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Ambivalent Authorities: The African and Afro-Brazilian Contribution to Local Governance in Colonial Brazil*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

A. J. R. Russell-Wood
A. J. R. Russell-Wood*
Affiliation:
The Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland
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Extract

A theme common to all regions of the Portuguese seaborne empire was dependency on non-Europeans for the creation, consolidation and survival of empire: for defense, labor, construction of towns and forts, transportation, production of raw materials, sexual gratification and, in the case of the Estado da India (Portuguese forts, towns, cities and factories from the Swahili coast to Japan and Timor), on merchants, brokers and interpreters to provide access to suppliers, distributors, commercial networks, and even vessels and capital. Through conversion, peoples from Japan to Africa and America, contributed to the flock of the church militant and, in some more limited cases, as missionaries, catechists, and secular priests. One exception was Brazil where Amerindians were not admitted into the regular or secular clergy. The one area in which the Portuguese crown was not willing to countenance indigenous participation was appointment to public office, be this in the imperial bureaucracy, or election to city or town councils other than in Cape Verde and São Tomé. In Asia and Angola persons other than of exclusively European parentage on both sides and even New Christians may have served on town councils, and some non-Europeans held clerical positions, but the policy forbidding persons of African descent to hold office in church or state was adhered to in practice. Brazil was unique in at least two regards. First, perhaps in no other European colony was dispossession (from an indigenous perspective) so complete. The Portuguese assumed sovereignty over indigenous peoples and their territories and saw Brazil as a tabula rasa where the Portuguese were free to establish cities, institutions, governance, commercial practices, and to implant their religious beliefs, writing and numeracy systems, values, and mores. Secondly, among European overseas colonies in the early modern period, Brazil was unique in that by the end of the colonial period (1822), a transplanted population of African-born and their American-born descendants comprised a demographic majority which exceeded the indigenous population and persons of European origin or descent.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 57 , Issue 1 , July 2000 , pp. 13 - 36
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2000

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Footnotes

*

A preliminary version of this paper was presented to an international colloquium ℌBrazil: Colonization and Slavery” held in Lisbon in November, 1996.

The following archival abbreviations have been used. AMB, Arquivo Municipal, Salvador; APBOR, Arquivo Público do Estado da Bahia, Livros de Ordens Régias; APMCMOP, Arquivo Público Mineiro, Registros da Câmara Municipal de Ouro Prâto; APMSG, Arquivo Público Mineiro, Secretaria do Govêrno; SPBM, Biblioteca Municipal, São Paulo.

References

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9 Gonçalves de Mello, José António, Henrique Dias. Governador dos prêtos, crioulos, e mulattos no Estado do Brasil (Recife, 1954);Google Scholar Dutra, Francis A., “A Hard Fought Struggle. Manuel Gonçalves Doria, First Afro-Brazilian to Become a Knight of Santiago,” The Americas, 56:1 (July 1999), 91–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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11 “inimigos da nação; “símbolos dos desaforos” (APMCMOP vol. 65,fols. 273v–6v); “inimigos internos” was coined by acting governor of Minas Gerais, Martinho de Mendonça de Pina e de Proença in a letter to the king, 18 December 1736 (APMSG vol. 44, ff. 129–132v). Cf. Santos Vilhena, Luís dos, Recopilação de notícias soteropolitanas e brasilicas, 2 vols (Salvador: Imprensa Oficial do Estado, 1922), vol. 1. pp. 46,135–6, and 139–40;Google Scholar Conde da Ponte (16 July 1807) in Accioli-Amaral, , Memórias Históricas e Políticas, Vol. 3 (Salvador: Imprensa Oficial do Estado, 1931), pp. 228–30;Google Scholar Carneiro, Maria Tucci, Preconceito Racial: Portugal e Brasil-Colônia, 2nd. ed. (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1988).Google Scholar

12 “mas o mayor inconveniente de todos q’ he povoarse este pais de negros forros q’ como brutos não conservão a boa ordẽ na Republica….” Bando of 21 November 1719 (APMSG, vol. 11, ff. 282v–284r). Referring to mulattos in Minas, governor Lourenço de Almeida wrote to the king “mostra a experiencia que a riqueza nesta gente lhe faz cometer toda a torpeza de insultos, sendo o primeiro sempre a falta de obba âs Leys de VMagde.” 20 April 1722 (APMSG, vol. 23, ff. 110v-lllr).

13 “mullato dentro nos quatro graos em q' o mullatismo hé impedimento,” APMSG, vol. 29, doc. 17. Boxer, C.R., Portuguese Society in the Tropics, p. 77, note 9;Google Scholar Russell-Wood, , Black Man in Slavery and Freedom, pp. 69–71,Google Scholar and note 17 on irregularities in eligibility for elected office.

14 On integration and segregation in militia, see Russell-Wood, , Black Man in Slavery and Freedom, pp. 87–89.Google Scholar On religious orders and brotherhoods, see Boxer, , Race Relations, pp. 118–119; AMB, vol. 176, fols. 178v–179v;Google Scholar Russell-Wood, , “Prestige, Power and Piety in Colonial Brazil: The Third Orders of Salvador,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 69:1 (1989), esp. pp. 66–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 On eligibility for municipal office: “se a falta de pessoas capazes fes a principio necessaria a tollerancia de admittir os mullatos ao exercicio daquelles officios, hoje que tern cessado esta rezão se fas indecoroso q’ellas sejão ocupados por pessoas em q’ haja semelhante defeito,” on the undesirability of a mulatto juiz ordinário becoming ouvidor, “serâ tal vez em ocasião q’ se vejão ocupar aquelles lugares por pessoas notoriamente defectuozas e maculadas,” and final ruling: “Me pareceo mandarvos declarar … q’ não possa daqui em diante ser elleito vereador ou Juiz Ordinario, nem andar na governança das villas dessa Capitania homem algum q’ seja mullato dentro nos quatro graos em q’ o mullatismo hé impedimto …” ( APMSG, vol. 5, ff.ll5v–116r and vol. 29, doc. 17). An earlier (1721) royal proposal that married whites only could serve on Câmaras had been overruled by the governor given the scarcity of white married males (APMSG, vol. 23, fols. 6, 101).

16 “expecialmente sahindo semelhantes expressoens da boca de homens vis como são todos os q’este prezte anno servem de vereadores. …” He characterized them as “homens de tão baixa esfera como são os prezentes vereadores, q’ por todos os caminhos licitos e illicitos procurarão entrar nestas ocupações…,” Galvêas to King, 9 October 1732 (APMSG, vol. 35, doc. 100).

17 King to Lencastre, 11 February 1700 ( APBOR, vol. 6. doc.29) and King to the count of Sabugosa, 26 June 1720 (APBOR, vol. 62, doc. 36); Provisāo of 15 November 1735 (APMCMOP, vol. 7, fols. 167r–168r). For selection procedures and Regimento of 21 August 1736, see APMCMOP, vol. 32, ff. 24v–25r, 47r-v; Codigo Philippine, 14th ed. (Rio de Janeiro: Typographia do Instituto Philimathico, 1870), Lo. 1, tit. 65, §73, 74. In 1716 inhabitants of Padre Faria parish in Vila Rica were invited to elect two such judges (APMCMOP, vol. 4, ff.2v-3.r); “prejudisial ao bem publico … fossem homes de bom prosedimento e não prejudicassem ao bem comum pudessem servir porque a bondade da Ley não comsiste no asidente mas sim no bom prosedimento…” (APMCMOP, vol. 52, ff. 169r-171v;177v-178r).

18 “tem algũa casta da terra, ainda q’ passa por branco; alto e magro, pinta de branco,” APMSG, vol. 55, ff. 119r–120r, 135v–136r. Cf. Henry Koster’s expression for mulatto officers in white militia troops, magistrates, and as priests: “in practice they are rather reputed white men,” Travels in Brazil, 2 vols. 2nd ed (London: Longman,Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1817), vol. 2, pp. 209–210. On “mulatto escape hatch,” see Degler, , Neither Black nor White, pp. 107, 218–19 and 223–45.Google Scholar

19 On Pombaline legislation, see Boxer, , Race Relations, pp. 73–74, 83–84 and 98–100;Google Scholar Russell-Wood, , The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom, pp. 42–44;Google Scholar Carneiro, , Preconceito Racial; also APBOR vol. 91, fols 228-35V.Google Scholar

20 Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino. Goiás. Caixas 1–9. Published in Palacín, Luís, Garcia, Ledonias Franco, Amado, Janaína, eds., História de Goiás em Documentos. 1. Colônia. Coleçâo Documentos Goianos, No. 29 (Goiânia: Editora Universidade Federal de Goiás, 1995), pp. 188–89, doc. 162.Google Scholar

21 Karasch personal communication. Couto, Carlos, Os capitães-mores em Angola no século XVIII. Subsídio para o estudo da sua actuaçâo (Luanda: Instituto de Investigação Científica de Angola, 1972), p. 38 n. 33 and p. 41.Google Scholar

22 On calhambolas (van quilombolas) and quilombos in urban areas, see Karasch, Mary C., Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1850 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 307, 308 n. 19, 309 (table 10.4), and 311–16;Google Scholar Reis, , Slave Rebellion in Brazil, pp.41–2, and 55–58;Google Scholar Russell-Wood, , Black Man in Slavery and Freedom, p. 136;Google Scholar Accioli-Amaral, , Memórias Históricas e Políticas, Vol. 2 (1925), p. 450;Google Scholar for royal approval (30 October 1765) of steps taken by the interim governors in Salvador against quilombos in the suburbs of Salvador, see APBOR, vol. 66, fol. 114r. For a bibliography on quilombos, see Schwartz, Stuart B., Slaves, Peasants, and Rebels. Reconsidering Brazilian Slavery (Urbana & Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), p. 14,Google Scholar and his own (pp. 103–136) thoughtful essay which advances the state of the debate, “Rethinking Palmares: Slave Resistance in Colonial Brazil.” The state of the art on quilombo studies is represented by essays in Reis, João José and Santos Gomes, Flávio dos, eds., Liber-dade por um fio. Historia dos quilombos no Brasil (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1996).Google Scholar On Minas Gerais, see Barbosa, Waldemar de Almeida, Negros e quilombos em Minas Gérais (Belo Horizonte, 1972)Google Scholar and Guimarães, Carlos Magno, Urna negação da ordem escravista: quilombos em Minas Gerais no século XVIII (Belo Horizonte, 1983).Google Scholar For a comparative dimension, Bethell, L., ed., The Cambridge History of Latin America, Vol. 11. Bibliographical Essays (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 124–5.Google Scholar

23 APMCMOP, vol. 77, f. 108r-v.

24 APMSG, vol. 20, docs. 52 and 53; “aprendizes e oficios mecánicos, lacayos, mochillas, marinheiros, barqueiros, fragateiros, negros, e outras pessoas de igual ou inferior condição,” APBOR, vol. 50, ff. 28r-34v; APMSG, vol. 50, ff. 73y-74r.

25 Minutes of 1 April 1626 and of 20 September 1628, Documentos históricos do Arquivo Municipal. Atas da Câmara, Vol. 1 (Salvador: Prefeitura do Municipio do Salvador, 1944), pp. 33 and 106.

26 King to António de Albuquerque, 24 July 1711(APMSG, vol. 5, f. 26v). Ordeno, e mando, q’ nenhum mameluco, bastardo, mulato, carijó, ou preto escravos ou forros possão trazer arma algũa de fogo, traçado, ou catana e menos entrar nas villas com elas salvo em compa de seus senhores,” (APMSG, vol. 7 f. 8r; APMSG, vol. 11, ff. 118r-119r, 282v-284r). For a sampling of like orders, see APMSG vol. 7 f. 8r; vol. 11, ff. 118r-119r, 270r-v, 279r-80r, 282v-284r; vol. 27, f. lOr-v; APMCMOP, vol. 54, ff. 147v-148r.

27 APMCMOP vol. 6, f. lOr-v; vol. 52, f. 217r-v; APMSG, vol. 37, ff. 20v-21 v, 45v-46v; vol. 50, ff., 80v-82v.

28 For a comparative perspective on arms legislation, see Degler, , Neither Black nor White, pp. 75–82;Google Scholar Cohen, and Greene, , Neither Slave nor Free, p. 39.Google Scholar For royal permission to qualified applicants to carry swords, see Russell-Wood, , Black Man in Slavery and Freedom, p. 8, and note 5.Google Scholar

29 See D. Lourenço de Almeida’s edict, Vila Rica, 9 January 1732, translated by Conrad, Robert E., Children of God’s Fire. A Documentary History of Black Slavery in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), pp. 250–251.Google Scholar

30 APMSG, vol. 12, f. 85v.

31 APMSG, vol. 21, ff. 69r, 70v,.76r, 84v-85r, 116r-v, 128v, 148v-149r; vol. 26, ff. 13r-v, 77v, 109r-v; vol. 28, ff. 41v, 48v, 81v-82r.

32 Karasch, , Slave Life, p. 81 and n. 58;Google Scholar Koster, , Travels in Brazil, vol. 2, p. 222.Google Scholar

33 APMSG, vol. 21, ff. 148v-149r; 5 August 1723.

34 Goulart, José Alipio, Da fuga ao suicídio. Aspectos da rebeldía dos escravos no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Conquista, 1972), pp. 69–103;Google Scholar Lara, Silvia Hunold, Campos da Violência (Paz e Terra: Rio de Janeiro, 1988), pp. 295–322;Google Scholar and her essay “Do singular ao plural. Palmares, capitães-do-mato e o governo dos escravos,” in Reis, and Gomes, , eds., Liberdade por um fio, pp. 81–109.Google Scholar

35 Pernambuco, 1612 ( Schwartz, , Slaves, Peasants, Rebels, p. 109);Google Scholar Salvador, 1625 (Documentos Historicos do Arquivo Municipal, Vol. 1, p. 4).

36 “&Huns mullatos, ou carijos insolentes, e ociozos, quaes ordinariamente são os capes do matto” was how they were described by a governor of Minas Gerais in 1736 (APMSG, vol. 44, ff. 111 v-112r; vol. 56, ff. 37v-38v); “a bebedisse anda anexa ao officio” (APMSG, vol. 60, ff. 110v-l 14r).

37 APMSG, vol. 4, ff. 238r-9r; vol. 11, ff. 171v-72v, 282v-84r.

38 APMSG, vol. 50, ff. 90r-96v; Revista do Archivo Público Mineiro, Ano 2 (1897), pp. 389–91; SPBM, “Colesam das noticias dos piimeiros descobrimentos das Minas na America q’ fez o Dr. Caetano da Costa Matoco…,” ff. 46–47. Lopes, Francisco António, Os palácios de Vila Rica (Belo Horizonte, 1955), pp. 125–30;Google Scholar APMCMOP, vol. 32, ff. 210r–212r.

39 APMSG, vol. 29, doc. 129; vol. 50, ff. 80r-82v; vol. 63, doc 40; vol. 29, doc. 78; vol. 44, ff.l 1 lv-112r; vol. 62, f. 108v; vol. 65, ff.l5v-16r. On appointments see Koster, , Travels, vol. 2, pp. 221–2,Google Scholar and Inventário dos manuscritos avulsos relativos a Minas Gerais existentes no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Lisboa), 3 vols. (Belo Horizonte: Fundação João Pinheiro, 1998), #6784, 6792.

40 APMSG, vol. 11, ff. 282v-84r; vol. 50 ff. 35r-v, 90r-96v; APMCMOP, vol. 65, ff. 214r-5v. In 1738 the Senado of Vila Rica requested Gomes Freiré de Andrade to reduce fees because declining gold production had made these onerous (APMCMOP, vol. 32, ff. 132v-134r).

41 Fernando José de Portugal to Martinho de Melo e Castro, 30 April 1788, apud Castro e Almeida, Eduardo de, ed., Inventário dos documentos relativos ao Brasil existentes no Archivo de Marinha e Ultramar de Lisboa. Vol. 3. 1786–1798 (Rio de Janeiro: Officinas Graphicas da Bibliotheca Nacional, 1914), doc. 12.917; Cf. doc. 3143 (20 April 1740).Google Scholar

42 Hendrik Kraay, “The Politics of Race in Independence-Era Bahia. The Black Militia Officers of Salvador, 1790–1840,” in Kraay, , ed., Afro-Brazilian Culture and Politics, especially pp. 29–40.Google Scholar

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44 Koster, , Travels in Brazil, vol. 2, p. 222.Google Scholar

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47 Russell-Wood, , Black Man in Slavery and Freedom, pp. 88–89.Google Scholar

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49 Palacín, , Garcia, , Amado, , História de Goiás em documentos, pp. 188–89, doc. 162.Google Scholar I am indebted to Professor Mary Karasch for this reference and for her valuable comments on an earlier version of this paper. On mulatto inferiority complex, see Saint-Hilaire, Auguste de, Voyage aux sources du Rio de S. Francisco et dans la Province de Goyaz, 2 vols. (Paris: Arthus Bertrand, 1847 and 1848), vol. 2, pp. 51–53;Google Scholar and Koster, , Travels in Brazil, vol. 2, pp. 208–209.Google Scholar For petitions in like vein, see Russell-Wood, , Black Man in Slavery and Freedom, pp. 90–93 and 155–56.Google Scholar

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