1 In my Danegeld and the Earl's Third Penny I plan to go over in detail certain points, to which reference can only be briefly made here.

2 Only Bury St. Edmunds, St. Augustine's and perhaps Worcester were certainly exempt before the time of Edward the Confessor, although it is possible that all ancient chartered rights of some other churches were so interpreted in King Edward's time and perhaps earlier.

3 At least three surveys, before the final one for the Great Domesday, have been distinguished and investigated, chiefly by Round, in his Feudal England: the “Northamptonshire Survey,” which he dated before the death of Queen Edith in December 1075, but after the Earls’ Rising of 1074–75; the “Inquisitio Geldi” of 1083, shortly after the fall of Odo of Bayeux, in Exeter Book; and the surveys for Little Domesday, for the transcript in Exeter Book and for the later transcript in the “Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis,” although the relation of all these to contemporary events and to each other, which seems important, has not been generally accepted.

4 King Edward the Confessor was later celebrated in legend for abolishing danegeld, but every page of Domesday proves that it was collected in 1066 with regularity.

5 This entry, the so-called “Bertinski Script,” has identified the “Rus” with those known as “Swedes,” of date about 839, and is one of the earliest evidences of Scandinavian domination in Russia. V. Thomsen, The Origin of the Russian State, especially p. 39 f. (Brief title only.)

6 The earliest item of the London Liber Custumarum gives trade rights to Danes and Norsemen.

7 Cross’ translation, The Russian Primary Chronicle, p. 143 f., the Povest'.

8 Snorri gives an account of this in “The Story of the Ynglings,” Heimskringla, I, 20. As he quotes Eyvind, who was apparently earlier than Cnut's time, referring to Odin as the “scat-giver,” the story is early. Eyvind sang of Eric Blood-Axe and of Harold, his second lord, who must have been King Harold Blue Tooth, and survived the Battle of Hjörunga Bay, c. 986, by which we fix his dates. Corpus Poeticum Boreale, II, 34–35.

9 This epithet under various forms is often given to a man's name in Domesday and in the early Pipe Rolls, as I have elsewhere discussed. The “bear-ancestry” of Earl Siward, Waltheofs father, should also be noted.

10 There is a good deal of information about the “men of Odin” in various poems. See CPB. II, 477 et ubique.

11 All borough accounts were settled regularly in London, Oxford and other cities on Hokeday (Tuesday after Easter week) and Martinmas.

12 Povesf, p. 147, under date of 884. Yet the very first mention of dan’ in that chronicle (under 859) says, “The Varangians from beyond seas imposed tribute.“ Ibid. p. 144. Constantine Porphyrogenitus (d. 959) also speaks of the methods of collecting it, the “taking” and “bringing.“

13 Povesf, p. 147, under date of 880–82.

14 Domesday Book proves on every page how universally danegeld was assessed in 1066 and in 1086. See discussion in my Danegeld and the Earl's Third Penny; also above, p. 300, note 4.

15 The rune stones scattered over Britain and Ireland testify that the viking invaders had learned at least parts of the alphabet they used from the Greeks. This is true both of the earlier as of the later runes.

16 See Earle-Plummer, , Two Saxon Chronicles, II, 255 Google Scholar; and the “Saga of Harold Hardredy,” Heimskringla, III, 57–188 Google Scholar; chs. 2, 3, 12, 15, 17, 77 et seq. Of course the most famous evidence is the runic inscription on the bronze horses at Venice, brought thither from Greece after the Venetian conquest of Constantinople in 1204.

17 Olaf Tryggvason, King of Norway (995-c. 1000), has been identified as the Anlaf of the Chronicles in 993 and 94, whose name appears in that famous treaty of King Ethelred and the vikings, still preserved as II Ethelred. See Liebermann, Gesetze, I, 220 f.

18 The Latin chronicle of Ssemund, which gives accounts of Olaf Tryggvason's early adventures, has been called legendary by many historians, and should perhaps be re-examined in view of some facts here brought to light. Snorri accepts the legends and incorporates them in his “Saga,” the briefer one, in the Heimskringla; but the longer “Saga of Olaf Tryggvason,” making him the great hero of the North in his time, enlarges on many of the same facts. See Vigfusson's Introduction to the Sturlunga Saga, I.

19 The story is enlarged in the late Jomsvikingssaga, where Sigvaldi brings about the marriage, himself marrying the other sister, but it is also mentioned in the Heimskringla.

20 Adam of Bremen's Chronicle, II, 51, as quoted by Steenstrup, Normannerne, III, 305. See also Liebermann, Gesetze, “Leges Edwardi Confessons,” chap. 35 in I, 664, who says that the young princes fled first to Jaroslav of Kiev, by whom they were sent to Hungary, from whence Edgar Atheling returned to claim the English throne in 1066. Gesetze, III, 350.

21 The mention of 700 “Rus” serving in the Greek armies in 910 is made by Constantine in his De Ceremoniis, II, chap. XLIV.

22 See Erich Berneker, Slavisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, p. 179, and as worked out by Professor Luise Haessler for me: “Alt-bulg. dan; Russ. dan'; Kleinruss. dart; Bulg. dan; Poln. dań; Cech. dan; Ober-sorbisch and Nieder-sorb. dan“ While related to the Greek , both words go back to Indo-European.

23 This and other quotations from Cross’ translation of the original in the Povest'. The Russian Primary Chronicle, p. 143. Nestor's dates, 1090–1110, may rest on still earlier records as well as the treaties.

24 Povest', p. 144.

25 Ibid., p. 145.

26 Cross discusses the date of the earliest versions of Nestor's Povest', which he gives as 1090–1110 and certainly not before 1060, in the Introduction to his “The Russian Primary Chronicle,” pp. 83 f. (Harvard University, Studies in Philology and Literature, 1930). He says also that Šakhmatov, the greatest Russian authority on the Chronicle, sees evidence of a still earlier recension, which he would date about 1039, but this Cross rejects. While this Ancient Chronicle, which I call the Povest’ (Povest’ vremennykh let), as do many Russian scholars, dates from two centuries after the events recorded, it doubtless embodies tales passed down from fathers to their sons. The treaties were apparently still in existence and were then translated into Russian by Nestor, as Florence of Worcester also probably translated the treaty of King Ethelred and Olaf Tryggvason's men somewhat later in England.

27 As we shall later show the vikings usually called danegeld skat, the word appearing in Cnut's letter and usually translated as a “penny,” which persisted into recent times in English boroughs, where those in “lot and skot” with the burgesses enjoyed full burghal rights in a number of ancient boroughs until 1835. See Mun. Corp. Com. Rept. of 183;, Index s.v. and see also my discussion. Liebermann, Gesetze, I, 273, for text.

28 This also I have discussed fully in another place. The 300 marks of the “ancient ferm” of London, like the “twelve-penny payment” of many English boroughs long afterwards seems to show that the number of coins was what impressed the vikings.

29 The earliest ferm of London was also 300 marks in the charter from Henry I (1130–35). Liebermann, Gesetze, I, 524.

30 Cross, The Russian Primary Chronicle, p. 147; Ključevskij, History of Russia, I, 79. Walde-Pokorny, Indo-Europäisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, p. 988, derive this word from the common Teutonic root, but give the Anglo-Saxon as the first known form: “O. E. scilling; O. Fris. skilling; O. Teut. skillingoz; adopted in Old Slavic as skulezi.” The Povesf has schlag, which is as early as the O. E. form.

31 Ključevskij, I, 44; Falk-Torp, Norwegisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, p. 988, says that the original meaning of skat was cattle: “AGS. sceatt; MHD. schat; NHD. schatz; Alt-Fris. shet; Alt H. D. scaz; Alt-Slavic, skotu, a loanword.“ The road by which a word originally meaning cattle could early pass over into one meaning a medium of exchange, is also illustrated by the O. E. ceap (cattle), still preserved in the site of the ancient cattle market in London, as “Cheapside,“ and in our modern adjective, “cheap.” For further discussion, see my Danegeld.

32 Liebermann, Gesetze, I, 487, chap. 4, a most important instance, elsewhere discussed in another connection.

33 Cross, op. cit., pp. 149 f.

34 Povest', p. 150 f. The participation of the Russian towns is again important because of English parallels, which are however less evident at the time, but become clearer through burghal customs.

35 Ibid. The one grivna a month is comparable to the one penny, and sometimes one shilling (12d.) due annually from certain lands in those English boroughs which Miss Bateson has traced back to holdings of Wm. FitzOsbern (d. 1070) as of the “Laws of Bréteuil,” but were clearly of pre-Conquest origin in England, as I have shown.

36 The Treaty in England almost a century later (994) seems almost an exact parallel. See my discussion elsewhere.

87 Trade was always emphasized in the affairs of the Varangians, and has important bearings on the whole question.

38 Olga's division of the dan’ is given in the Povest', under date of 946, the year following Igor's murder. See Ibid., p. 168. The character of the “earl's third penny” and its relation to danegeld in England, I have discussed more fully elsewhere.

39 Ključevskij, in his History of Russia (I, 78) according to his translator says in this instance that “Igor's Otroki, or pages, lived even more sumptuously than did Igor's own Retinue.” This suggestion is that two classes of the Retinue were already distinguished: the Men of the Retinue, boyars, and the otroki, or later “serving-men.” These, of course, are comparable to the Hirthmen and Gests of Harold Hairfair and Olaf the Holy, in their sagas, and to Cnut's proximi and noti of his Civil Code, as distinguished in their heriots, chap. 71. Liebermann, Gesetze, I, 356–59. Quotation from Cross, op. cit., p. 164.

40 Heimskringla, I, 96.

41 “Tributum et stipendium” in Symeon of Durham, 994 and (?) 1012, in Opera, Surtees Soc. II, s.a.; by Flo. Wig. in 091, 1012, 1014, 1016, 1039, 1041; by Wm. Malmesb. in 1039. Florence also speaks of censum exercitui in 1013, exercitui vectigdia in 1014, 1016; of £72,000 exercitui Danorum persoluta in 1018. Henry of Hunt, speaks of censum et victum in 1013. The royal huscarls were called stipendiarii in 1041 by Flo. Wig. and Symeon of Durham, and solidarii et stipendiarii in chaps. 2a and 8 of the “Leges Henrici.” Liebermann, I, 547, 554.

42 Gafol persisted in English boroughs, as gavel-pennies in Leicester; and for the derivation of this word, see my discussion.

43 Skot in Russia has already been mentioned, with the O. E. sceatt. The burghal “lot and scot” is the only one of the old rhyming pairs, which occurs exclusively in later boroughs, but in Wm. I's “Articuli X,” chap. 4.

44 And also earlier, as I hope to prove later.

45 Hist, of Russia, I, 67 and 78. The distinction made by Constantine between a povoz or “bringing” and a poludie or “visiting,” is through a mistake in Ključevskij's opinion, who thinks that word was heard wrongly as polidia (of the cities) by the Greek Emperor.

46 See above, p. 308.

47 Domesday Book, I, 336b, 2: “Stamford burgum regis, dedit geldum T.R.E. pro xii hundrez et dimidio. In exercitu et navigio et in danegeld …” This represents one payment in my opinion, which might be called by the use to which it was assigned, but actually was a third penny. See my discussion under that head.

48 Earle-Plummer, II, 219 calls attention to this grant in the Ordnance Survey of Anglo-Saxon M.S.S., II, No. 15, not in KCD. Here also a third penny was granted by an earl and confirmed by the Confessor.

49 Davis, Regesta, Introd. p. xxxiii f., lists these apparently genuine ones together with a number of doubtful ones:

50 See also my discussion.

51 This was of course the time when Geoffrey of Monmouth was writing his Historia Regum Brittania, of a still earlier time.

52 Liebermann, Gesetze, I, 559. London citizens were also declared free of scot, danegeld and the murdrum in Henry I's Charter, 1130–35.

53 Liebermann, Gesetze, I, 604–05.

54 Hughes, Crump and Johnson, ed. I, xi. Even Plummer (Two Saxon Chronicles, II, 233, 234) does not suggest that danegeld was not abolished by King Edward, according to the much later chronicles, which I have discussed elsewhere. If there had been a cessation of it under King Edward or after the Conquest to some period when it was again re-enacted, Richard Fitzneal gives no hint that there was any Exchequer tradition of it, as there should be. See Danegeld and the Earl's Third Fenny.

55 Ms. D for 1052, says it was established by King Ethelred 39 years before. Ms. C says, under 1050, “& þæ:s ylcan geares he sette ealle þa litsmen of male.“ Earle-Plummer, I, 173 and 172, evidently referring to the same.

56 Ravndal says (in The Story of the East Vikings, pp. 273 f.) that the Varangian Guard became a sort of corps d'élite of the Greek army, a status to which perhaps a claim to be “Odin's men” lent support all through the period and everywhere the Scandinavian brotherhood troops penetrated.

57 Cross, Povest', p. 174.

58 Cross, op. cit., Introd. p. 133–35; 174.

59 “Saga of Harold Hardredy,” Heimskringla, III, 70; chap. 11 mentions the “wagegold,” although I can find nothing in the poem of Thiodulf of it. However Snorri reports that Harold had three times, while in Micklegarth, “come into palace spoil. For that is law, that whenever the King of the Greeks dies, the Vaerings shall have palace spoil; they shall then go over all the king's palaces where are his wealth hoards, and then each one shall have for his own what so he may lay hands on… .” Ibid., p. 76. (I have quoted this as illustrating the practice of “wasting” the lands of outlaws, followers of Harold, in Domesday, and of the three days wasting in Worcester in 1041, after the murder of Harthacnut's two huscarls.)

60 Since Oleg had received twelve grivni per man for everyone on his 2000 ships, the same pay was promised to the men of Igor, but on a monthly arrangement, apparently at one grivna a month each, in addition to all other things. Cross, Povest', pp. 158–62.

The distinction between the “agents” (?legati) of the government and the “merchants” must be observed, as discussed later. It is also noteworthy that the important document of Philotheos on the organization of the Byzantine officials, complied in 899, shows various ranks bearing ivory tablets (12) and purple inscribed tablets (13). See Bury, The Imperial Administrative System, p. 22.

61 I use Morris and Magnusson's translations, which follow the edition of Unger (Christiania, 1868), even in the chapter numbers. Those of Finnur-Jonsson's edition (Kjöbenhavn, 1893–1900) vary slightly, as I have noted. Variations of significant words I have also noted.

62 “Skattgilda vann skyldir, skautjalfasar Gauta….” St. Olaf also took scat of the folk of Gautland, as his saga says in chap. VI.

63 Finnur-Jonsson, chap. XII: “J?eir-sottu sian austan à hans fund, ok jatluu honum hlyni sinni ok skattjöfum ok gerust hans þegnar… .“

64 ”… toku par skatta alia skyldir….“

65 Earl Hakon's rule in Norway extended from c. 975 to c. 995, when he died at the hands of Olaf Tryggvason. Chapter XXXVII is XXXIII in Finnur-Jonsson.

66 See Morris and Magnusson, Heimskringla, IV, index for scat, which is always money in Snorri's work.

67 Finnur-Jonsson ed., chap. CXXV, and CXXXV.

68 Ibid., chap. CXXXVI.

69 Cnut's “Letter of 1020,” Liebermann, Gesetze, I, 273: [3] “Ic nam me to gemynde þa gewritu & þa word þe se arcebisceop Lyfing me fram þam papan brohte of Rome, … [4] Nu ne wandode ic na minum sceattum, þa hwile þe eow unfri on handa stod; nu ic mid Godes fultume þàa:t totwasmde mid minum scattum.“

70 In her Alexiad, Anna Comnena mentions the Varangians three times. See translation by E. A. S. Dawes (London, 1928), p. 63 et ubique.

71 Povest', p. 175 (964–66).

72 The grivna (pound) was reckoned in silver, in furs, etc. Ključevskij says no coins were minted before the time of Vladimir, and that the Arabic coin, called the dirgem is found in many hoards in Russia, cut up into small pieces for change. Op. cit., I, 137–39.

73 Povest’ p. 180 (under 978–80).

74 The exact relation existing between the Varangian Imperial Guard at Constantinople, the Prince of Kiev's Retinue, the Jomsvikings, and other Scandinavian Royal Guards seems obscure. See my further discussion in Danegeld and the Earl's Third Penny; Povest', p. 180.

75 See my Danegeld and the Earl's Third Penny for discussion.

76 Those (?)Jomsvikings who placed Harthacnut on the English throne were promised 8 Marks on the oar-loop, which resolves itself into 32d. [2 orel for each of forty days service. See Danegeld and the Earl's Third Penny.

77 This can be based both on the report that Harold Hardredy put out an emperor's eyes, and on the way in which the Varangians seized the palace treasures on an Emperor's death as well as on their demands from Vladimir of Kiev and of Harthacnut in 1041.

78 As Round showed, “Danegeld and the Finance of Domesday,” Domesday Studies, I.