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Beyond Payment and Delivery Reform: The Individual Mandate's Cost-Control Potential
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 January 2021
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In a symposium focused on healthcare cost control, most of our authors have unsurprisingly highlighted and assessed Obamacare’s payment and delivery reforms—the supply-side efforts to decrease costs of medical treatment. But there is another party in healthcare decision-making who is equally or even more important: the patient. The question we will tackle here is whether the individual mandate and its accompanying patient-centered insurance reforms might decrease costs for patients in ways that ought to matter in assessing Obamacare’s cost control provisions.
The individual mandate’s cost control potential lies in its reduction or even elimination of patients’ decision costs. The mandate, together with its minimum coverage requirements and a handful of the statute’s substantive insurance reforms, combats demand-side inefficiencies that might arise from patients’ bounded rationality. Decisions about whether to buy commercial insurance, how much insurance to buy, whether to consume preventive care, and how much to pay for that care are all difficult decisions. In order to make optimal choices, patients need a lot of information that is costly to obtain and to evaluate.
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References
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8 Id. § 18022.
9 Id. § 300gg-13.
10 Id. § 300gg-18.
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30 See Moncrieff, supra note 5, at 2352 (“[T]he … insurance market … is fraught with information costs, preventing individual patients … from judging the quality of a given insurance contract.”).
31 See Moncrieff, supra note 4, at 557 (“[T]he vast majority of self-insured individuals are also underinsured.”).
32 See id. at 558 (“The problem that Obamacare sought to fix, then, is not just that the self - insured consume care they cannot afford; it is also that they do a bad job of consuming care they can afford.”).
33 26 U.S.C. § 5000A (2012).
34 The mandate penalty maxes out in 2016 and beyond at the greater of 2.5% MAGI or $695, but cannot exceed the national average cost of a bronze-level plan. So, the highest earning individuals will be indifferent (because their contribution will be capped by the cost of a bronze plan), but middle - income (paying 2.5% MAGI) and low-income (paying $695) individuals will face a penalty less than the cost of a bronze plan. See ANNIE L. MACH, CONG. RESEARCH SERV., R41331, INDIVIDUAL MANDATE UNDER ACA 2 (March 6, 2014), available at http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R41331.pdf.
35 42 U.S.C. § 18022 (2012).
36 Of course, Tea Party Americans experience a non-monetary cost from losing the battle in a majoritarian system and a separate non-monetary cost from the imposition of the government as their delegate in this choice. They must now decide whether the hedonic injury of complying with majoritarian-induced government directives is worth more or less to them than the cost of paying the penalty for failure to insure. That decision is not an easy one and imposes its own cognitive costs; they might choose to comply but feel depressed by the sense of defeat and compulsion in making that choice.
37 See Cutler & Zeckhauser, supra note 13, at 588-89 (“Patients, physicians, and insurers are in a principal-agent relationship: the patient (principal) expects the doctor (agent) to act in his best interest when he is sick.”).
38 See id. at 588 (“In most cases of serious expenditure, it is the doctors who make the resource - spending decision, with patients and insurers bearing the costs; patients usually do not know the charge until the bill comes.”).
39 See id. at 590 (“Increasingly, insurers attempt to provide incentives for providers to limit spending.”).
40 See 42 U.S.C. § 1395y(a)(1)(A) (providing that Medicare will not make payments that “are not reasonable and necessary for the diagnosis or treatment of illness or injury”); Beal v. Doe, 432 U.S. 438, 444-45 (1977) (“Although serious statutory questions might be presented if a state Medicaid plan excluded necessary medical treatment from its coverage, it is hardly inconsistent with the objectives of the [Social Security] Act for a State to refuse to fund unnecessary though perhaps desirable medical services.”).
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42 See id. at 1645-46.
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45 See Peele, Pamela B. et al., Employer-Sponsored Health Insurance: Are Employers Good Agents for Their Employees?, 78 MILBANK Q. 5, 7 (2000)CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed (finding employers are effective agents for their employees if “[e]mployers understand their employees’ health plan preferences[;] … incorporate employee preferences into their health plan designs[;] … [and] establish mechanisms for soliciting and understanding their employees’ preferences and provide useful information to their employees about their health insurance offerings.”).
46 See Moncrieff, supra note 5, at 2352 (“The market for employer-sponsored health insurance is undoubtedly a competitive one, with many MCOs and other insurers trying to sell their products to many employers.”).
47 See id. at 2353 (“Part of the value of the ESI system, then, is that employers (and other large - group purchasers) are well-positioned to aggregate information across employees and over time.”); Peele et al., supra note 45, at 15-16 (“Most employees [surveyed] were of the opinion that their employers were far more knowledgeable about health insurance plans and were much better equipped to sort through the plans and options than they were individually.”).
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49 42 U.S.C. § 300gg-41 (2012).
50 Id. § 300gg-18.
51 Id.
52 See SUZANNE M. KIRCHOFF & JANEMARIE MULVEY, CONG. RESEARCH SERV., R42735, MEDICAL LOSS RATIO REQUIREMENTS UNDER THE PATIENT PROTECTION AND AFFORDABLE CARE ACT (ACA): ISSUES FOR CONGRESS 1 (2012), available at http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R42735.pdf (“In general, the higher a plan's [medical loss ratio], the more value a consumer is receiving (i.e., the more each dollar of premiums paid goes toward health benefits and not towards overhead).”).
53 See Cutler & Zeckhauser, supra note 13 at 590 (“The medical care system is a network, with patients, monies and information flowing from one party to another. The information flow to insurers, however, is not so rich that they can guarantee that only cost -effective care will be provided.”).
54 See id.
55 See id. at 588 (“In most cases of serious expenditure, it is the doctors who make the resource - spending decision, with patients and insurers bearing the costs; patients usually do not know the charge until the bill comes.”).
56 See Moncrieff, supra note 31, at 548 (“If individuals are not required to spend money on this kind of future-regarding care, they will consume systematically too little of it.”).
57 See id. at 549 (“[B]ecause of hyperbolic discounting, the longer timescale between present investment and future reward causes a bigger gap between optimal and actual present valuation.”).
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60 See 42 U.S.C. § 300gg-13 (2012). But see Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. v. Sebelius, 723 F.3d 1114 (10th Cir. 2013), cert granted 134 S. Ct. 678 (2013); Petition for Writ of Certiorari at I, Hobby Lobby, 723 F.3d 1114 (No. 13-354) (petitioning as to the constitutionality and legality of rule requiring most employee health plans to offer free contraceptive services).
61 42 U.S.C. § 300gg-13.
62 U.S. PREVENTIVE SERVS. TASK FORCE, http://www.uspreventiveservicestaskforce.org/ (last visited May 12, 2014) (“The USPSTF strives to make accurate, up -to-date, and relevant recommendations about preventive services in primary care.”).
63 42 U.S.C. § 300gg-13 (providing that insurers “shall not impose any cost sharing requirements” for preventive care).
64 See supra Part II.B.
65 See generally David R. Williams & Chiquita Collins. U.S. Socioeconomic and Racial Differences in Health: Patterns and Explanations, in RACE, ETHNICITY, AND HEALTH: A PUBLIC HEALTH READER 375 (Thomas LaVeist & Lydia Isaac, eds., 2d ed. 2002); Kawachi, Ichiro, et al., Health Disparities by Race and Class: Why Both Matter, 24 HEALTH AFF. 343 (2005)CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.
66 The Kaldor-Hicks efficiency criterion states that an intervention is efficient if individuals that are made worse off from the intervention can be compensated for their loss by those who are made better off from the intervention, in utilitarian terms. That is, the winners gain more than the losers lose. It has been considered an alternative to the Pareto efficiency standard, which has long been the gold standard for economists, which states that an efficient intervention makes some people better off without making anyone worse off. The Kaldor-Hicks standard is often more practicable. See, e.g., Calabresi, Guido, The Pointlessness of Pareto: Carrying Coase Further, 100 YALE L.J. 1211, 1221-27 (1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar (discussing the superiority of the Kaldor-Hicks model over the Pareto model); Sen, Amartya, The Discipline of Cost-Benefit Analysis, 29 J. LEGAL STUDS. 931, 947 (2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar (discussing the compensation criterion of the Kaldor-Hicks model). But see Stringham, Edward, Kaldor-Hicks Efficiency and the Problem of Central Planning, 4 Q. J. AUSTRIAN ECON. 41, 48 (2001)Google Scholar (arguing that “Kaldor-Hicks is an unusable standard”).