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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
On the eve of the American Revolution colonial trade with the islands of the British West Indies had reached considerable proportions. Close to 40% of the ships leaving the ports of New York and Boston alone sailed directly to the English possessions in the Caribbean, and an estimated 500 sloops and schooners were involved in both direct and indirect commerce. The year 1767 saw a total of 2000 vessels cleared through American ports for the West Indies.
The landowners in the West Indies were highly dependent upon the American colonies for supplies of foodstuffs (including livestock) and lumber. Therefore agricultural America had an outlet for its primary products, while the West Indian planter had a steady market for his sugar economy. In effect the trade with the BWI had become, on the eve of the Declaration of Independence, a cornerstone of American commerce. The importance of this trade can, and has, been documented. But no better than by the remark of Paul Revere shortly after the famous midnight ride. Traveling through the major commercial areas of New England, Revere reported “a sentiment in favor of Congress, so constituted, in order to place a restriction on the trade of the West Indies.” Actually the colonies were not about to injure this trade. After Boston harbor was shut down, John Adams remarked that its commerce was “an essential link in a vast chain, which has made New England what it is, the southern provinces what they are, the West India islands what they are.”
1 A good survey of northern shipping can be found in Weeden, William B., Economic and Social History of New England, 1620–1789. (New York, 1890). 2 volumes.Google Scholar See especially II, 758 ff. There is also valuable material in Dickerson, Oliver M., The Navigation Acts and the American Revolution. (Philadelphia, 1951).Google Scholar Also Andrews, Charles M., “Colonial Commerce,” American Historical Review, 20 (1914).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 The classic study of this interdependency is Ragatz, Lowell J., The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean, 1163–1833. (New York, 1928).Google Scholar
3 Schlesinger, Arthur M., The Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution, 1763–1116, 395. (New York, 1918).Google Scholar
4 Adams, Charles Francis, ed., The Works of John Adams, 9, 333. (Boston, 1850–1856). 10 volumes.Google Scholar Only Maryland authorized its delegates to agree to restrictions. For an excellent survey of exports on a regional basis, see Bell, Herbert C., “The West India Trade Before the American Revolution,” American Historical Review, 22 (January, 1917).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 Pares, Richard, Yankees and Creoles: the trade between North America and the West Indies before the American Revolution, 143. (New York, 1956).Google Scholar
6 Ibid., 153–154. For a good introduction to the international aspects before the Revolution, see Pares, Richard, War and Trade in the West Indies, 1739–1763. (Oxford, 1936).Google Scholar
7 Quoted in Gipson, Lawrence H., “Connecticut Taxation, 1750–1775,” Connecticut Tercentary Historical Publications (Pamphlet Series), 10, 15–16. A part of this article appeared separately in the American Historical Review, XXXVI ( 1931 ).Google Scholar
8 Herbert C. Bell, op. cit., 287. Note that at this time about one-half of the trade with the BWI involved the island of Jamaica. An interesting study on Whiggism and indebted-ness is Evans, Emory G., “Planter Indebtedness and the Coming of the Revolution in Virginia,” William and Mary Quarterly, 19 (1962), 3rd Series.Google Scholar See also Guttridge, George H., English Whiggism and the American Revolution. (Berkeley, 1942).Google Scholar
9 Anderson, Adam, The Origin of Commerce, 4, 519. (London, 1787-1789). 4 volumes.Google Scholar Sometimes referred to as ‘Anderson’s History of Commerce’
10 William B. Weeden, op. cit., II, 827.
11 The Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States of America, 1783–1789. II, 382. (Washington, 1855). 3 volumes. Originally published in 7 volumes, (Washington, 1833–1834).
12 Butterfield, L.H., ed., Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 3, 77. (Cambridge, 1961).Google Scholar 4 volumes. Anderson estimated that on return voyages the South took one-half the balance in dollars, the Middle-Colonies 25% in dollars and Sterling bills of exchange, and New England not above 10% in dollars. Adam Anderson, op. cit., IV, 562. Anderson cites these figures to advance the argument that the colonies never took more than a small part of the produce of the islands.
13 William B. Weeden, op. cit., II, 232. For an excellent review of the situation in the 1780’s see Giesacke, Albert A., American Commercial Legislation Before 1789. (Boston, 1910).Google Scholar
14 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 76-77.
15 Ibid., VIII, 74.
16 Ibid., VIII, 228. Letter dated March 9, 1785.
17 Johnston, Henry P., ed., The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, 3, 180. (New York, 1890–1893). 4 volumes.Google Scholar John Adams had already made the suggestion the previous year in a mood of despair concerning the West Indies, stating that “there is no better advice to be given to the merchants of the United States, than to push their commerce to the East Indies as fast and as far as it will go.” Works (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 343.
18 Beer, George L., The Commercial Policy of England Toward the American Colonies, 144 ff. (New York, 1893, 1948).Google Scholar
19 For a good survey of the free port as practiced over a long span of time, see Armytage, Frances, The Free Port System in the British West Indies, 1766–1822. (London, 1953).Google Scholar The planters and merchants in the BWI were upset about the fact that American ships were not allowed into the free ports, but at least American products important to them did enter.
20 Bigelow, John, ed., The Works of Benjamin Franklin, 10, 105. (New York, 1887–1888). 12 volumes.Google Scholar So reasonable did Franklin find Oswald that he made the audacious suggestion that all of Canada and Nova Scotia be awarded to the United States. See Guttridge, George H., David Hartley, M.P., An Advocate of Conciliation, 1774–1783. (Berkeley, 1926).Google Scholar See especially chapter 9.
21 Ibid., 308. The biographical material on Hartley in the DNB is incomplete and also misleading.
22 For an interesting sketch of English politics in this period, see Mersey, Clive B., The Prime Ministers of Britain, 1721–1921. (London, 1922).Google Scholar During the treaty-making England had the following heads of government: Marquess of Rockingham (March, 1782); Earl of Shelburne (July, 1782); Duke of Portland (April, 1783) ; William Pitt (December, 1783). Note that the Treaty of Paris was not ratified by Congress until January, 1784.
23 Wharton, Francis, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 6, 688. (Washington, 1889). 6 volumes.Google Scholar
24 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 35.
25 George H. Guttridge, op. cit., 309.
26 Ibid., 311.
27 Works, (CF. Adams edition), VIII, 66.
28 Diary and Autobiography, (Butterfield edition), III, 133n.
29 An excellent survey of the Order in Council can be found in Gerald S. Graham, Sea Power and British North America, 1783–1820. On December 26, 1783 an Order continued the previous declaration, and this policy of exclusion of American ships was to be continuously reaffirmed until embodied in an Act of Parliament in 1788 which remained in force until 1793.
30 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 79. The term ‘United States’ was originally used in the commission given to Oswald. Jay remarked that “this word set the whole machine in motion.”
31 Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence, (Wharton), VI,92.
32 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 90,98.
33 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 66.
34 Ibid., I, 370. Hartley’s Observations, delivered to the commissioners on May 21, 1783, may be found in Adams’ Diary and Autobiography, edited by Butterfield. See volume III, 131–133.
35 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 138n. Note that Hartley’s six propositions of June, and the comments by the commissioners on June 19, are arbitrarily dated June 1, 1783 by Wharton. See Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence, VI, 469–470.
36 Ibid., VI, 504.
37 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 102.
38 Fitzmaurice, Edmund, Life of William Shelburne, 2, 253 ff. (London, 1876). 3 volumes.Google Scholar
39 Adam Anderson, op. cit., IV, 554, 675. Adams’ moments of pessimism were influenced by that most eminent of Boston merchants, Stephen Higginson. One of the chief Federalist leaders of Massachusetts, he sometimes exaggerated the commercial woes of. England. With the West Indies trade in mind, he suggested Adams warn England to be careful since she had debts to collect and her own exports to consider, “those great pillars of commerce.” Jameson, J. Franklin, ed., “The Correspondence of Stephen Higginson,” American Historical Review, 1 (1896), 720.Google Scholar
40 Quoted in Bemis, Samuel F., ed., American Secretaries of State and their Diplomacy, 1, 213. (New York, 1927–1929). 10 volumes.Google Scholar
41 See Butterfield, L.H., ed., Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 3, 138n.Google Scholar “England,” remarked Fox, “could not give up her whole navigation law by allowing American vessels to bring other than American goods to Great Britain—that was allowed to no nation.” Quoted in Samuel F. Bemis, op. cit., I, 213.
42 The complexities of English politics with regard to American commerce, especially the West Indian trade, is excellently reviewed by Alvord, Clarence in Lord Shelburne and the Founding of British-American Goodwill. (London, 1926).Google Scholar
43 Diplomatie Correspondence, II, 336.
44 Hart, Albert S., ed., American History as Told by Contemporaries, 3, 163. (New York, 1898–1929). 5 volumes.Google Scholar
45 Ibid., III, 167–168.
46 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 158.
47 Jay Tapers, (Johnston edition), III, 109.
48 Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 338–343.
49 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 90.
50 Diplomatic Correspondence, I, 76 ff.
51 Loc. cit.
52 The full text of the Instructions may be found in Ford, Paul L., ed., The Works of Thomas Jefferson, 4, 353–358. (New York, 1904–1905). 12 volumes.Google Scholar Originally published in 10 volumes (New York, 1892–1899).
53 Loc. cit.
54 Diplomatic Correspondence, I. 515.
55 Ibid., II, 385.
56 Cappon, Lester J., ed., The Adams-Jefferson Letters, 1, 86. (Chapel Hill, 1959). 2 volumes.Google Scholar
57 Diplomatic Correspondence, I, 705.
58 Ibid., II,400.
59 Ibid., II, 482.
60 Ibid., II, 464.
61 Ibid., II, 406. The full draft of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce is composed of twenty-seven articles, and should rank as a major document in the history of American diplomacy. See pages 406–417.
62 Ibid., I, 637–638.
63 Ibid., I, 601.
64 Ibid., I, 602–604. Excepted were the chartered companies of the East. Note that the American Intercourse Act had expired April 6, 1786.
65 Ibid., II, 500.
66 Virginia, North Carolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts had so acted in 1784. New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and New Hampshire took action in 1785. Ibid., 514–515.
67 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 274. Adams warned, however, that to obtain the concession that Americans would not have to pay higher duties in British ports than British subjects, “we must stipulate that Britons shall pay, in our ports, no higher duties than our citizens.”
68 Ibid., IX, 536.
69 Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 526.
70 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 351. Jay could speak with greater detachment, writing to Lord Landsdowne that “Mr. Pitt’s views as to America are yet to be ascertained. I wish they may be such as to increase the reputation and affection which his father’s memory enjoys among us.” Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 189’190.
71 Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 526.
72 Adam Anderson, op. cit., IV, 545–546.
73 Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 558.
74 Ibid., II, 561.
75 Ibid., I, 727.
76 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), II, 487.
77 Ibid., III, 193–194.
78 Works, (C. F. Adams edition), VIII, 380–381. Adams remarked: “We should have the most luxurious set of farmers that ever existed [but we] should not be able to defend our coasts.” The reader will note that, not unlike his British contemporaries, Adams viewed the merchant fleet as a training ground and source for naval power.
79 By 1788 the balance of trade was solidly in favor of Massachusetts. See Christie, Ian, Crisis of Empire, Great Britain and the American Colonies, 1754–1783. (London, 1966).Google Scholar
80 Syrett, Harold G., ed., Papers of Alexander Hamilton, 4, 314–342. (New York, 1961–19—).Google Scholar
81 Varg, Paul A., Foreign Policies of the Founding Fathers, 73, (East Lansing, 1963).Google Scholar
82 For an excellent review of the enabling legislation, see Bell, Herbert C., “British Commercial Policy in the West Indies, 1783–1793,” English Historical Review (July, 1916).CrossRefGoogle Scholar The Committee on Trade conducted a long investigation in 1784, producing a wealth of material of considerable value for the study of West Indian trade both before and during the Revolutionary war.
83 This trade was especially pursued after 1786 with regard to the rum industry.
84 Graham clearly shows that the arguments in favor of a British monopoly of the West Indies carrying trade would have lost their weight had there been any serious doubt of retaining the American market. The relaxation of the navigation laws within the next two decades were to prove that conclusively. See Gerald S. Graham, Sea Power and British North America, 1783–1820.
85 Bliss, Henry, On Colonial Intercourse, 12. (London, 1830).Google Scholar
86 Adam Anderson, op. cit., IV, 675.
87 Herbert C. Bell, op. cit., 441.
88 Jameson, J. Franklin, ed., “Correspondence of Phineas Bond,” American Historical Review (Annual Report), 1 (1896), 611.Google Scholar
89 Fitzpatrick, John C., ed., The Writings of George Washington, 30, 441. (Washington, 1939). 39 volumes. Reprinted in 1970.Google Scholar
90 Jay Papers, (Johnston edition), III, 327.