1 See Robert Staughton Lynd & Helen Merren Lynd, Middletown: A Study in Contemporary American Culture (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1929), and id., Middletown in Transition: A Study in Cultural Conflicts (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1937).Google Scholar

2 For an example of a study conducted in this vein, see Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure: A Study of Decision Makers (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1953).Google Scholar

3 This is, of course, the central assumption of economic theory and research, as well as of many efforts based on survey research. For a sociological (and legal) example, see Joel F. Handler, The Lawyer and His Community: The Practicing Bar in a Middle-sized City (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967).Google Scholar

4 See Edward O. Laumann and Franz U. Pappi, Networks of Collective Action: A Perspective on Community Influence Systems (New York: Academic Press, 1976).Google Scholar

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10 The status of American blacks prior to the 1960s provides an excellent case in point. See Arnold Rose, The Negro in America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1956).Google Scholar

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14 About halfway through the interviewing for this study, one of the persons listed in table 1, Tyrone, was elected to the Illinois Supreme Court. He could easily qualify for joint membership in the practice and the political elites.Google Scholar

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17 In this regard, it is interesting to note that on both of the variables where significant differences emerge between the house counsel elite and the general population, the directions of the differences are the same. On both, the elite house counsel stand above the larger group of house counsel by having come from more socially prestigious family settings and by having reached higher levels of achievement in law school. Those differences distinguish the elite house counsel from the population in a descriptive representational sense, but they are differences that might serve to mark the elite house counsel as “exemplars” for their sector. Were that to be true, it would pose no threat to the ability of the house counsel elite to claim the legitimacy of representation and might well be an advantage to them in that regard.Google Scholar

18 The entries in tables 3 and 4 are shortened versions of the original questions, the full statements of which can be found in Jeffrey S. Slovak, Lawyers for Corporate Actors: A Professional Elite in Collective Decision-Making (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1979).Google Scholar

19 Laumann & Pappi, supra note 4.Google Scholar

20 For the full discussion of these analyses in the German context, see id.Google Scholar

21 This same distinction was employed in Slovak, Giving and Getting Respect, supra note 6, to operationalize the idea of sectoral differentiation within the corporate actor legal elite.Google Scholar

22 Membership rates in formal organizations reported in the literature vary widely depending on the types of organizations being studied. As examples, see Axelrod, Morris, Urban Structure and Social Participation, 21 Am. Soc. Rev. 13 (1956); Babchuk, Nicholas, & Booth, Alan, Voluntary Association Membership: A Longitudinal Analysis, 34 Am. Soc. Rev. 31 (1969); Bell, Wendell, & Force, Mary-anne T., Social Structure and Participation in Different Types of Formal Associations, 34 Social Forces 345 (1956); and Hyman, Herbert H. & Wright, Charles R., Trends in Voluntary Association Memberships of American Adults: Replication Based on Secondary Analysis of National Sample Surveys, 36 Am. Soc. Rev. 191 (1971). Active participation rates are usually much smaller. See, e.g., the articles by Axelrod and by Bell & Force, and Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie, Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality (New York: Harper & Row, 1972).Google Scholar

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27 Goode, supra note 5.Google Scholar

28 The information behind the following case studies came from a number of sources. Primary source material came from elite respondents, who provided some data during their interviews, and, in addition, from interviews conducted by Heinz and Laumann with nearly 70 organizational leaders of the Chicago Bar Association. All respondents have been treated as confidential informants for the purposes of this paper.Google Scholar

29 E.g., see Hunter, supra note 2; G. William Domhoff, Who Rules America? (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1967), and C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite (New York: Oxford University Press, 1956).Google Scholar

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31 Ill. Ann. Stat. ch. 110A, 751 (Supreme Court Rule 751) (Smith-Hurd Cum. Supp. 1980–81).Google Scholar

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34 Id. at 22–23.Google Scholar

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36 Mike Royko chronicles the entire scandal in Royko, Boss: Richard J. Daley of Chicago (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1971).Google Scholar

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38 See Olson, supra note 9, for a detailed discussion of the effects of group size.Google Scholar

39 See Talcott Parsons, Structure and Process in Modern Society (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1960), or id., The Social System (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1951).Google Scholar

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47 Justice Cardozo is quoted in Martin Mayer, The Lawyers 48 (New York: Harper & Row, 1967).Google Scholar

48 Erwin O. Smigel, The Wall Street Lawyer 342 (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1964).CrossRefGoogle Scholar