1 This paper is based on a larger project entitled “Genealogy of a Party—Origins and Beginnings of the Communist Party of Poland.” The research for this project has been supported by the Russian Research Center of Harvard University. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance granted to him by this institution.

2 At the outbreak of the war Lenin was still in Poronin, in Galicia. His room was searched by the Austrian police and he was arrested as a potential spy, but soon freed, thanks to the intervention of Austrian and Polish Socialists, who, disregarding political differences, deemed it to be their duty to help a comrade. Lenin was permitted to leave Austria for Switzerland.

3 O. B., Szmidt, Socjcddemokracja Krόlestwa Polskiego i Litwy, Materiaty i dokumenty, 1914-1918 (Social Democracy of Poland and Lithuania, Materials and Documents, 1914-1918) (Moscow, 1936), pp. 3–5.Google Scholar

4 For the full text see C. Grunberg, ed., Die Internationale und der Weltkrieg: Materialen, Part II in the Archiv ftir die Geschichte der Sozialismus und Arbeiter Bewegung, VII, 120–25; Szmidt, O. B., op. cit., pp. 6–7 Google Scholar; see also Gankin, O. and Fisher, H. H., The Bolsheviks and the World War: Origins of the Third International (London-Stanford, California, 1940), pp. 150–56.Google Scholar

5 Szmidt, , op. cit., pp. 18–20 Google Scholar; Grunberg, , op. cit., p. 125.Google Scholar

6 Gazeta Robotnicza, No. 24 (February, 1915). The journal was the organ of the Warsaw Committee.

7 Szmidt, , op. cit., p. 22.Google Scholar

8 Horwitz-Walecki was one of the leaders of the PPS-Left, a member of its Executive Committee from 1906 till 1918 and, later on, a prominent member of the Communist party of Poland.

9 Szmidt, , op. cit., p. 93.Google Scholar

10 Gazeta Robotnicza, No. 25 (January, 1916).

11 Szmidt, , op. cit., p. 129.Google Scholar

12 Bronski and Krajewski (Stein-Kaminski) were both leading members of the SDKPiL, then living abroad; both became Communists.

13 For the attitude of the two parties during the Zimmerwald and Kiental Conferences, see Szmidt, , op. cit., pp. 333–37Google Scholar; also Szmidt, , op. cit., pp. 28–32 Google Scholar, and 130-42. This growing collaboration of the two SD groups had its counterpart in the close association of both factions, which took place in the municipal elections that were being prepared at that time in German-occupied Poland.

14 For the text of the resolution see Gankin, and Fisher, , op. cit., pp. 507–18Google Scholar. The resolution was first issued in Gazeta Robotnicza, No. 25 (January, 1916). The theses, the author of which was Radek, were published anonymously in the second (and the last) issue of a paper issued by the Zimmerwald-Left: (K. Radek), “Thesen über Imperialismus und nationale Unterduckung,” Vorbote, No. 2 (April, 1916). To these two statements should be added two articles, also written by Radek: Parabellum (K. Radek), “Annexionen und Sozialdemocratie,” Beilage zur Berner Tagewacht, No. 252 (October 28, 1015) and No. 253 (October 29, 1915); and “Das Selbstbestimmungrecht der Volker,” Lichtstrahlen, No. 1 (October 3, 1915). All these pronouncements put together form a complete statement of the views of the SDKPiL on the subject.

15 Lenin, , “The Theses,” in Gankin, and Fisher, , op. cit., pp. 518–30.Google Scholar

16 Lenin, , The Imperialist War: The Struggle against Social-Chauvinism and Social-Pacifism, 1914-1918, in Collected Works (London, 1930), XVIII, 367.Google Scholar

17 Lenin, , Itogi diskussii o samoopredelenii (The Results of the Discussion on Self-Determination) in Sočinenija (Works) (4th Russian ed., Moscow, 1948), XXII, 306–44; also Collected Works … 1916–1917 (New York, 1942), pp. 267–305.Google Scholar

18 Z dokumentόw chwili (From the Documents of the Moment), No. 57 (Warsaw, September 6, 1917), p. 64.

19 The Conference revealed three major trends within the party's leadership. First, the right wing led by a Łόdż politician, Szczerkowski, sided more and more with the PPS (the former Revolutionary Faction). Second, the moderate, pacifist center, staking its hopes on the democratization of political life, was led by Wera Kostrzewa and represented the bulk of the membership. Finally, there was the left wing, which gravitated more and more toward the SDKPiL and hence toward the dictatorship of the proletariat.

20 Szmidt, , op. cit., pp. 125–30.Google Scholar

21 Ciezewski became, later on, a founding member of the Communist party of Poland and, finally, a member of the Bolshevik party. As in the case of Jagietto in 1912, the wish to appease anti-Semitic sentiments determined the choice of a Pole rather than a Jew.

22 Szmidt, , op. cit., p. 163 Google Scholar, the declaration “O akcie piatego listopada” (On the Act of November Fifth); Glos Robotniczy, the organ of the PPS-Left, No. 15 (December 9, 1916) in an article “Panstwo i proletariat” (The State and the Proletariat) again declared that the aim of the class struggle should not be the restoration of a state, but social revolution. Separate political existence is no guarantee of internal freedom, the article held. The same paper, on June 23, 1917, stated editorially that Socialism is the exclusive aim of the party.

23 Szmidt, , op. cit., “Krajowa Konferencja Zjednoczeniowa” (The Home Unification Conference), pp. 169–71.Google Scholar

24 Czerwony Sztandar (The Red Flag), No. 191 (June, 1917), pp. 7–8.Google Scholar

25 No. 10 (March 24, 1917), No. 11 (March 31, 1917) and No. 12 (April 7, 1917). Also the Czerwony Sztandar, No. 191 (June, 1917), pp. 1–2, the article “Socjaldemokracja i wojna” (Social Democracy and War). For the position of the PPS-Left, see the proclamation of the PPS-Left in Z dokumentdw chwili, No. 41 (June 12, 1917), pp. 47-50.

26 In this respect see the organ of the PPS in Russia, Jednosc Robotnicza (The Workers’ Unity), No. 24 (Petrograd, June 16, 1917); and No. 26 (June 30, 1017), the article “Co robi PPS w Rosji” (What Is the PPS Doing in Russia). Also No. 32 (August 11, 1918), the article, “Konstytucja niedemokratyczna” (The Undemocratic Constitution), strongly criticizing the Bolsheviks.

27 Szmidt, , op. cit., pp. 217–25 and 386–87Google Scholar. For the text of the resolution on the national question, ibid., pp. 386–87.

28 Lenin, “The Speech on the National Question,” May 12, 1917, in Collected Works … The Revolution of 1917 (New York, 1929), p. 310. The report at the Conference was delivered by Stalin who represented the Leninist school of thought. A co-report was made by G. L. Pjatakov who sided with Dzierzynski. A certain analogy may be drawn between the national and the agrarian policies of Lenin. Both the offer of land to the peasants and the granting of the right of self-determination to all oppressed nations proved to be only tactical steps. From the beginning they were meant to be only bites, a kind of Indian gift. They were presented in accordance with the Bolshevik habit of keeping what they seem to give away. In historial perspective Luxemburg appears to be intellectually more honest, but a bad psychologist and a poor politician. On the other hand, Lenin, morally “beyond good and evil,” proved to be much superior both as a psychologist and as a politician.

29 Rewolucja i wojna (The Revolution and the War) (Warsaw, December, 1917), p. 7. Also Jedność Robotnicza, No. 52 (December 23, 1917), p. 1.Google Scholar

30 “Proklamacja z powodu nominacji Tymczasowej Rady Stanu” (Proclamation on the Occasion of the Nomination of the Provisional Council of State), Szmidt, , op. cit., p. 195.Google Scholar The PPS-Left denounced the Council less violently.

31 Szmidt, op. cit., “Pokoj i rewolucja” (The Peace and the Revolution), p. 246.

32 T. Żarski, “Ani kroku wstecz” (Not a Single Step Back), Głos robotnikόw i żolnierzy, Organ CKW PPS w Rosji (The Voice of Workers and Soldiers, The Organ of the Central Executive Committee of the PPS in Russia), No. 12 (412).

33 Na Barykady (On the Barricades!) (Moscow, February 25, 1918), pp. 3–4.

34 Z dokumentόw chisili, No. 119 (April 20, 1918), p. 37.

35 Nasza Try buna, No. 2 (November 9, 1918), pp. 6-8. After the Brest Treaty the SDKPiL supported the left-wing Bolsheviks and were in favor of revolutionary intervention abroad. The Polish Red Army, after being given great publicity (Gazeta Robotnicza, No. 1 [Warsaw, July-August, 1918], p. 4), never actually materialized.

36 See the proclamation entitled “Z rewolucja. rosyjską’ (With the Russian Revolution), and “Rewolucja listopadowa” (The November Revolution), both in Szmidt, op. cit., p. 249.

37 “Dziaiałność SDKPiL w Rosji” (The Activities of the SDKPiL in Russia), ibid., p. 303.

38 The proclamation of the SDKPiL “Niech żyje strajk powszechny” (Long Live the General Strike), Szmidt, , op. cit., p. 249.Google Scholar

39 “Odezwa PPS (Lewicy)” (The Proclamation of the PPS[Left]), Z dokumentόw chwili, No. 106 (March 2, 1018), pp. 36-39; see also a similar proclamation in No. 112 (March 26, 1917).

40 “Ziemia dla chłopόw” (Land for Peasants), Nowiny socjalistyczne (Socialist News), No. 3 (July, 1918); also Nasze hash (Our Slogans), No. 14 (November, 1918), pp. 4–5.

41 The so-called Spartacus Letters appeared at irregular intervals, first from December, 1914 to August, 1015, and then from August, 1015 to October, 1018, and contained trenchant criticism of the policies of the majority and the center of the German SDP. Luxemburg and Marchlewski (the latter known in Germany as Johannes Kaempfer) were among its chief contributors.

42 “Do ludu pracujacego miast i wsi” (To the Toiling People of Towns and Villages), in Szmidt, , op. cit., pp. 305–7.Google Scholar

43 Ibid.