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The American Tradition of International Law. Vol. 1: Great Expectations, 1789-1914. By Mark Weston Janis. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. Pp. vii, 162. Index. $65, £30.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 February 2017
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References
1 Morton, J. Horwitz The Transformation of American Law, 1780-1860 (1977)Google Scholar; Morton, J. Horowitz The Transformation of American Law, 1870-1960: The Crisis of Legal Orthodoxy (1992).Google Scholar
2 Much of this material had been published by Janis in Jeremy Bentham and the Fashioning of “International law, “78 AJIL 405 (1984).
3 For a recent overview (with useful sections on the United States and Britain), see Jean-Louis, Halpérin Entre Nationalisme Juridique et Communauté de Droit (1999).Google Scholar
4 See Schmitt, Carl Der Nomos Der Erde im Völkerrecht der Jus Publicum Europaeum 200-85 (1950).Google Scholar Though Grewe credits most of the universalist turn in the nineteenth century to British predominance, this was also in the U.S. interest, Wllhelm, G. Grewe The Epochs of International Law 575-88 (Byers, Michael trans. & ed., 2000).Google Scholar
5 John, M. Raymond & Barbara, J. Frischholz Lawyers Who Established International Law in the United States, 1776-1914, 76 AJIL 802 (1982).Google Scholar
6 See especially the writings collected in Antony Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty, and The Making of International Law (2005), and also Kennedy, David International Law and the Nineteenth Century: History of an Illusion, 65 Nordic J. Int’l L. 385 (1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In comparing Kent and Wheaton to Grotius, useful insight would have been received from Peter Haggenmacher, Grotius et la Doctrine de la Guerre Juste (1986) (arguing that Grotius was interested only in the law of war and was not seeking to establish an independent doctrine of “international law”) and Tuck, Richard The Rights of War and Peace 78-108 (1999).Google Scholar
7 In this connection, the Argentinean Carlos Calvo is oddly (but perhaps significantly) mistaken as French (p. 138).
8 Kennedy, Duncan Two Globalizations of Law and Legal Thought: 1850-1968, 36 Suffolk U. L. Rev. 631, 637–48 (2003).Google Scholar
9 See Kingsbury, Benedict Legal Positivism as Normative Politics: International Society, Balance of Power, and Lassa Oppenheim’s Positive International Law, 13 Eur. J. Int’l L. 401 (2002)Google Scholar; Schmoeckel, Mathias Lassa Oppenheim (1858-1919), in Jurists Uprooted: German-Speaking Emigre Lawyers in Twentieth- Century Britain 583 (Beatson, Jack & Zimmermann, Reinhardt eds., 2004).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
10 “C’est done comme une oeuvre d’influence européenne, et notamment d’influence allemande, que se présente á nous l’ouvrage qui fait apparaître pour la première fois, depuis leur indépendence, les Etats-Unis dans la littérature du droit international.” Albert Geouffre de, Lapradelle Maîtres et Doctrines du Droit des Gens 205 (2d ed. 1950).Google Scholar
11 Apart from the problems of method (which are referred to above), there is, for example, no bibliography in this book. None of the interpretations of particular writers or doctrines is supported by any wide (or any) set of references to other interpretative work.
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