pursue this article as an outgrowth of an AHA panel he organized. I also want to acknowledge funding support from Bowdoin College for additional research for this article. Thanks also to my colleagues at Valparaiso University who participated in a workshop critique of an earlier draft. As always, my special thanks to the activists of Guerrero who have shared their experiences, homes, and resources with me.

1. Genaro Vázquez Rojas, “La Asociación Cívica Nacional Revolucionaria acerca de la liberación de Genaro, 22 de abril de 1968 de la cárcel de Iguala, Gro.,” undated, very shortly after April 22, in Flores, Antonio Aranda, Los cívicos guerrerenses (Mexico: privately published, 1979), pp. 123–126.Google Scholar This same rhetoric would reappear with the uprising in Chiapas İn 1994, as typified by spokesperson Marcos’ statement, “My main influences were Villa, Zapata, Morelos, Hidalgo, Guerrero. . . . I grew up with these heroes.” Subcomandante Marcos, “Interview with Medea Benjamin,” in Katzcnberger, Elaine, ed., First World, Ha Ha Ha! The Zapatista Challenge (San Francisco: City Lights, 1995), p. 60.Google Scholar

2. For an excellent review of the historiographic trends, see Greg Grandin, “Off the Beach: The United States, Latin America, and the Cold War,” in Agnew, Jean-Christophe and Rosenzweig, Roy, eds., A Companion to Post-1945 America (Maiden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2002), pp. 426–445.Google Scholar

3. On the early development of Mexican nationalism, see, among many, Brading, David A., The Origins of Mexican Nationalism (Cambridge: Centre of Latin American Studies, University of Cambridge, 1985).Google Scholar Of the Cuban revolution, the Movimiento Liberación Nacional (MLN) (founded in August 1961 by former President lázaro Cárdenas, among others) stated: “Because the Cuban Revolution’s realizations accord with the aspirations and struggles of the Mexican people in favor of agrarian reform, of the diversification of foreign commerce, of literacy and of education, in defense of the national culture, against imperialism, the anti-national forcesand of the reactionary forces, it interests all Mexicans to identify with and defend the Cuban Revolution.” National Liberation Movement, Programa y llamamiento (Mexico City: República del Salvador, 1961 ), p. 20 in White, Christopher M., Creating a Third World: Mexico, Cuba and the United Status during the Castro Era (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2007), p. 65 (italics added).Google Scholar

4. Klubock, Thomas, Contested Communities: Class, Gender, and Politics in Chile’s El Teniente Copper Mine (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998), p. 289.Google Scholar

5. Grandin, Greg, “Off the Beach,” p. 435.Google Scholar He also argues that a long history of rural insurgency resulted in elite cooperation on land reform in Mexico, thereby avoiding the kinds of insurgencies that arose elsewhere in Latin America during the Cold War. While the level of protest did not rise to that of insurgencies elsewhere, Í argue it is these same aforementioned issues that generated discontent and violence in Guerrero.

6. Grandin, Greg, The Last Colonial Massacre: Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), p. 4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7. Wood, Elisabeth Jean, Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in El Salvador (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 2–5, 213.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. Elbaum, Max, Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao and Che (London: Verso, 2002), p. 42. Google Scholar

9. Spenser, Daniela, “Standing Conventional Cold War History on Its Head,” pp. 381–395 Google Scholar, in Joseph, Gilbert M. and Spenser, Daniela, eds., In from the Cold: Latin America’s New Encounter with the Cold War (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), p. 383.Google Scholar

10. Dionicio, Octaviano Santiago, Testimonio, interviewed in Cárcel Pública de Acapulco, January 1, 1979 (Chilpancingo: Cuadernos de la Federación Estudiantil Universitaria Guerrerense, Coordinación de Publicaciones, Universidad Autònoma de Guerrero, 1979), p. 1.Google Scholar Angeles Magdaleno, investigator with the Fiscalía Especial para Movimientos Sociales y Políticos del Pasado (FEMOSPP), charges that documents in the AGN confirm that despite his public persona, Luis Echeverría “was a hypocrite who spoke of democracy” but maintained ties with Augusto Pinochet. García, Gustavo Castillo, “‘Vulgar Estado policiaco,’ el que rigió en México durante la guerra sucia,” La Jornada, December 22, 2003.Google Scholar

11. Zolov, Eric, “¡Cuba sí, Yanquis no! The Sacking of the Instituto Cultural México-Norteamericano in Morella, Michoacán,” pp. 214–252,Google Scholar in Joseph, and Spenser, , eds., In from the Cold, p. 215.Google ScholarPubMed Certainly, a wide range of issues led to Mexico’s stance on the Cuban revolution. Its proximity to Mexico, its anti-imperialist agenda, behind-the-scenes alliances with the United States, and the state’s need to contain leftist elements, including former President Lázaro Cárdenas, contributed to these contradictions. See, in addition to Jefferson Morley, Zolov, Our Man in Mexico: Winston Scott and the Hidden History of the CIA (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 2008);Google Scholar White, Creating a Third World; and Wright, Thomas C., Latin America in the Era of the Cuban Revolution (New York: Praeger, 1999).Google Scholar Despite acknowledging “crack downs” on protesters, the creation by Cárdenas of a pro-Castro organization, and a peasant organization outside the state’s corporate structure, Wright somehow concludes that Mexico “was only mildly affected by the Cuban Revolution.” Wright, p. 45.

12. Joseph, Gilbert M., “What We Now Know and Should Know,” pp. 3–46,Google Scholar in Joseph, andSpenser, , eds., In From the Cold, p. 8.Google ScholarPubMed

13. la Peña, Guillermo de, “Civil Society and Popular Resistance: Mexico at the End of the Twentieth Century,” in Servin, Elisa, Reina, Leticia, and Turino, John, eds., Cycles of Conflict, Centuries of Change: Crisis, Reform and Revolution in Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), p. 308.Google Scholar

14. The most conspicuous example of this is that of the henriquistas. See Servin, Elisa, Ruptura y oposición: el movimiento henriquista, 1945–1954 (México: Cal y Arena, 2001).Google Scholar

15. Schmidt, Arthur, “Making it Real Compared to What? Reconceptualizing Mexican History Since 1940,” pp. 23–67,Google Scholar in Joseph, Gilbert M., Rubenstien, Anne, and Zolov, Eric, eds., Fragments of a Golden Age: The Politics of Culture in Mexico Since 1940 (Durham: Duke University, 2001), pp. 29–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Alan Knight’s concerns on the paucity of historic study of caciquismo and his urging of “‘local knowledge’” obtained through oral history and archival research. Knight, Alan, “Introduction,” pp. 3–48,Google ScholarPubMed in Knight, Alan and Pansters, Wil, eds., Caciquismo in Twentieth-Century Mexico (London: University of London Institute for the Study of the Americas, 2005), p. 5.Google Scholar

16. Arat, Zahra F., Democracy and Human Rights in Developing Countries (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1991 ), p. 82.Google Scholar

17. Serafín Núñez, interview with the author, Chilpancingo, July 2003. For more on commercial expansion, see Cienfuegos, Enrique and Carlsen, Laura, “Human Rights, Ecology and Economic Integration: The Peasant Ecologiste of Guerrero,” in Salazar, Hilda, Carlsen, Laura, and Wise, Timothy A., eds., Confronting Globalization: Economic Integration and Popular Resistance in Mexico (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, Inc., 2003);Google Scholar Bartra, Armando, Guerrero bronco: Campesinos, ciudadanos y guerrilleros en la Costa Grande (Mexico: Ediciones Era, Colección Problemas de México, 2000), pp. 149–150;Google Scholar and Gomezjara, Francisco, Bonapartismo y lucha campesina en La Costa Grande de Guerrero (México: Colección Ideas Políticas, Editorial Posada, 1979).Google Scholar

18. Since the revolution the state has experienced 55 uncompleted gubernatorial terms and only 27 completed. This gives the ‘Free and Sovereign State of Guerrero ’(as its motto asserts) the “national record.” Valdes, Rafael Catalán, “Guerrero, Estado ingobernable … El fin de un mito?” in La transición democrática en Guerrero, Tomo 1 (México: Editorial Diana, 1992), pp. 21–32;Google Scholar Mayo, Baloy, Laguerrilla de Genero y Lucio: análisis y resultados (México: Editorial Dio-genes, 1980; reprint, México: Grupo Jaguar Impresiones, 2001), pp. 16–17;Google Scholar Santillán, María de la Luz Gama, “Guerrero durante los últimos 30 años,” in La transición democrática, p. 92.Google Scholar

19. This relationship further undermines previous depictions of a presumed hegemony of the federal government. For more on the establishment of this relationship, see Blacker-Hanson, , “La Lucha Sigue! Teacher Activism in Guerrero and the Continuum of Democratic Struggle in Mexico,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 2005.Google Scholar

20. A useful definition of caciquismo is provided by José Eduardo Zárate Hernádez: “[exploiting personal relations to implement social programmes,‘looking for political solutions1 outside institutional channels, or using legal mechanisms to help one’s associates.” Hernádez, Zárate, “Caciques and Leaders in the Era of Democracy,” pp. 272–295,Google Scholar in Knight, and Pansters, , eds., Caciquismo, p. 272.Google Scholar

21. Paredes, Lorena Paz and Cobo, Rosario, “Café Caliente,” in Bartra, Armando, ed., Crónicas del Sur: Utopias campesinas en Guerrero (México: Ediciones Era, 2000);Google Scholar Ramírez, Arturo Miranda, El otro rostro de la guerrilla: Genaro, Lucio y Carmelo, experiencias de la guerrilla (México: Editorial Έ1 Machete,’ 1996), p. 20;Google Scholar Martínez,, Andrea Radilla, Poderes, saberes y sabores: Una historia de resistencia de los cafeticultores, Atoyac, 1940–1974 (Chilpancingo: self-published, 1998);Google Scholar Félix Arana Hoyo and Olga Cárdenas Trueba, “Desarrollo del capitalismo agrario y lucha de clases en la Costa y Sierra de Guerrero.” Paper presented at the Wissenschaftliche Jahrestagung 1980 Sektion-Pfanzcnproduktion, Hum-boldt Universitat, R.D.A. Berlin, November 1980, p. 16.

22. Palacios, Angel Pérez, “Los cambios políticos y de gobierno en Guerrero durante el periodo 1960–1990,” in La transición democrática, pp. 69–75, p. 74;Google Scholar Stevens, Evelyn P., Protest and Response in Mexico (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1974), pp. 30–31.Google Scholar

23. On the economic development of Acapulco and government involvement, see Berger, Dina, The Development of Mexico’s Tourism Industry: Pyramids by Day, Martinis by Night (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2006).CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Castañón, Alba Teresa Estrada, Guerrero: Sociedad, economía, política y cultura (México: Biblioteca de las Entidades Federativas, UNAM, 1994), p. 36;Google Scholar Gomezjara, , Bonapartismo, p. 191;Google Scholar and Niblo, Stephen R., Mexico in the 1940s: Modernity, Politics, and Corruption (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Press, 1999), pp. 274–275.Google Scholar

24. See, for example, Actualidades de Guerrero (May 1972) for numerous articles on state-wide construction. Alcántara, Carlos Durand, La lucha campesina en Oaxaca y Guerrero (1978–1987) (México: Universidad Autónoma Chapingo, Costa Amie Editores, SA, 1989), p. 70;Google Scholar Mayo, , La guerrilla de Genero y Lucio; and Berger, The Development of Mexico’s Tourism; Antonio Sotelo Pérez, Breve historia de la Asociación Cívica Guerrerense, Jefaturada por Genaro Vázquez Rojas, con prólogo por Pablo Sandoval Cruz. (Chilpancingo: Testimonios, Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, 1991), pp. 125–127;Google Scholar Álvarez, Tomás Bustamante, Las transformaciones de la agricultura o las paradojas del desarrollo regional: Tierra Caliente, Guerrero (México: Juan Pablos Editor Procuraduría Agraria, 1996).Google Scholar

25. I disagree with Guillermo de la Peña’s assessment that in most regions, “rural poverty was not extreme,”and that government projects for education, health services, and infrastructure created conditions wherein “the expanding state machine [and] economy” were not “critically threatened].” Indeed, it was the paucity of social services and the intrusion of the state that generated opposition whose failure to critically threaten the state was a result of significant power differentials, often exercised with extraordinary violence. See Peña, de la, “Civil Society and Popular Resistance,” p. 311.Google Scholar

26. Martínez, Radilla, Poderes, saberes y sabores, p. 213.Google Scholar

27. Pacheco, Silvestre in Paterson, Kent, “U.S. Recession, Drug War Violence Cause Crisis in Mexico Tourism,” Americas Policy Program Report, Americas Policy Program, Center for International Policy, July 29, 2008, http://americas.irc-online.org/am/5421.Google Scholar Paterson notes, “Even in Guerrero, governed by the center-left PPD party, which billed itself as an alternative to the long-dominant PRI, development plans still center on expanding tourism, just as in the PRI years.”

28. Despite government efforts to placate Guerrero’s discontent, socioeconomic indicators place Guerrero at the bottom or near-bottom of virtually every national index, confirming a high level of poverty throughout the state (only Chiapas consistently ranked lower). In 1950, Guerrero’s poverty rate stood at 56.4%. Wilkie, James, The Mexican Revo-lution: Federal Expenditure and Social Change since 1910. 2nd ed. (Berkeley: University of California, 1970), pp. 205, 236, Table 9-10.Google Scholar For a re-evaluation of Wilkie’s analysis, which concludes “Wilkie and Wilkins’s [projected estimates] were flawed because the latter used debatable criteria (e.g., language usage),” see Granato, Stephanie and Mostkoff, Aída, “The Class Structure of Mexico, 1895–1980,” in Wilkie, James W., ed., Statistical Abstract of Latin America Supplement Series, Supplement 10, Wilkie, James W., Series Editor (Los Angeles: University of California, 1990), pp. 103–115.Google Scholar High rates of illiteracy, poor health and widespread poverty went unabated. In 1970, over 65% of the population in Guerrero continued to earn income below that considered subsistence. Other social indicators included a hospital bed rate of 0.16% that of United Nations recommended rates, and the highest illiteracy in the country (44.6% of the population over 15, compared to a national average of 23.8%). Ramírez, Miranda, El otro rostro, pp. 19–21.Google Scholar See also Wilkie, James, “Comparative Government Budgets,” Table 4, in Statistics and National Policy, p. 108.Google Scholar

29. Miguel Hidalgo y Castillo initiated the War of Independence; Emiliano Zapata, of the neighboring state of Morelos, was the agrarian leader of the Army of the South during the Revolution of 1910.

30. The assault in Tlatelolco Plaza on October 2, 1968 has generated an enormous historiography, including both primary and secondary sources. Among the more recent, see René, Rivas O., La izquierda estudiantil en la UNAM: organizaciones, movilizaciones y liderazgos (1958–1972) (México: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Facultad de Estudios Superiores Aragón, Miguel Ángel Porrúa, 2007);Google Scholar Preston, Julia and Dillon, Sam, Opening Mexico: The Making of a Democracy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2004);Google Scholar Carey, Elaine, Plaza of Sacrifices: Gender, Power and Terror in 1968 Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005);Google Scholar and Rodríguez, Garardo Estrada, 1968, estado y universidad: orígenes de la transición política en México (México, D.F.: Plaza Janés, 2004).Google Scholar Among the classics, see Poniatowska, Elena, Massacre in Mexico (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991,1975).Google Scholar Of those based on released doc-uments, see Garcia, Julio Scherer and Barragán, Marcelino García, Parte de guerra, Tlatelolco 1968: documentos del general Marcelino García Barragán: los hechos y la historia (México, D.F.: Nuevo Siglo/Aguilar, 1999);Google Scholar García, Julio Scherer and Monsiváis, Carlos, Parte de guerra II: los rostros del 68 (México, D.F.: Aguilar, UNAM, 2002);Google Scholar Jardón, Raúl, El espionaje contra el movimiento estudiantil: los documentos de la Dirección Federal de Seguridad y las agencias de “inteligencia” estadounidenses en 1968 (México, D.F.: Itaca, 2003).Google Scholar See also extensive postings at National Security Archives, http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarehiv/ on this and the government attack of June 10, 1971.

31. On the long history of teacher activism, see Vaughan, Mary Kay, Cultural Politics in Revolution: Teachers, Peasants, and Schools in Mexico, 1930–1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997);Google Scholar Vaughan, , The State, Education, and Social Class in México, 1880–1928 (DeKalb, II: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982);Google Scholar David Raby, Educación y revolución social en México (1921–1940). Transi, by Roberto Gómez Ciriza, Sepsetentas 141. México: SEP, 1974; Cockcroft, James D., “El maestro de primaria en la Revolución mexicana.” Historia Mexicana 16: 4 (abril/junio 1967), pp. 565–587;Google Scholar Britton, John A., ed., Molding the Hearts and Minds: Education, Communication and Social Change in Latin America (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1994).Google Scholar

32. For further discussion on the normal school education and politicization of these activists, particularly their involvement in labor organizations, see Blacker-Hanson,La Lucha Sigue!

33. López, Jaime, 10 años de guerrillas en México, 1964–1975 (México: Colección Duda Semanal de Editorial Posada, SA, 1974);Google Scholar Guillermo Andrade Greesler, “Violación de derechos humanos;” ¿Por Qué? “Untitled interview with Genaro Vázquez Rojas by Agusto Villardo” (22 de julio, 29 de julio y 5 de agosto de 1971); Archivo General de la Nación, Dirección General de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociales (hereinafter AGN DGIPS) Caja 2946a, 2946b, 19661968; AGN, DGIPS Caja 1488, 1968–1982; Student records, Escuela Nacional de Maestros, Mexico City; Sotelo Pérez, Breve historia, p. 124; Consuelo Solís Morales, interview with A. Andrade, Excélsior, 2 de febrero 1971, in Ortiz, Orlando, Genaro Vázquez: Prólogo y Selección de Orlando Ortiz (México: Editorial Diógenes, 1972), p. 31.Google Scholar

34. AGN DGIPS, Caja 2946a, 2946B, 1966-1968; AGN, DGIPS Caja 1488, 1968-1982; Student records, Escuela Nacional de Maestros, Mexico City. On José Bracho Campos, Student records, Escuela Normal, Mexico City; Consuelo Solís Morales, wife of Genaro Vázquez Rojas, confirms that she and her husband knew Ishmael and José Bracho at the Escuela Normal in Mexico City. Solís Morales, Excelsior, p. 31.

35. Student records, Escuela Nacional de Maestros, Mexico City; “Manifesto en la heroica Iguala la tierra se mueve bajo las botas del cacicazgo Abarca-Mİrandista,” Iguala, 21 de diciembre de 1965, in Flores, Aranda, Los cívicos guerrerenses, pp. 78–80.Google Scholar

36. Informe de Iguala, Consejo de Autodefensa del Pueblo de Guerrero, signed by Fausto Ávila (ACG), Antonio Sotelo (Liga Agraria Revolucionario ‘Emiliano Zapata’), Ishmael Bracho (ULAC), Pedro Contreras (Asociación de Cafi-cultores Independientes), Elpİdio Ocampo (Consejo de Autodefensa, Iguala), José Martínez, Asociación de Productores Independientes de Ajonjolí, in AGN, Caja/1488, File 1967–1969, 8 de enero de 1967.

37. Activist Antonio Sotelo Pérez was also among those freed to Cuba in 1971. He later joined the faculty at the Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero. He served on the Iguala Comité de Auto Defensa del Pueblo de Guerrero. Escuela Nacional de Maestros, Mexico City, student records of Antonio Sotelo; AGN, DGIPS Caja 2946a, 2946B, 1966–1968; AGN, DGIPS Caja 1488, 1968-1982; Gomezjara, Francisco, “El proceso político de Jenaro [sic] Vázquez hacia la guerrilla campesina.” Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales (abril-junio 1977) p. 87–127;Google Scholar Greesler, Andrade, “Vio-lación de derechos humanos,” p. 13;Google Scholar and López, , 10 años, p. 92.Google Scholar

38. “Declaración de principios y programa,” in Pérez, Sotelo, Breve historia, pp. 112–119.Google Scholar Government Informe de Iguala, January 8, 1967 and March 1967, El Solde México (31 de julio de 1967); Novedades(31 de julio 1967) p. 12; Universal (31 de julio 1967): 1; La Verdad (undated), in Excélsior (12 de septiembre de 1967) p. 23; all, AGN, Caja 1488, Ficha 196, 1967–1976.

39. Serafín Núñez, interview.

40. Caballero Aburto had extensive political connections. He had risen to the rank of Brigadier General in the army and was serving as commander of the military zone in Xalapa, Veracruz when he initiated his gubernatorial candidacy. Perhaps his most notorious role was his service in leading the assault on supporters of presidential opposition candidate Miguel Henrique Guzmán in Mexico City in July 1952. Some scholars suggest his governorship was the reward from President Ruiz Cortines (1952-58) for such service. Guevara, Leopoldo Ayala, La guerra sucia en Guerrero: Impunidad, terrorismo y abuso de poder (México: Editorial Ayalacenter, 2005), p. 3.Google Scholar On family holdings, see Cruz, Pablo Sandoval, El movimiento social de 1960 en Guerrero. With photographs by Salmerón., Jesús 2nd ed. (Chilpancingo, self-published, 1999), p. 24.Google Scholar For a sample listing of family properties acquired during his governorship, see Pérez, Sotelo, Breve historia, pp. 36–37.Google Scholar

41. Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social de 1960, p. 24.Google Scholar

42. Mayo, Baloy, La guerrilla de Genaro y Lucio, p. 33;Google Scholar Santillán, Gama, “Guerrero durante los últimos 30 años,” p. 93;Google Scholar Bartra, , Guerrero bronco, p. 90.Google Scholar This organization, under different names and configurations (Asociación Cívica Nacional Guerrerense, ACNG, and Asociación Cívica Nacional Revolucionaria, ACNR), continued to play a conspicuous role in the political life of Guerrero throughout the next three decades.

43. “Ley Orgánica de la Universidad de Guerrero Número 9,” Periódico Oficial del Gobierno del Estado de Guerrero, Año XLI, Nú. 25, junio 22 de 1960, pp. 2–7.

44. Ramírez, Sandoval, “Testimonio,” in Pablo Sandoval Cruz, El movimiento social de 1960, p. 95;Google Scholar Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social en 1960, pp. 60, 74–75;Google Scholar Mayo, La guerrilla de Genero y Lucio, p. 35.Google Scholar

45. Guardino, Peter, Peasants, Politics and the Formation of Mexico’s National State: Guerrero, 1800’1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 147, 159.Google Scholar Guardino presents no distinction within ethnic communities and presents the popular class only in their role as peasants. His only overt recognition of the heterogeneity of this population is his discussion of language barriers.

46. Other tensions existed as well, including community resistance to secular education. See Vaughan, , The State, Education, and Social Class; Marjorie Becker, Setting the Virgin on Fire: Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán Peasants, and the Redemption of the Mexican Revolution (Berkeley: University of California, 1995);Google Scholar and Cook, Maria Lorena, Organizing Dissent: Unions, the State, and the Democratic Teachersș Movement in Mexico (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996).Google Scholar

47. Brambila, Aurora Loyo, El movimiento magisterial de 1958 de México (México: Ediciones Era, 1979), p. 50.Google Scholar Indeed, he suggests that they were among those charging “communists” with trying to stir up agitation in the country.

48. López, LópezSaul, “Testimonio,” in Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social de 1960, pp. 106–107.Google Scholar

49. The formal charges brought by the ACG were (1) general discontent and absence of political guarantees; (2) dislocation of campesinos; (3) constant repression on the part of the police and pistoleros on the governor’s payroll; (4) irregularities in municipal elections; and (5) illicit enrichment of the governor and his relatives. Zaldivar, Andres Rubio, El movimiento social Guerrerense y la lucha armada de Genaro Vázquez Rojas. (Serie: Movimientos y Protagonistas Sociales, Equipo Profesional Multidisciplinario de Apoyo Técnico, A.C. [Epmat],Google Scholar Convergencia Democrática Universitaria [UAG], Periódico Pueblo de Chilpancíngo. Chilpancingo: EPMAT, Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, 1994), p. 17; Saldaña, Rodríguez, La desaparición de poderes en el Estado de Guerrero (Chilpancingo: Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, 1992), pp. 146–161;Google Scholar Cruz, Pablo Sandoval, El movimiento social de 1960, pp. 74–75.Google Scholar A complete discussion of the initial charges, dated October 17, 1960, in Gutiérrez Galindo, José C., T el pueblo se puso de pie: La verdad sobre el caso Guerrero (México: self-published, 1961), pp. 197–207.Google Scholar Also included are numerous other legal documents and an excellent collection of political cartoons of the period. The author attended both the National Teachers School and the normal school at Ayotzinapa.

50. Codified in Article 123 and Article 3, respectively, of the Constitution of 1917.

51. Félix Hoyo, interview with the author, Mexico City, May 5, 2002. In a 1971 interview with ¿Por Qué?, Vázquez Rojas spoke of having been born in the small community of San Luis Acatlán and identified his father as a campesino leader who had taken him as a young boy to ejido meetings. He attended school on a state scholarship, as did most of the future militants who attended either the teacher-training school in the capital or that in Ayotzinapa.

52. Iguala, Guerrero is the site of the Museo a la Bandera in recognition of its stature as the city where the national flag was raised in the War of Independence.

53. Eulalio Alfaro, student leader, November 9,1960, “Anecdotarios,” in Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social, p. 132.Google Scholar López Mateos had previously acknowledged the legitimacy of agrarian demands more generally, and had offered amnesty to Morelos’ agrarista Rubén Jaramillo. Although he was initially unresponsive to popular demands, López Mateos ultimately engineered Caballero Aburto’s removal from office.

54. Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social de 1960, pp. 27–49.Google Scholar At the time, the population of the state capital was about 15,000.

55. Ramírez, Pablo Sandoval, “Testimonio,” in Salmerón, Jesús, Ramirez, Pablo Sandoval, et al., eds., 1960: histo-riajjráfica de un movimiento social (Chilpancingo: Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, 1991), p. 25.Google Scholar The state’s motto is the ‘Free and Sovereign State of Guerrero.’

56. Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social de 1960, pp. 38–39.Google Scholar

57. Teacher Domingo Adame Vega, “Testimonio,” in Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social, p. 103;Google Scholar Martínez, Radilla, Poderes, sabores y saberes, pp. 195–196, 208–209.Google Scholar

58. Rojas, Vázquez, “Anecdotario,” in Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social, p. 130.Google Scholar

59. Cruz, Sandoval, “Anecdotarios,” in Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social, p. 140.Google Scholar

60. Cabañas, Lucio, “Anecdotarios,” in Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social, p. 140.Google Scholar

61. Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social, pp. 59, 33, 27.Google Scholar

62. See, for example, Aurora Loyo Brambila, El movimiento magisterial on such efforts during the teachers strike. Like its language, government military tactics reflected its own lessons from the labor conflicts in Mexico City. The government employed these tools in Guerrero, and again in the capital in 1968 when protesters challenged government legitimacy there. See Aguayo, Sergio, La Charola: Una historia de los servicios de inteligencia en México (México: Grijalbo, 2001).Google Scholar

63. Cerros, Mario García in Salmerón et al., eds., 1960: historia grafica, pp. 27–35.Google Scholar

64. Cruz, Sandoval, El movimiento social, p. 82.Google Scholar

65. Brambila, Loyo, El movimiento magisterial, p. 48.Google Scholar

66. Numerous historians have analyzed the role of nationalism and anti-imperialism in the revolution of 1910. Its most overt expression is Article 33 of the Constitution of 1917. “Foreigners may not in any way participate in the political affairs of the country.” Also emblematic was the nationalization of oil by then-President Cárdenas in 1938.

67. Inocencio Castro, as reported by Cruz, Sandoval, “Anecdotario,” in El movimiento social, p. 131.Google Scholar

68. The authorizing article of the Constitution of 1917, Article 76, part V, reads, “To declare, whenever the constitutional powers of a State have disappeared, that the condition has arisen for appointing a provisional governor, who shall call elections in accordance with the constitutional laws of the said State. The appointment of a governor shall be made by the Senate from a list of three proposed by the President of the Republic, with the approval of two thirds of the members present, and during adjournments, by the Permanent Committee, according to the same rules. The official thus appointed cannot be elected constitutional governor İn the elections held pursuant to the call which he issues. This provision shall govern whenever the constitution of a State does not make provision for such cases.” Slight modifications have been made since but do not withdraw the powers of the President and Senate noted herein.

69. The military attack in Iguala resulted in seven deaths, 23 people injured, and 280 arrests. Additional attacks followed, in Ometepec, San Luis, and throughout the Costa Chica and Costa Grande. Twenty thousand soldiers maintained order as the official government candidates assumed their posts. Política (September 15, 1963); see also Bartra, Armando, Los herederos de Zapata: Movimientos campesinos posrevolucionarios en México, 1920–1980 (México: Ediciones Era, 1985 ), p. 84.Google Scholar For an interesting U.S. government description and analysis, see Robert W. Adams, Counselor of Embassy, Department of State Airgram, 712.00/1-363, No. A-876, “Communist Inspired Armed Attack on Local Authority in Iguala, Guerrero,” January 3, 1963, available at National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 124. On Atoyac, see below.

70. Rojas, Vázquz, “Lincamientos programáticos de la ACG,” in Flores, Aranda, Los cívicosguerrerenses, pp. 107–122.Google Scholar Manifestos and other pronouncements continued to frequently appear from the ACG, despite its reformation as the ACNR.

71. On Jaramillo, see Padilla, Tanalís, Kural Resistance in the Land of Zapata: The Jaramillista Movement and the Myth of the Pax Priista (1940–1962) (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

72. ACG manifesto of April 1964, in Gomezjara, , Bonapartismo, pp. 306–307.Google Scholar This document represents the fusion of reliance on the language of revolutionary nationalism (demands grounded in the Constitution of 1917) and the desirability of a more radical revolutionary socialist agenda (the rescue of resources from the hands of imperialists, scientific economic planning, etc.).

73. “anyone who spreads or propagates an idea, program or plan or other method with the intent of altering the order and public peace of the State, or to subvert the judicial and social institutions [of the State].” Government Decree 29, May 8, 1965, in Parra, Aroche, “El decree 29, engendro fascistoide,” Revista Política (15 de abril de 1965),Google Scholar in Gomezjara, , Bonapartismo, p. 304.Google Scholar Manifesto published in Revista Politica (lo. de junio de 1966), in Gomezjara, , Bonapartismo, pp. 306–307.Google Scholar

74. El Comité Estatal de la ACG, “Manifesto a Guerrero, a la Nación,” 19 de enero de 1963, and “Declaración aprobada por el Congreso Extraordinario, que en alianza realizaron La Liga Agraria Revolucionaria del Sur “Emiliano Zapata,” y la Central Campesina Independiente junto con los cívicos, el 4 de julio de 1965,” both in Flores, Aranda, Los cívicos guerrerenses, pp. 54–57, 66–71.Google Scholar

75. Roque Salgado, “Discurso: Nuestra protesta publica y la lucha general que en Guerrero se ha venido manifestando tiene como motives la falta de solución a los problemas fundamentales y graves que pesan sobre nuestra entidad,” 29 de enero de 1967, Iguala, in Flores, Aranda, Los cívicos guerrerenses, pp. 44–48.Google Scholar

76. Consejo de Auto-Defensa de Iguala, undated, in Flores, Aranda, Los cívicos guerrerenses, pp. 49–50.Google Scholar Grandin notes the contradiction that uan ever greater number [of rural and urban workers] turned to the government, including its rhetoric of democratic equality and justice, for help in meliorating the often brutal effects of capitalism, even though paradoxically the coercive labor and loss of access to subsistence production were in fact made possible only by government intervention.” Grandin, , The Last Colonial Massacre, p. 179.Google Scholar While writing about Latin America more generally, his observation applies to the increasing political and economic marginalization of workers in Guerrero.

77. Rojas, Genaro Vázquez, “La Asociación Cívica Nacional Revolucionaria acerca de la liberación de Genaro, 22 de abril de 1968 de la cárcel de Iguala, Gro.,” undated, very shortly after April 22, in Flores, Aranda, Los cívicos guerrerenses, pp. 123–126.Google Scholar

78. See numerous ACNR communiqués, Aranda Flores, Los cívicos guerrerenses.

79. Vázquez, Genaro, “Entrevista a Genaro Vázquez Rojas en el Otoño de 1970,” in A Flores, randa, Los cívicos guerrerenses, pp. 178–187;Google Scholar Vázquez, Genaro, “Entrevista al comandante en jefe de la ACNR, Genaro Vázquez Rojas en 1971,” in Flores, Aranda, Los cívicos guerrerenses, pp. 188–196.Google Scholar

80. Fausto Ávila insists that while some individuals transferred from one organization to another, and from urban to rural, there were no significant organizational links between either the Partido de los Pobres (PDLP) or Asociación Cívica Nacional Revolucionaria (ACNR) with urban guerrilla movements. Fausto Ávila, interview with the author, February 21, 2003, Chilpancingo, Guerrero.

81. Ramírez, Miranda, El otro rostro, pp. 53.Google Scholar See also Blacker-Hanson, La Lucha Sigue! See also Alfonso Aguario interview, below.

82. Such support is difficult to document or quantify. Kate Doyle notes, for example, the U.S. government’s presumption of extensive support. “The army was not succeeding because the campesinos in Guerrero supported Cabanas, analysts believed. . . . the United States embassy cabled, ‘It İs apparent that Cabanas and his group operate freely in Guerrero. Implications are that local populace, for whatever reasons, continues to afford Cabañas cover.”1 Doyle, “The Dawn of Mexico’s Dirty War,” posted December 5, 2002, National Security Archive, http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB105/index.htm#article. Likenesses of both Cabañas and Vázquez are still displayed at Ayotzinapa and in public fora throughout the state.

83. Hoyo, interview.

84. Núñez, interview; and Lucio Cabañas, 8 marzo 1974, “Diario de combate (notas sobre actividades del grupo),” in Suárez, Luis, Lucio Cabañas: El guerrillero sin esperanza, politica Mexicana (México: Grijalbo, 1984), p. 205.Google Scholar

85. Armenta, Wilfredo Fierro, Monografía de Atoyac (Self-published, undated), pp. 316–317.Google Scholar

86. Núñez, interview.

87. Núñez, interview. Like his colleagues who had witnessed the government violence unleashed against peaceful protesters, Núñez grew disillusioned with the prospects for reforming the Mexican state; personally unwilling to take up arms, he eventually made his way to Moscow.

88. Hoyo, and Cárdenas, , Desarrollo del capitalismo agrario, p. 9.Google Scholar Armando Bartra cites 30 dead in the “fiesta de las balas,” but says “some speak of eighty dead.” Bartra, Armando, “Donde los sismos nacen,” in Álvarez, Tomás Bustamante and Silva, Sergio Sarmiento, eds., El Sur en Movimiento: La Reinvención de Guerrero del Siglo XXI. (México: Editorial Laguna, 2001), p. 48.Google Scholar On the build-up to that confrontation, see also El Sol de Mexico, Novedades, La Verdad, and El Universal (July-August 1967).

89. Dionicio, Octaviano Santiago, Testimonio, pp. 9, 14.Google Scholar Santiago Dionisio’s case was taken up by Amnesty International.

90. “En busca de la memoria: Testimonios sobre los movimientos armadas de la década de los setenta,” presentation at UNAM, October 25 and November 6, 2003, recorded and prepared by José Luis Moreno Borbolla (in possession of author), p. 5.

91. Davila, Rosario, “En busca de la memoria,” pp. 30–35.Google Scholar

92. Félix Hoyo, interview; and Suárez, , Lucio Cabañas, pp. 17–18.Google Scholar

93. As Guerrero activist Othón Salazar notes, “La Revolución Mexicana creó la escuela pública precisamente asignándole un papel liberador.”(The Mexican Revolution created the public schools precisely to serve a liberating function.”). Rubicela Morelos Cruz, “Othón Salazar: en Guerrero se gobierna a la buena de Dios,“ an interview with Salazar, La Jornada Guerrero, April 13, 2007.

94. Cabañas, Lucio, “Diario de combate,” p. 205.Google Scholar

95. Cuenca Díaz, interview with Jesús M. Lozano, Excelsior, no date provided, in Rosales, José Natividad, ¿Quién fué Lucio Cabañas? ¿Quépasa con laguerrilla en México? (México: Colección Duda Semenal, Editorial Posada, undated), p. 86.Google Scholar See also DES, Order from Cuenca Díaz of September 23, 1972, Informe de Acapulco, 23 de septiembre de 1972, in Gustavo Castillo and Santos, Misael Habana de los, “Descubren pruebas de que Cuenca Díaz ordenó ‘exterminar’ a Lucio Cabañas,”L« Jornada, November 27, 2003.Google Scholar

96. AGN/DFS, Expediente 100-10-16/4 LI & L3, and July 7, 1972, in Bellingeri, Marco, Del agrarismo armado a la Guerra de los pobres: Ensayos de guerrilla rural en el México contemporáneo (México: Ediciones Casa Juan Pablos, Secretaria de cultura de la Ciudad de México, 2003), p. 13.Google Scholar On such tactics, see also Alcantara, Durand, La lucha campesina, p. 76;Google Scholar Wilfred Fierro Armenta, Monografìa de Atoyac, p. 360. Fierro records one such visit on May 16, 1969. This text is an excellent resource in support of the contention that Echeverría balanced guns and butter, as it is largely a daily journal of civic events in Atoyac, including numerous listings of military actions and seemingly-minor civic improvements; ¿Por Qué? August 12, 1971, pp. 8-9; and Peláez, Juan Fernándo Reyes, “El largo brazo del Estado: La estrategia contrainsurgente del gobierno mexicano,” presentation at La Guerrilla en las regiones de México Siglo XX Conference, Zamora, Michoacán, July 2002, pp. 5–6.Google Scholar

97. Robert H. McBride, Department of State Telegram to Secretary of State, Confidential 949, Mexico 2882, May 27, 1971. Obtained through the Ν SA, identified as POL 23-9 Mexico 2882.

98. Félix Hoyo, interview; Alejandra Cárdenas, interview with the author, Chilpancingo, Guerrero, August 19, 2002 and other dates; Ávila, interview. See also United Nations and Amnesty International reports on the government’s dirty war in Guerrero.

99. Teacher-activists Félix Hoyo and Alejandra Cárdenas were instrumental in smuggling “David” and other Cabañas relatives out of the state. Interviews, Hoyo, Cárdenas and “David” Cabanas, interview with the author, Mexico City, Mexico City, February 17, 2003.

100. United Nations Economic and Social Council, Commission on Human Rights, Question of the Human Rights of All Persons Subjected to any Form of Detention or Imprisonment: Question of Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, “Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances,” E/CN.4/1997/34 13 December 1996, pp. 43-44. An attached graph indicates a surge of disappearances in 1974 and again in 1977. See also Amnesty International Report, Ai-index: AMR 41/005/1998, 07/05/1998; Amnesty International’s concerns in Mexico, Al Index: AMR41/13/86, July 1986; the postings of the National Security Archives, particularly http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB180/index.htm; La Jornada; and Blacker-Hanson, Epilogue, “La Lucha Sigue!”

101. Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos (CNDH), “Informe Especial Sobre las Quejas en Materia de Desapariciones Forzadas Ocurridas en la Década de los 70 y Principios de los 80,” posted at http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB180/index.htm.

102. Avila interview; Hoyo interview; Alejandra Cárdenas, interviews.

103. Hoyo, interview; Cárdenas, interview.

104. Béjar, Héctor, “Some Final Notes,” in Peru 1965: Notes on a Guerrilla Experience, trans. William Rose (NY: Monthly Review Press, 1969), p. 116.Google Scholar

105. All personal details, Félix Hoyo, interview. Hoyo left the Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero for a faculty position at Chapingo in August 1973, after a series of escalating threats against his life. He continued to work with the Guerrero movement.

106. Like Hoyo, former guerrilla Rosario Dávila describes herself as having been involved with a student group affiliated with the Jesuits, and those from religious colleges (Maristas and Guadalupanas) who were moved to political action “that was intimately related with our religious sentiments,” including the concept of martyrdom. She also credits the influence of both October 2 and June 10 on her radicalization. Rosario Dávila, “En busca de la memoria,”p. 6; and José Luis Alonso, “En busca de la memoria,ȁ pp. 35–40. My thanks to Susan Smith for noting a similar radicalization that had occurred in Russian seminaries.

107. These same strategies were evident elsewhere, as radical intellectuals sought alliances, particularly with campus workers; for example, the Worker-Student Alliance Caucus within the Students for a Democratic Society in the U.S.

108. All personal details, Alejandra Cárdenas, interview. On the university, see Fradkin, Alexander, The Patrice Lumumba Friendship University in Moscow (Moscow: Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, 1973).Google Scholar Timothy Wick-ham-Crowley asserts that a number of "left-wing students who together attended Moscow’s Patrice Lumumba University” joined the leadership of Nicaragua’s FSLN. Wickham-Crowley, Timothy, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), p. 222.Google Scholar It would be interesting to track any links between the Nicaraguans and Mexicans, who undoubtedly met in Moscow.

109. Herbert Marcuse was a German-born scholar of Marxism. His most influential works include Reason and Revolution (1941), Eros and Civilization (1955), Soviet Marxism: A Critical Analysis (1958), and Counter-Revolution and Revolt (1972). Marcuse taught at Columbia, Harvard and Brandéis and was a close intellectual colleague of sociologist Barrington Moore, Jr. Robert Taber wrote the widely-read The War of the Flea: A Study of Guerrilla Warfare Theory and Practice (1965), available in Mexico as Laguerra de pulga.

110. Cárdenas, , interview; “Dónde están Antonio y Alejandra?” Proceso, July 1978;Google Scholar AGN DGIPS file on Alejandra Cárdenas, Expediente 100-10-16/4 Hl, 24-1-75; AGN DGIPS File on Cárdenas, Expediente 100-10-1-78 H51-L-71, September 3, 1978, alleged statement of Cárdenas, July 27, 1978.

111. Initially a “prepa popular,” it was fully incorporated into the UAG system, when—still retaining its original name—it was designated Preparatory #9 in 1973.

112. Cárdenas and Hoyo, interviews. According to government files, the visit came about as the result of a request “to implement study circles and conferences among the participants of the armed movement.” The session covered “socialism, customs of socialist countries, economics, and ‘systems of life.”’ AGN DGIPS File on Cárdenas, Expediente 100-10-1-78- H51-L-77. The source for this government assessment of the sessions is unidentified, but its specificity and rhetorical ring suggest it is the result of statements made by participants under police questioning, most likely Cárdenas and Hernández. See also Mario Arturo Acosta Chaparro, “Movimiento subversivo en México.” (No publication information: January 1990) (in possession of author), pp. 11–12.

113. Ricardo Rodriguez G., “Testimonio,ȁ 27 de octubre de 2001, unpublished, p. 3, in possession of the author. Rodriguez G was a member of the Partido de los Pobres (PDLP), founded by Cabañas.

114. All personal data herein, Alfonso Aguario interview with the author, Chilpancingo, February 21, 2003 and subsequent discussions; AGN DGIPS File on Alfonso Aguario, 012-037-121, L-l, 64, undated. Aguario continues on the faculty of the Prepa “Che Guevara.”

115. Murals touting this student organization still enliven the campus of the normal school in Ayotzinapa.

116. Adolfo Gilly’s La revolución interrumpida, published İn 1971, was a major contribution to the post’68 revisionist scholarship on the Mexican Revolution. John Womack’s Zapata and the Mexican Revolution appeared in 1969 and remains a standard work on the subject. Both Azuela and Guzman wrote novels depicting the conditions of the period preceding the revolution. González de Alba emerged as a prolific leftist leader of the Movement of '68; Revueltas ( 1914-1976) was a prominent poet and novelist of the left. His México 68: Juventud y revolución (México: Ediciones Era, 1978) was an influential analysis of events surrounding the Tlatelolco assault.Poniatowska continues to be among the most prominent intellectuals of Mexico City. Among her relevant texts is La noche de Tlatelolco (1971).

117. Eloy Cisneros, interview with the author, Chilpancingo, Guerrero, July 2, 2003; Cárdenas, , presentation, “Testimonio,” University of Washington, November 14, 2002.Google Scholar

118. Othón Salazar’s influence on the popular struggle in Guerrero cannot be over-stated. Serafín Núñez suggests that although Salazar’s MRM had put down significant roots in the state’s efforts to democratize the teachers’ union (SNTE) since the early 1960s, after 1968, “this teachers’ group was associated almost completely with the guerrilla movement of Cabañas.” Ramos, Serafín Núñez , “Raíces históricas de la transición democrática en Guerrero,” in La transición, p. 182.Google Scholar

119. AGN DFS Caja 1766, Folder 2, Expediente 2701, December 22, 1976, Informe de Acapulco, identifies him as Director of Preparatory #5 in Ometepec, and notes three others were picked up at the same time; Cisneros, “Testimonio que rindo ante las autoridades correspondientes, demandando castigo para los autores materiales e intelectuales, en la violación de mis derechos humanos y constitucionales,” presented to the PGR (Undated, İn possession of author); Cisneros, interview.

120. Ávila is from the community of El Ticui, in the municipio of Atoyac, site of extensive popular discontent and mobilization. He was arrested following the May 1967 government attack in Atoyac; served on the Nucleo de Dirección de la Asociación Cívica Nacional Revolucionaria (ACNR); and he spearheaded the successful escape of Vázquez Rojas from prison in 1968. After several years imprisonment, Ávila is currently on faculty at the Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero (UAG). Personal details, Ávila, interview; Student Records, Escuela Nacional de Maestros, Mexico City; AGN, DGIPS, Caja 2946a, 2946B, 1966-1968; AGN, DGIPS Caja 1488, 1968–1982.

121. Ávila, interview. Cabanas’ brother reports that he, too, read Los de abajo, as well as the work of B. Traven. “David” Cabañas, interview.

122. For more on the resurgence of popular protest, see Blacker-Hanson, La Luche Sigue!

123. Indeed, Christopher White makes a compelling argument for the extent to which the Mexican Revolution was a model for the Cubans. See especially, pp. 42-44. He quotes Castro, “I credit [former President Lázaro] Cárdenas with [our] freedom,” and “I credit Mexico with [our] inspiration.” Fidel Castro, ”A Cárdenas debo la libertad; a Mexico la inspiración, dice Fidel a la Revista Siempre!” Siempre! August 12, 1959, p. 32, in White, Creating a Third World, p. 59. Nor do I mean to suggest that Cuba’s influence in Mexico be dismissed. In their testimonial written in 1987, former members of the Partido de los Pobres, as well as activists at the Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, İn their recollections, and others cited herein, affirmed the importance of the Cuban success as an inspiration. José Orbe Diego, et al., Lucio Cabañas y el Partido de los Pobres {México: Editorial Nuestra America, 1987).

124. An uncle of Lucio Cabañas attributed the movement's durability to its grounding in family networks, asserting a core base of over 300 armed campesinos whose loyalty was based on family ties more strongly than political ideology. Félix Hoyo, interview. Timothy Wickham-Crowley demonstrates the importance of family and friendship networks to recruit others as well as to sustain a clandestine movement. Wickham-Crowley, , Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes Since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), p. 138. The study is on South America, not Mexico.Google Scholar

125. Béjar, , “Some Final Notes,” pp. 114–118.Google Scholar

126. José Gil Olmos, “Entrevistas a ex-militantes del movimiento armado de los 70s: Dudan ex combatientes del fin de la guerrilla con Vicente Fox” (unpublished, October 23, 2000), recorded and transcribed by José Luis Moreno Borbolla, transcript in possession of the author, pp. 4–5.

127. Borbolla, Moreno, “En busca de la memoria,” pp. 51–52.Google Scholar

128. Grandin, , The Last Colonial Massacre, p. 178.Google Scholar

129. Aguario, interview and discussions with the author.

130. Alejandra Cárdenas, presentation, University of Washington, and in numerous discussions with the author. See also Max Elbaum’s discussion of the Utopian attraction of Marxism to U.S. students and workers by “targeting the interconnection between class exploitation and racial oppression.” Elbaum also links this appeal to self-identification as revolutionary nationalists. Elbaum, Revolution in the Air, pp. 42–46.

131. Gregoria Nano de Atoyac, interview with Radilla Martinez, 1989, in Poderes, Radilla Martínez, saberes y sabores, p. 195 Google Scholar

132. Charles Tilly, “When Do (and Don’t) Social Movements Promote Democratization?” in Ibarra, Pedro, ed., Social Movements and Democracy (New York: Palgrave/McMillan, 2003), pp. 21, 37.Google Scholar

133. Taber, Robert, The War of the Flea: A Study of Guerrilla Warfare Theory and Practice (New York: Lyle Stuart, 1965), p. 29.Google Scholar

134. Doyle, “The Dawn of Mexico’s Dirty War.”

135. Grandin, , The Last Colonial Massacre, p.173.Google Scholar