¹ In a comprehensive study of the religious activities of the Northeast, one must include “syncretic Catholicism” of various Afro-Brazilian cults in addition to “folk Catholipolitics, and therefore were excluded from this study. Emílio Willems, Followers roles of priests, and few elites of the Afro-Brazilian cults ever exerted influence on politics, and therefore they were excluded from this study. Willems, Emíli, Followers of the New Faith: Culture Change and the Rise of Protestantism in Brazil and Chile (Nashville, 1967), pp. 32–36.Google Scholar Wagley, Charles, An Introduction to Brazil (New York, 1963), pp. 239–240.Google Scholar Fernandes, Gonçalves, Região, crença. e atitude: uma visão da religiosidade reactiva de pequenos e médios agricultores de sub-áreas de Pernambuco (Recife, 1963), pp. 54–65 Google Scholar discusses some “folk Catholic” beliefs held by seretanejos. de Oliveira, Pedro A. Ribeiro, Catholocismo popular no Brasil (Rio, 1970), pp. 8–11.Google Scholar For Afro-Brazilian cults of syncretic Catholicism, see Warren, Donald Jr., “The Negro and Religion in Brazil,” Race, 1: 3 (Jan. 1965), pp. 199–216.Google Scholar Bastide, Roger, Estudos Afro-Brasileiros (São Paulo, 1973 Google Scholar; Estudos paperback series), III: 1 “Contribuição ao estudo do sincretismo católico fetichista” [Raimundo, ] Rodrigues, Nina, O animismo fetichista do negro da Bahia (Rio, 1939).Google Scholar Fernandes, Gonçalves, O sincretismo religioso no Brasil (Curitiba, 1941).Google Scholar For a more recent approach to categorizing Catholicism in Brazil, see Comblin, Pe. José, “Para urna tipologia do catolicismo no Brasil,” Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira, Vol. 27 (March 1968), pp. 46–73.Google Scholar Hereafter cited as REB.

² The best known works by these Northeastern writers in English are: Freyre, Gilberto, The Masters and the Slaves, trans. Putnam, Samuel (New York, 1946).Google Scholar Amado, Jorge, Gabriela: Clove and Cinnamon, trans. Taylor, James L. and Grossman, William L. (New York, 1962).Google Scholar Ramos, Graciliano, Barren Lives, trans. Dimmick, Ralph Edward (Austin, 1965).Google Scholar de Queiroz, Rachel, The Three Marias, trans. Ellison, Fred. P. (Austin, 1963).Google Scholar

³ For the role of Rui Barbosa and the archbishop of Bahia on the subject, see Schmidt, Pe. Eugênio OFM, “Rui Barbosa e a decreto de separação (7–1–1890),” REB, Vol. 14 (June 1954), especially pp. 367–370.Google Scholar

⁴ The Barão de Cotegipe (João Maurício Wanderley), the Conservative Prime Minister in 1885, commenting on the increasing number of priests in politics, observed, “Os padres invadem a assembléa! 55 Cotegipe to João Ferreira de Arújo Pinho, Rio, 24 October 1885, Arquivo de João de Araújo Pinho.

⁵ The purpose of the church is well outlined by de Araújo Sales, Dom Eugênio, “A igreja na América latina e a promoção humana,” REB, Vol. 28 (Sept. 1968), p. 541.Google Scholar

⁶ For the typology of the rural political elites, See Pang, Eul-Soo, “The Politics of Coronelismo in Brazil: The Case of Bahia, 1889–1930)” (University of California, Berkeley dissertation, 1970), Chapter I.Google Scholar

⁷ For the most common definition, Sodré, Nelson Werneck, Formação histórica do Brasil (4th ed.; São Paulo, 1962), 2 de 1889 a 1930, Chapter VIII, especially 273–274.Google Scholar de Oliveira Torres, João Camillo, O presidencialismo no Brasil (Rio, 1962), pp. 230–237.Google Scholar

⁸ The standard work is Boehrer, George C.A., Da monárquia a república: história do Partido Republicano do Brasil (1870–1889) (Rio, 1954).Google Scholar Vianna, Oliveira, O ocaso do império (3rd ed.; Rio, 1959), pp. 106–109 Google Scholar gives the number of Republican clubs and newspapers in Brazil.

⁹ Sales, Campos argued that it is more precise to call his policy of “política dos governadores” the “política dos estados.” Da propaganda á presidencia (São Paulo, 1908), pp. 236–253.Google Scholar

¹⁰ From 1896 to 1928, the City Council of Salvador, Bahia had three priests as members. Monsenhor João Gonçalves de Cruz, the best-known of the three, was first elected to the council in 1912 and served until 1928 as councilman and later president of the body. During this period, he was also a state senator from Salvador and chief pastor of the São Francisco Church at the Praça da Sé.

¹¹ On Padre Cícero, see Cava, Ralph della, Miracle at Joaseiro (New York, 1970)Google Scholar; “The Entry of Padre Cícero into Partisan Politics, 1907–1909: Some Complexities of Brazilian Backland Politics under the Old Republic,” in Chilcote, Ronald H. (ed.), Protest and Resistance in Angola and Brazil (Berkeley, 1972), pp. 133–155 Google Scholar; and “Brazilian Messianism and National Institutions: A Reappraisal of Canudos and Joaseiro,” Hispanic American Historical Review, XLVIII: 3 (Aug. 1968), pp. 402–420. Facó, Rui, Cangacetros e fanáticos (2nd ed.; Rio, 1965), Part III.Google Scholar Anselmo, Octacílio, Padre Cícero, mito e realidade (Rio, 1968).Google Scholar Morel, Edmar, Padre Cícero—o santo do Juazeiro (2nd ed.; Rio, 1966).Google Scholar Filho, Lourenço, Juazeiro do Padre Cícero (3rd ed.; São Paulo, n.d.).Google Scholar Pinheiro, Irineu, O Joaseiro do Padre Cícero e a revolução de 1914 (Rio, 1938).Google Scholar Bartholomeu, Floro, Joaseiro e o Padre Cicero (depoimento para a historia) (Rio, 1923).Google Scholar da Silva, Simões, O Padre Cicero e a população do nordeste (Rio, 1927).Google Scholar Numerous articles appeared in the Revista do Instituto do Ceará in the 1940’s and 1950’s. Sociological studies on Cícero are done by de Queiroz, Maria Isaura Pereira, O messianismo no Brasil e no mundo (São Paulo, 1965), pp. 231–246 Google Scholar; “L’influence du milieu social interne sur les mouvements messianiques brésiliens,” Archives de Socolologie des Religions, No. 5 (Jan.-June 1958), pp. 12–13; “Mouvements messianiques et développement économique au Brésil,” ibid., No. 16 (July-Dec. 1963), pp. 113–118; and “Messiahs in Brazil,” Past and Present, No. 31 (July 1965), pp. 62–86. Ribeiro, René, “Brazilian Messianic Movements,” in Thrupp, Sylvia L. (ed.), Millennial Dreams in Action (The Hague, 1962), pp. 55–69.Google Scholar

On Monsenhor Hermelino Leão no full length biography exists. For the politics of the Lavras Diamantinas, see Chagas, Américo, O cheje Horácio de Matos (São Paulo, 1962),Google Scholar Moraes, Walfrido, Jagunços e heróis (Rio, 1963)Google Scholar; and Barbosa, Olympio Antônio, Horacio de Mattos, sua vida e suas luttas (Salvador, 1953?).Google Scholar On Monsenhor Walfrido Leal, see Nóbrega, Apolonio, História republicana da Paraíba (João Pessoa, 1950)Google Scholar and de Andrade, Delmiro Pereira, Evolução histórica da Paraíba do Norte (Rio, 1946).Google Scholar Horácio de Almeida, a well-known Paraibano historian, is currently preparing a volume on the Old Republic in his História da Paraíba.

¹² Dom Antônio Macedo da Costa, archbishop of Bahia, founded a Catholic Party in 1890 and became the party’s candidate for the federal senate. Typically, the Partido Católico in Bahia failed to include the sertão and was eventually forced to dissolve by the papal order. Jornal de Noticias, Salvador da Bahia), 7–8 August 1890.

¹³ de Barros, Pe. Raimundo Caramuru, Brasil: urna igreja em renovação: a experiência brasileira de planejamento pastoral (Petropolis, 1967). p. 9.Google Scholar Brunean, Thomas C., “The Changing Political Role of the Catholic Church,” in Rosenbaum, H. Jon and Tyler, William G. (eds.), Contemporary Brazil: Issues in Economic and Political Development (New York, 1972), pp. 299–322,Google Scholar and “Conflict and Change in the Brazilian Catholic Church,” (University of California, Berkeley Dissertation, 1970). p. 188 ff.

¹⁴ Ibid., pp. 138–139 and pp. 193–194. A brief description of the CNBB, its purpose, and its current officers is found in Centro de Estatística Religiosa e Investigações Sociais, Anuário Católico do Brasil 1970/1972 (Rio, 1972), pp. 45–58.

¹⁵ do Amarai, Braz, História da Bahia do imperio ã republica (Bahia. 1923), pp. 355–357.Google Scholar Correspondence between Provisional Governor of Bahia Manuel Vitorino Pereira and Rui Barbosa does not reveal any attempt by the latter to influence the writing of the state constitution. On one occasion, Manual Vitorino asked Rui if Bahia could publish its state constitution before the federal constitution. Pereira to Barbosa, Bahia, 9 April 1890, Correspondência: Manuel Victorino Pereira, Arquivo da Casa de Rui Barbosa. Of course, Rui was the midwife of the Federal Constitution of 1891. On do Sul, Rio Grande, Rosa, Othelo, Julio de Castilhos (Porto Alegre, 1928), pp, 89–114.Google Scholar Love, Joseph L., Rio Grande do Sul and Brazilian Regionalism, 1882–1930 (Stanford, 1971), pp. 43–45.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Leal, Victor Nunes, Coronelismo: enxado e veto: o município e o regime representativo no Brasil (Rio, 1948), pp. 69–70.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Nunes, Castro, As constituições estaduaes do Brasil (commentadas e comparadas entre si e com constituição federal) (2 vols.; Rio, 1922), 1, 160–164.Google Scholar Sherwood, Frank P., Institutionalizing the Grass Roots in Brazil: A Study in Comparative Local Government (San Francisco, 1967), p. 36.Google Scholar Frequently, in violation of the state constitution, some governors of the Northeast “made and unmade” prefects. See an interesting case in Sergipe in 1909 and 1910, José Rodrigues da Costa Doria to Nilo Peçanha, Aracajú, 24 February 1910, Pasta-February 1910, Arquivo de Nilo Peçanha.

¹⁸ In the hard-hitting presidential campaign of 1910, former Governor and Federal Senator Severino Vieira of Bahia suggested Nilo Peçanha to name a set of new judicial officers in a southern Bahia município to prevent possible electoral frauds by the opposition. Severino Vieira to Nilo Peçanha, Bahia, 17 February 1910, Pasta-February 1910, Arquivo de Nilo Peçanha.

¹⁹ Not everyone was critical of Antônio Conselheiro. For favorable views on the Holy City of Canudos, see Jornal de Noticias, 10 June 1893.

²⁰ The best-known work to the English-speaking readers is da Cunha, Euclides, Rebellion in the Backlands, trans. Putnam, Samuel (Chicago, 1944).Google Scholar Contrary to popular belief, it was not Cunha who first wrote about Canudos. A Rio newspaper reporter, Benicio, Manoel wrote O rei dos jagunços (Rio, 1899),Google Scholar an excellent study of Antônio Conselheiro and his Canudos. For political implications, see Dantas, Paulo, Quern foi Antonio Conselheiro? (São Paulo, 1966)Google Scholar and Evangelista Monte-Marciano, Frei João, Relatorio apresentado ao Arcebispado da Bahia sobre Antônio Conselheiro e seu séquito no arraial dos Canudos (Bahia, 1895).Google Scholar Political authorities in the 1880’s were also concerned with Canudos. See an official report by the provincial president, João Capistrano Bandeira Mello to Barão de Mamoré (Minister of the Empire), Bahia, 15 June 1887, Officio de Governo da Bahia 1887, Vol. 40, IJJ 9.354, Arquivo Nacional in Rio de Janeiro.

²¹ The drought years in the second half of the 19th century were 1877–1879, 1889, 1891, and 1898. In the first half of this century, 1907, 1915, 1930, 1932, 1933, 1938, and 1941 were considered bad. Fernandes, Aníbal, Um senhor de engenho pernambucano (Rio, 1959), pp. 178–179.Google Scholar

²² César Zama to José Antônio Saraiva, Bahia 14 January 1890, Pasta 274/49, Coleção Saraiva, Arquivo do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro. Saraiva also made some interesting observations on the sêca in Saraiva to João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá, Rio(?), 21 February 1889, I-DPP. 21.2.889, Sar. Cl-7, Arquivo Histórico do Museu Imperial.

²³ Bartholomeu, , Joaseiro, p. 32.Google Scholar Facó, , Cangaceiros, pp. 164–166.Google Scholar Both argue that Cícero was rich, but his wealth was not for personal use. Della Cava, however, flatly states that Cícero was poor. Miracle, p. 28.

²⁴ The entire document of the “Pact of Coronéis” is reprinted in Pinheiro, , O Joaseiro do Padre Cicero, pp. 174–180.Google Scholar Cicero brought a total of seventeen municípios under his control, pledging the bloc support to the Acioli oligarchy in Fortaleza.

²⁵ Cava, Della, Miracle, pp. 151–156.Google Scholar For more details, see Note 11.

²⁶ Nóbrega, , História republicana da Paraíba, pp. 75–76 Google Scholar; 107–108; 117–119; and 125–128.

²⁷ Epitácio da Silva Pessoa (1865–1942) was the only civilian northerner who became the president of Brazil during the Old Republic, serving the term of 1919–1922. Two military men, Deodoro da Fonseca and Floriano Peixoto, were born in Alagoas, serving in the office from 1889 to 1894.

²⁸ Nóbrega, , História republicana da Paraíba, pp. 117–119.Google Scholar

²⁹ de Melo Franco, Alfonso Arinos, Um estadista da república (Afrânio de Melo Franco e seu tempo) (3 vols.; Rio, 1955), 2 fase nacional, 708–712.Google Scholar Melo Franco lists the name “Galvão,” which should be “Galrão,” a typographical error. de Sá, José, O bombardeio da Bahia e seus effeitos (Bahia, 1918)Google Scholar deals with the political crisis of 1912. de Barros, Francisco Borges, Dr. J. J. Seabra, sua vida, sua obra na república (Bahia, 1931), p. 245.Google Scholar The second volume of this book was never completed. Leal, Hamilton, Aurelino Leal, sua vida, sua época, sua obra (Rio, 1968), pp. 197–207.Google Scholar

³⁰ Pang, , “The Politics of Coronelismo,” pp. 266–267.Google Scholar

³¹ The local clans’ war in the 1890’s was fought between the Sá-Leão and Matos-Ribeiro groups. Speech by Filgueiras, Leovigildo (deputy from Bahia), Congresso Nacional Annaes da Câmara dos Deputados. Terceira Sessão da Segunda Leglislatura. Sessões de 1 a 30 de Junho de 1896, 2 (Rio, 1896), pp. 259–260.Google Scholar Euclides da Cunha also refers to this backland war in Rebellion, p. 173.

³² A Tarde (Salvador da Bahia), 7 August 1920. Horácio de Matos to José Matos, Macahubas, 17 June 1920 (letter), Arquivo de Horácio de Queiroz Matos. For the federal intevention of 1920, see Pang, , “The Revolt of the Bahian Coronéis and the Federal Intervention of 1920,” Luso-Brazilian Review (Winter 1971), pp. 3–25.Google Scholar

³³ In Mato Grosso, one bishop was elected governor as a compromise candidate for two rival parties of Coronel Pedro Celestino and of Senator Antônio Azeredo. It was rather rare during the Old Republic that a priest was selected as a neutral political candidate, but in Paraguay its seems customary for a village priest to play neutral. Hicks, Frederick, “Politics, Power and the Role of the Village Priest in Paraguay,” Journal of Inter-American Studies, 9: 2 (April 1967), pp. 273–282.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁴ do Santo Rosário, Irmã Maria Regina, OCD (Laurita Pessôa Raja Gabaglia), O Carded Leme (1882–1942) (Rio, 1962), pp. 102–193 and 144–145.Google Scholar For a non-Brazilian view on the AC, see José Suenens, Cardeal Léo, “Multiforma unidade de Ação Católica,” REB, Vol. 24 (June 1964), pp. 289–308.Google Scholar Mons. Frederico Diodonet, “Luzes e sombras nos movimentos especializados,” ibid., Vol. 24 (Sept. 1964), pp. 563–565.

³⁵ Regina, Irmã Maria, O Cardeal Leme, pp. 302–305 and 309–310.Google Scholar Carlos Isnard, Dom Clemente José, “O Cardeal e a promoção do laicado brasileiro,” REB, Vol. 27 (Dec. 1967), pp. 817–836, and especially pp. 820–823.Google Scholar

³⁶ Lima, Alceu Amoroso, Indicações políticas da revolução á constituição (Rio, 1936), pp. 133–149.Google Scholar

³⁷ República dos Estados do Brasil, Annaes da Assembléa Nacional Constituinte (22 vols.; Rio, 1934–1937), I, iv. Of ten deputies from Ceará, six listed their party as Liga Eleitoral Católica.

³⁸ The PSD of Bahia (1933–1937) should not be confused with the party of the same name, which Vargas founded in 1945.

³⁹ Mecham, J. Lloyd, Church and State in Latin America (Chapel Hill, 1966 Google Scholar; paperback rev. ed.), pp. 277–278.

⁴⁰ For a brief description of the historical development of the Brazilian Church, see Hoornaert, Pe. Eduardo, “A igreja e a ética do desenvolvimento no Brasil,” REB, Vol. 30 (March 1970), pp. 27–58, and especially pp. 44–57.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Two well-done monographs on the “Natal Movement” are: Camargo, Procópio, O movimento de Natal (Bruxelles, 1968), especially p. 207 Google Scholar on the political role of the church, and Ferrari, Alceu, Igreja e desenvolvimento: o movimento de Natal (Natal, 1968),Google Scholar see Part I.

⁴² On the post-war politics of Bahia, de Sampaio, Nelson Souza, O diálogo democrático na Bahia (Belo Horizonte, 1960)Google Scholar and Méio Século de política bahiana (Belo Horizonte, 1966) are two best. The second monograph deals with the period from 1912 to 1962, which originally appeared as an article in the Revista Brasileira de Estudos Políticos. On Pernambuco, de Barros, Adirson, Ascensão e queda Miguel Arraes (Rio, 1965)Google Scholar and Vilaça, Marcos Vinicios and de Albuquerque, Roberto Cavalcanti, Coronel, coronéis (Rio, 1965)Google Scholar deal with interior coronelista politics.

⁴³ For the post-1945 party movements, see Peterson, Phyllis Jane, “Brazilian Political Parties: Formation, Organization, and Leadership, 1945–1959” (University of Michigan dissertation, 1962).Google Scholar Evidence that coronéis’ party affiliations were influenced by personal factors such as kinship and friendship can be documented in at least one case. In Sento-Sé, Bahia (a município in the Middle São Francisco Valley), Coronel Antônio (“Tonhá”) Sento-Sé was the PSD-Bahia boss in his town. During the second Vargas administration (1951–1954), one of Tonhá’s relatives was the wife of a PTB federal deputy from Bahia. She wanted to offer Tonhá a better deal for party switching. Tonhá stayed with the PSD after having received telegrams and letters from ex-president Marshal Dutra and a host of other national PSD chiefs. For the particular letter, see Lourdes to Tonhá, Rio, 17 May 1954, Parte de Correspondencia do Coronel Tonhá Sento-Sé, Período de 1945 a 1954, Arquivo de Antônio Nunes de Sento-Sé.

⁴⁴ Comblin, Pe. José, “Situação histórica do catolicismo no Brasil,” REB, Vol. 26 (Sept. 1968), pp. 574–601.Google Scholar In pp. 598–600, Comblin singles out the period of 1959–1960 as the turning point for the abrasileiramento da igreja and the emergence of bispos sociais. Brazil’s two new cardinals, Dom Avelar Brandão Vilela of Bahia and Dom Paulo Evaristo Arns of São Paulo discuss the role of the church in the 1960’s and the 1970’s in Veja, No. 231 (7 Feb. 1973), pp. 44–52.

⁴⁵ Barreto, Lêda, Julião—nordeste-revolução (Rio, 1963), pp. 39–40.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Netto, Antônio Delfim, “Notas sobre alguns aspectos do problema agrário,” Temas e Problemas (1° Caderno 1964), pp. 5–41.Google Scholar Câmara, Dom Helder, Revolução dentro da paz (Rio, 1968), p. 192 ff.Google Scholar Demo, Pedro and Ciampi, Regina. “Prorural na realidade brasileira,” Comunicado mensal—Conferência Nacional dos Bishops do Brasil, No. 247 (April 1973), pp. 560–561.Google Scholar Or several existing works on Brazil’s agrarian reform, two works are particularly pertinent to this study: Ferrari, Fernando, Escravos da terra (Rio, 1963)Google Scholar and Vinhas, M., Problems agrários—componeses do Brasil (2nd ed.; Rio, 1972).Google Scholar Ferrari, a Gaúcho politician, was Goulart’s Agricultural Minister and one of the principal architects of the agrarian reform laws of the early 1960’s.

⁴⁷ Speech by Nobre, Padre, dos Deputados, Câmara, Anais da Câmara dos Deputados 1962 X (4^a Sessão Legislativa Ordinaria da 4^a Legislatura) (Brasília, 1962), p. 381–383.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Mons. Duarte, Luciano Dr., “Ação missionária na JUC,” REB, Vol. 21 (Dec. 1961), pp. 883–902.Google Scholar de Kadt, Emanuel, Catholic Radicalism in Brazil (London, 1970)Google Scholar elaborates his earlier articles on the same subject.

⁴⁹ Alves, Márcio Moreira, O cristo do povo (Rio, 1968), p. 70.Google Scholar A Grain of Mustard Seed: The Awakening of the Brazilian Revolution. (Garden City, New York, 1973), Chapter 9. See also Note 41.

⁵⁰ Speech by Bahury, Miguel, Anais da Câmara dos Deputados 1962 10, pp. 382–395.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Embaixada do Brasil (Washington), Boletim Especial, Nos. 29/30, 12 February 1971.

⁵² “SUDENE—Northeast up from Scratch,” Conjuntura Econômica. XV: 11 (Nov. 1968), p. 32.

⁵³ Ibid.

⁵⁴ IBGE, Anuário Estatístico do Brasil-1970, p. 37 gives the population of the Northeast from 1872 to 1960. The figure of 1970 is from Boletim Especial.

⁵⁵ “Wage Levels in Various States in Brazil,” Conjuntura Econômica, XIII: 2 (Dec. 1966), pp. 55–59.

⁵⁶ Prospects of the Sugar Industry,” ibid., X: 5 (May 1963), pp. 43–50.

⁵⁷ For an interesting account of the turbulent early 1960’s of the Northeast by an American observer, see Page, Joseph A., The Revolution That Never Was: Northeast Brazil 1955–1964 (New York, 1972).Google Scholar The role of U. S. foreign aid was studied by Roett, Riordan, The Politics of Foreign Aid in the Brazilian Northeast (Nashville, 1972).Google Scholar Roett, (ed), Brazil in the Sixties (Nashville, 1972)Google Scholar has a pertinent chapter on the church in the Northeast. See Note 67.

⁵⁸ de Barros, Caramuru. Brasil: uma igreja em renovação, p. 11.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ibid., pp. 11–13. Ferrari, , Igreja e desenvolvimento, p. 73.Google Scholar From 1951 to 1959, there were fourteen semanas rurais in Rio Grande do Norte.

⁶⁰ de Barros, Caramuru, Brasil: uma igreja em renovação, p. 13.Google Scholar II Encontro dos bispos do nordeste: Natal—Maio de 1959 (Rio, 1959), pp. 17–31. Camargo, , O movimento de Natal, p. 134.Google Scholar

⁶¹ de Proença Sigaud, Dom Geraldo, SVD, et al, Reforma agrária—questão de consciência (4th ed.; São Paulo, 1962)Google Scholar is a work of the most ridiculous scholarship. On p. 36, for instance, it states that “agrarian reform opens the roads to the decadence and soon to the ruin of the family.” By and large this book, drawing heavily on the papal doctrines of the past century, engages in common scare tactics. Mutchler, David E. S.J., divided the Bazilian clergy into four ideological wings: ultrareactionary, conservative, moderate, and progessive, in “Roman Catholicism in Brazil,” Studies in Comparative International Development, 1: 8 (1965), pp. 103–106.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Ivan Vallier presents an excellent model for ideological groups for the entire Latin American Catholic Chuch in “Religious Elites: Differentiations and Development in Roman Catholicism,” in Lipset, Seymour Martin and Solari, Aldo (eds.), Elites in Latin America (New York, 1967), pp. 190–232.Google Scholar See also de Kadt, Emanuel, “Religion, the Church and Social Change in Brazil,” in Veliz, Claudio (ed.), The Politics of Conformity in Latin America (London, 1967), pp. 207–209.Google Scholar

⁶² Lime, Alceu Amoroso, Revolução, reação ou reforma? (2nd ed.; Rio, 1964), pp. 97–99 Google Scholar; 122.

⁶³ Alves, , O cristo do povo, pp. 55–58.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Jarlot, Pe. Georges S.J., “A enciclica ‘Mater et Magistra,’” REB, Vol. 21 (Dec. 1961), pp. 849–870.Google Scholar de Margerie, Pe. Bertrand S.J., “‘Pacem in Terris,’” ibid., Vol. 23 (June 1963), pp. 289–314.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Camargo, O movimento de Natal, pp. 206–212 discusses the political role of the church.

⁶⁶ Moraes, Clodomir, “Peasant Leagues in Brazil,” in Stavenhagen, Rodolfo (ed.), Agrarian Problems and Peasant Movements in Latin America (New York, 1970), pp. 480–483 and p. 497.Google Scholar Obregón, Aníbal Quijano, “Contemporary Peasant Movements,” in Lipset, and Solari, (eds.), Elites in Latin America, p. 309.Google Scholar Hewitt, Cynthia N., “Brazil: The Peasant Movement of Pernambuco, 1961–1964,” in Landsberger, Henry A. (ed.), Latin American Peasant Movements (Ithaca, 1969), pp. 387–388 Google Scholar stresses both geographical and class elements of the origins of “outside” leadership.

⁶⁷ Alves, , O cristo do povo, pp. 73–74.Google Scholar Ireland, Rowan, “The Catholic Church and Social Change in Brazil: An Evaluation,” in Roett, (ed.), Brazil in the Sixties, p. 360,Google Scholar footnote 24 describes Padre Paulo Crespo as “a Chilean-style Christian Democrat. But he is far too immersed in Brazilian political and economic realities for even that label to apply neatly.”

⁶⁸ Alves, , O cristo do povo, pp. 71–74.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Callado, Antônio, Tempos de Arraes: padres e comunistas na revolução sem violência (3rd ed.; Rio, 1964), pp. 74–75.Google Scholar Hispanic American Report, XV: 8 (Oct. 1962), pp. 758–759.

⁷⁰ Barreto, , Julião. p. 58.Google Scholar Barros, Miguel Arraes, pp. 33–38.

⁷¹ Callado, , Tempo de Arraes, pp. 79–81.Google Scholar A collection of Miguel Arraes– speeches as governor between 31 January 1963 and 1 April 1964 is published in Palavra de Arraes (Rio, 1965?), pp. 9–140.

⁷² Barros, , Miguel Arraes, pp. 26–27.Google Scholar

⁷³ Bemis, George W., From Crisis to Revolution: Monthly Case Studies (Los Angeles, 1964), pp. 83–84.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Barros, Miguel Arraes, p. 82.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid.. p. 93.

⁷⁶ Biblioteca da Câmara dos Deputados, Deputados Brasileiros: Repertório biográfico dos membres da Câmara dos Deputados. Sexta Legislatura (1967–1971) (Brasília, 1968) lists Monsenhor Manuel Vieira (ARENA-Paraíba), p. 439; Padre Antônio de Oliveira Godinho (MDB-São Paulo), p. 486; Padre José de Souza Nobre (MDB-Minas Gerais), pp. 487–488; and Padre Antônio Batista Vieira (MDB-Ceará), p. 489.

⁷⁷ Sander, Thomas G., “Brazil’s Catholic Left,” America, No. 21 (Nov. 18, 1967), p. 600.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ibid.

⁷⁹ Hispanic American Report, XVI: 6 (Aug. 1963), p. 625.

⁸⁰ Cardozo, Manoel, “The Brazilian Church and the New Left,” Journal of Inter-American Studies, 6: 3 (July 1964), pp. 313–321.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸¹ Kadt, , “JUC and AP: The Rise of Catholic Radicalism in Brazil,” in Landsberger, Henry A. (ed.), The Church and Social Change in Latin America (Notre Dame, 1970), pp. 191–219,Google Scholar and especially p. 205. Also see Note 48.

⁸² Moraes, , “Peasant Leagues in Brazil,” pp. 484–489.Google Scholar

⁸³ It seems that the influence of priests in politics and especially in public office in Rio Grande do Sul during the Old Republic was virtually nil. Love, , Rio Grande do Sul, p. 76 Google Scholar states that “In most of Brazil priests occasionally figured as coronéis—but not in Rio Grande. Moreover, in all the years of the Old Republic no priest entered congress as a representative for Rio Grande do Sul or held a post in the state executive, and only two sat in the legislature. The party [Republican Party of Rio Grande do Sul] chief even implied he was not a Catholic. The lack of a strong religious tradition in Rio Grande has been noted by historians and can be supported statistically by comparing data from Rio Grande with figures from other states in Brazil.”