Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-v9fdk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-19T14:43:31.640Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Late Pleistocene Western Camel (Camelops Hesternus) Hunting in Southwestern Canada

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Brian Kooyman
Affiliation:
Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary, 2500 University Drive N.W., Calgary, Alberta T2N 1N4, CANADA ([email protected])
L.V. Hills
Affiliation:
Department of Geosciences and Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary, 2500 University Drive NW, Calgary, Alberta T2N 1N4, CANADA.
Shayne Tolman
Affiliation:
P.O. Box 1146, Cardston, Alberta TOK OKO, CANADA.
Paul McNeil
Affiliation:
Steppe Consulting, 264 Edgebrook Park N.W., Calgary, Alberta T3A 5T7, CANADA.

Abstract

Late Pleistocene large mammal extinctions in North America have been attributed to a number of factors or combination of factors, primarily climate change and human hunting, but the relative roles of these factors remain much debated. Clo-vis-period hunters exploited species such as mammoth, but many now extinct species such as camels were seemingly not hunted. Archaeological evidence from the Wally’s Beach site in southern Canada, including stone tools and butchered bone, provide the first evidence that Clovis people hunted North American camels. Archaeologists generally dismiss human hunting as a significant contributor to Pleistocene extinctions in North America, but Wally’s Beach demonstrates that human hunting was more inclusive than assumed and we must continue to consider hunting as a factor in Pleistocene extinctions.

Las extinciones de grandes mamíferos del Pleistoceno Tarde en América del Norte se han atribuido a una serie de factores o la combinación de factores, principalmente el cambio climático y la caza hecha por los seres humanos, pero la importancia relativa de estos factores siguen siendo muy debatido. Cazadores del período Clovis explotaron especies como mamut, pero muchas especies ahora extintas como los camellos no fueron aparentemente cazados. La evidencia arqueológica en el sitio de Wally’s Beach en el sur de Canadá, incluidas las herramientas de piedra y huesos modificados por seres humanos, proporcionan la primera evidencia de que la gente de Clovis cazaba camellos en América del Norte. Arqueólogos generalmente desestiman la caza como un contribuyente significativo a la extinción del Pleistoceno en América del Norte, pero Wally’s Beach demuestra que la caza por seres humanos estaba más extendida de lo previsto, y debemos seguir examinando la caza como un factor en la extinción del Pleistoceno.

Type
Reports
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for American Archaeology 2012

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

References Cited

Alroy, John, 2001 A Multispecies Overkill Simulation of the End-Pleistocene Megafaunal Mass Extinction. Science 292:18931896.Google Scholar
Barnosky, Anthony D., Koch, Paul L., Feranec, Robert S., Wing, Scott L., and Shabel, Alan B., 2004 Assessing the Causes of Late Pleistocene Extinctions on the Continents. Science 306:7075.Google Scholar
Bello, Silvia M., and Soligo, C. 2008 A New Method for the Quantitative Analysis of Cutmark Micromorphology. Journal of Archaeological Science 35:15421552.Google Scholar
Binford, Lewis R., 1978 Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology. Academic Press, New York.Google Scholar
Bonnichsen, Robson, 1979 Pleistocene Bone Technology in the Beringian Refugium. National Museum of Man, Ottawa.Google Scholar
Brain, Charles K., 1981 The Hunters or the Hunted? An Introduction to African Cave Taphonomy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.Google Scholar
Crader, Diane C., 1983 Recent Single-carcass Bone Scatters and the Problem of “Butchery” Sites in the Archaeological Record. In Animals and Archaeology: 1. Hunters and their Prey, edited by J. Clutton-Brock and C. Grigson, pp.107141. BAR International Series 163, British Archaeological Reports, Oxford.Google Scholar
Domínguez-Rodrigo, Manuel, de Juana, S., Galán, A.B., and Rodríguez, M. 2009 A New Protocol to Differentiate Trampling Marks from Butchery Cut Marks. Journal of Archaeological Science 36:26432654.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eichhoff, S., and Herrmann, B. 1985 Surface Marks on Bones from a Neolithic Collective Grave (Odagsen, Lower Saxony). A Study of Differential Diagnosis. Journal of Human Evolution 14:263274.Google Scholar
Grayson, Donald K., and Meltzer, David 2002 Clovis Hunting and Large Mammal Extinction: A Critical Review of the Evidence. Journal of World Prehistory 16:313359.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grayson, Donald K., and Meltzer, David 2003 A Requiem for North American Overkill. Journal of Archaeological Science 30:585593.Google Scholar
Greenfield, Haskel J., 1999 The Origins of Metallurgy: Distinguishing Stone from Metal Cut-marks on Bones from Archaeological Sites. Journal of Archaeological Science 26:797808.Google Scholar
Haynes, Gary, 1982 Utilization and Skeletal Disturbances of North American Prey Carcasses. Arctic 35:266281.Google Scholar
Haynes, Gary, and Stanford, D. 1984 On the Possible Use of Camelops by Early Man in North America. Quaternary Research 22:216230.Google Scholar
Hill, Matthew E., 2007 A Moveable Feast: Variation in Faunal Resource Use Among Central and Western North American Paleoindian Sites. American Antiquity 72:417438.Google Scholar
Johnson, E., 1977 Animal Food Resources of Paleoindians. Museum Journal 17:6577.Google Scholar
Johnson, E., 1985 Current Developments in Bone Technology. In Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory Volume 8, edited by Michael B. Schiffer, pp. 157235. Academic Press, Orlando.Google Scholar
Kooyman, Brian P., Newman, Margert E., Cluney, Christine, Lobb, Murray, Tolman, Shayne, McNeil, Paul, and Hills, L.V. 2001 Identification of Horse Exploitation by Clovis Hunters Based on Protein Analysis. American Antiquity 66:686691.Google Scholar
Kooyman, B. P., Hills, L.V., McNeil, Paul, and Tolman, Shayne 2006 Late Pleistocene Horse Hunting at the Wally’s Beach Site (DhPg-8), Canada. American Antiquity 71:101121.Google Scholar
Lopinot, Neal H., and Jack Ray, H. 2007 Trampling Experiments in the Search for the Earliest Americans American Antiquity 72:771782.Google Scholar
Lyman, R. Lee, 1994 Vertebrate Taphonomy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Martin, Paul S., and Klein, Richard G. (editors) 1984 Quaternary Extinctions: A Prehistoric Revolution. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.Google Scholar
Martin, P. S., and Wright, Herbert E. (editors) 1967 Pleistocene Extinctions: The Search for a Cause. Yale University Press, New Haven.Google Scholar
McNeil, Paul, Hills, L. V., Kooyman, Brian P., and Tolman, Shayne 2004 Late Pleistocene Geology and Fauna of the Wally’s Beach site (DhPg-8) Alberta, Canada. In Archaeology on the Edge: New Perspectives from the Northern Plains, edited by B. P. Kooyman, J. H. Kelley, pp.7994. University of Calgary Press, Calgary.Google Scholar
McNeil, Paul, Hills, L. V., Tolman, Shayne, and Kooyman, Brian P. 2007 Significance of Latest Pleistocene Tracks, Trackways, and Trample Grounds from Southern Alberta, Canada. In Cenozoic Vertebrate Tracks and Traces, edited by S.G. Lucas, J.A. Spielmann, and M.G. Lockley, pp. 209223. New Mexico Museum of Natural History and Science Bulletin 42, Albuquerque.Google Scholar
McPherron, Shannon P., Alemseged, Zeresenay, Marean, Curtis W., Wynn, Jonathan G., Reed, Denne, Geraads, Denis, Bobe, Rene, and Béarat, Hamdallah A. 2010 Evidence for Stone-tool-assisted Consumption of Animal Tissues before 3.39 Million Years Ago at Dikika, Ethiopia. Nature 466: 857860.Google Scholar
Meltzer, David J., 1989 Why Don’t We Know When the First People Came to North America? American Antiquity 54:471490.Google Scholar
Morlan, R. E., 1983 Spiral Fractures on Limb Bones: Which Ones are Artificial? In Carnivores, Humans, Scavengers and Predators: A Question of Bone Technology, edited by G.M. LeMoine and A.S. MacEachern, pp. 241269. Chacmool, Calgary.Google Scholar
O’Connell, James F., and Hawkes, Kristen 1988 Hadza Hunting, Butchering, and Bone Transport and Their Archaeological Implications. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 44:113161.Google Scholar
Olsen, S. L., and Shipman, Pat 1988 Surface Modification of Bone: Trampling Versus Butchery. Journal of Archaeological Science 15:535553.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shipman, Pat, and Rose, Jennie 1983 Early Hominid Hunting, Butchering, and Carcass-processing Behaviors: Approaches to the Fossil Record. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 2:5798.Google Scholar
Stanford, Dennis, 1999 Paleoindian Archaeology and Late Pleistocene Environments in the Plains and Southwest United States. In Ice Age Peoples of North America: Environments, Origins and Adaptations of the First Americans, edited by R. Bonnichsen and K.L. Turnmire, pp.281339. Centre for the Study of the First Americans, Corvallis, Oregon.Google Scholar
Waguespack, Nicole M., and Surovell, Todd A. 2003 Clovis Hunting Strategies, or How to Make Out on Plentiful Resources. American Antiquity 68:333352.Google Scholar
Wheat, Joe B., 1972 The Olsen-Chubbuck Site: A Paleo-lndian Bison Kill. Memoir 26. Society for American Archaeology, Washington.Google Scholar