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A Century of Tatar Revival 1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 January 2017

Extract

When, in 1766, Catherine II summoned the Legislative Commission to convene in Petersburg, there were among the deputies representing the various provinces of the Russian empire delegates sent by the Moslem population of the Volga and Ural regions. In the memoranda which these delegates presented to the Commission and in the instructions received by them from their electors, there were embodied the main grievances of the Tatar people. These complaints concerned the difficult religious and economic situation of the Tatars, who, since conquest of the Kazan khanate by Ivan the Terrible, had been subjected to permanent persecution for there faith and had become severely restricted in their rights. The Tatar delegates asked for recognition of their faith, for the removal of limitations on their trade activity, and for restitution of the rights of the Tatar nobility.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies 1953

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Footnotes

1

In order to avoid a misinterpretation of the term “Tatar,” which has varied in meaning through the ages, the author considers it necessary to define its use in the present study. The name of a Mongol tribe, it has come since the time of the iMongol conquest of Russia to be applied to most of the Turkic-speaking .tribes of eastern Europe and part of Asia. In tsarist times, for example, the Azerbaijanis, various tribes of the Northern Caucasus and of Siberia, and the Tatars of the present Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and of neighboring districts in the Volga-Ural (or Idel-Ural, “Idel” being a Tatar name for Volga) region, were called “Tatars.” Since the creation of the Tatar ASSR, this name is now applied only to the last-named group of the Volga-Ural region, and it is so used in this paper.

Statistics of 1939 give the total number of Tatars as 4.3 million, of which about 3.5 million lived in the Tatar and Bashkir ASSR's and in neighboring districts.

References

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3 N. N. Firsov, “Nekotorye certy iz istorii torgovopromyslennoj žižni Povolžja,” Izvestija Obščestva Arkheologii, Istorii i Ètnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom Universitete (hereafter abbreviated IOKU),XIV (Kazan), 493.

4 A. Možarovskij, “Izloženie khoda missionerskogo dela po prosveščeniju Kazanskikh inorodcev s 1552 po 1867 god,” Čtenija v imper. O-ve istorii Drevnostej Rossijskikh pri Moskovskom Universitete, CXII, 1, 101–2Google Scholar, and Baženov, N., Kazanskaja istorija (Kazan, 1847), III, 7677 Google Scholar.

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5 Iskhaki, A., Idel Ural (Paris, 1933), p. 25.Google Scholar

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8 PSZ, XXII (September 22, 1788), No. 16.710.

9 F. Sajfi, “Tatary do fevral'skoj revoljucii,” Trudy doma tatarskoj kul'tury (Kazan, 1930), Vol. I, and Istorija Tatarii v materialakh i dokumentakh, hereafter abbreviated 1st. Tatarii (Moscow, 1937), pp. 311–12.Google Scholar

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12 A large number of Samoyeds and Ostyaks in Western Siberia were Tatarized in this manner, as well as important sections of Mordva and Chuvash, and Tatarization was always connected with conversion to Islam. The natives of the Barabine steppes were converted to Islam as late as 1743. M. A. Terentiev, Rossija i Anglija v bor'be za rynki (St. Petersburg, 1876). See also Iskhaki, , op. cit., pp. 22, 27Google Scholar, and Magnickij, V. K., “Neskol'ko dannykh o mišarakh,” IOKU, XIII, 254.Google Scholar

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14 1st. Tatarii, p. 305.

15 A. Aršaruni and Kh. Gubadullin, Očerki Panislamizma 2. Vanturkizma v Rossii (Moscow, 1930), p. 8; and D. Validov, Očerk istorii literatury i obrazovannosti tatar (Moscow, 1923), p. 19. Sajfi, F., op. cit., p. 207.Google Scholar

16 INU, p. 212, and G. Ibragimov, Tatary v revoljucijn 190$ goda (Kazan, 1926), pp. 15–16.

17 Terentiev, A. M., op. cit., p. 25.Google Scholar

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19 Ibragimov, G., op. cit., p. 15.Google Scholar

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26 INU, pp. 217–18, 222Google ScholarPubMed; Serebjannikov, A. G., Sbornik materialov dlja istorii zavoevanija Turkestanskogo kraja (Tashkent, 1914), IV, 77, 175.Google Scholar

27 1st. Kaz. SSR, p. 299.

28 INU , p. 273.

29 Ibid.

30 The first was completed in 1899, the latter in 1906.

31 Asfendirov, S. D., Istorija Kazakhstana (Alma Ata, 1934), p. 210.Google Scholar

32 Ibid., and Aršaruni, A. and Gubadullin, Kh., op. cit., pp. 89.Google Scholar

33 Aršaruni, A. and Gubadullin, Kh., op. cit., pp. 4344.Google Scholar

34 Asfendirov, , op. cit., pp. 209–10.Google Scholar

35 The Kazakh intelligentsia and politicians were greater Russophiles than the Tatar intelligentsia, and, since the Kazakh merchant class was practically nonexistent, they were more independent in their activity than were the Tatar intelligentsia and politicians, who were completely dependent upon the strong Tatar merchant class. The Kazakhs were also less influenced by Islamic culture than were the Tatars. Representatives of the Kazakh enlightenment of the nineteenth century, such as Abaj Kunanbajev, Ubraj Altynsaryn, and particularly Cokan Valikhanov, a friend and admirer of Dostoevski], were the defenders of Kazakh inclusion in Western culture through the Russians. They were the Westernizers of Kazakhstan. In the Duma the Kazakh representatives, headed by A. Bukejkhanov, were closer to the Russian “Cadet” faction (Constitutional Democrats) than to the Moslem bloc. See 1st. Kaz. SSR, op. cit., pp. 316-21, 326-28, 331-33; Asfendirov, op. cit., pp. 202-4; and Mindlin, Z., “Kirgizy i revoljucija,” Novyj Vostok, No. 5 (1929), pp. 215–19.Google Scholar

36 The cause of the conflict between Tatars and Bashkirs was the former's desire to treat the Bashkirs as a part of the Tatar people and not as a separate national group.

37 Validov, D., op. cit., p. 32.Google Scholar

38 Validov, D., op. cit., p. 33.Google Scholar

39 Ibragimov, G., op. cit., p. 29.Google Scholar

40 Gubajdullin, G., op. cit., p. 103.Google Scholar In his major work, The Fruits of Discussion, G. K. Nasyri wrote, “The Tatar language is no less adapted to expressing thoughts and no less beautiful than other tongues.” Quoted by N. Asmarin in “Očerki literaturnoj dejatel'nosti Kazanskikh Tatar Mokhammedan,” Trudy po Vostokovedeniju (Lazarevskij Institute, Moscow, 1901), IV, 38.

41 E. Voronec, “Učitel'skaja Seminarija v Kazani,” Russkij Vestnik (July, 1873), and Iskhaki, , op. cit., p. 24.Google Scholar

42 Gubajdullin, G., op. cit., pp. 109110.Google Scholar

43 It is of peculiar interest to contrast tsarist policies toward the national minorities of the empire with those of the Soviet Government. Gasprinskij spread his nationalist ideas for over a quarter of a century, unhindered by either police or censorship. He formed the first elements of his Pan-Turkic ideology under the influence of the Slavophiles, with whom he became acquainted while living in the house of Katkov in Moscow, where he was studying. Later he completed his education by reading the Russian liberal and radical writers Belinskij, Cernyševskij, Dobroljubov, et al., in the private library of Mr. Šestov, Chief of Police in Bakhčisaraj, in the Crimea. See Mende, G. V., Der nationale Kampf der Russlandstiirken (Berlin, 1936), p. 45.Google Scholar

44 Aršaruni, A. and Gubadullin, Kh., op. cit., p. 37.Google Scholar

45 Adres kalendar’ i spravočnaja kniga goroda Kazani i Kazanskoj gubernii, (Kazan, 1916), pp. 267-73.

46 E. Kirimal, Der nationale Kampf der Krimturken (Emstetten, 1952), p. 11. Iskhaki, op. cit., p. 38, maintains that in 1914 a hundred percent of Tatar children of school age were covered by the network of Tatar schools. According to the census of 1926, 33.6 percent of the Tatars were literate. At the same time, among the Finno-Ugric tribes of the east, the percentage of literates was only 16 to 26 percent, and among the natives of Central Asia, 2.2 to 7.1 percent. See Lorrimer, Frank, Population of the Soviet Union (Princeton, Geneva, 1947), pp. 5561.Google Scholar

47 Heyd, U., Foundation of Turkish Nationalism (London, 1950), pp. 107–8Google Scholar; Zaverand, , Turcija i Fanturanizm (Paris, 1936), pp. 5456 Google Scholar; Validov, D., op. cit., pp. 6465 Google Scholar; and Mende, G. V., “Jusuf Akcura,” Osteuropa, X, 564.Google Scholar

48 N. Amšarin, “NeskoFko slov o sovremennoj literature Kazanskikh Tatar,” iurnal Ministerstva Narodnogo Prosveščenija (Petersburg, 1905), p. 3. Amšarin speaks here of the competition between proponents of the Tatar vernacular and the Ottoman literary languages. The final decision on use of the Tatar folk tongue was made at the conference of Tatar writers and journalists in 1924. N. Borodzin, “Sovremënnyj Tatarstan,” Novyj Vostok, Nos. 10-11 (1925).

49 Ibragimov, G., op. cit., pp. 147–48Google Scholar; Zaverand, , op. cit., pp. 4648 Google Scholar; and Sajfi, F., op. cit., pp. 214–15Google Scholar.

50 The Tatar nationalist political program was not officially announced but was discussed during the unofficial meetings of the congress.

51 Zaverand, , op. cit., p. 49.Google Scholar

52 Murtazin, A., Baškiry i baškirskie vojska v graždanskuju vojnu (Moscow, 1927), pp. 5161 Google Scholar; see also Pipes, R., “The First Experiment in Soviet National Policies: the Bashkir Republic, 1917–1920,” in Russian Review (October, 1950), pp. 303–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.